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The Time to Act Is Now

By Milan Vego
June 1993
Proceedings
Vol. 119/6/1,084
Article
View Issue
Comments

This html article is produced from an uncorrected text file through optical character recognition. Prior to 1940 articles all text has been corrected, but from 1940 to the present most still remain uncorrected.  Artifacts of the scans are misspellings, out-of-context footnotes and sidebars, and other inconsistencies.  Adjacent to each text file is a PDF of the article, which accurately and fully conveys the content as it appeared in the issue.  The uncorrected text files have been included to enhance the searchability of our content, on our site and in search engines, for our membership, the research community and media organizations. We are working now to provide clean text files for the entire collection.

 

By now it should be clear that relying exclusively on diplomacy to stop the Serbs’ aggression has failed. Western countries have suf­fered a serious loss of prestige and influence in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe, the political unifi­cation of Europe has suffered a blow, and both NATO and the Western European Union look dangerously impotent and hence ir­relevant in post-Cold War Europe. The ineffectual policies toward Belgrade cannot continue without undermining U.S. security interests and superpower status.

The past two years have resulted ■n our steadily deeper involvement in the Balkans, but have accom­plished little. This policy of creeping incrementalism” looks uncomfortably similar to the one that led us into the Vietnam quag­mire. In the end, the United States Will have only two choices: aban­don the entire area or intervene massively. A new policy is ur­gently needed if U.S. ground troops are not to be deployed.

We have vital national interests in the Balkans. As long as Europe is considered vital to U.S. security, no part of Europe should be em­broiled in a long and festering conflict. This threatens to involve regional powers and major Euro­pean powers. In the absence of resolute Western action, conflict in Yugoslavia is unlikely to stop.

Unfortunately, there are few op­tions left for the West. A course that could avoid the two extremes of abandonment or intervention should be found and carried out.

Before deciding on any military action, however, we must deter­mine our political and military ob­jectives and the desired end state in the former Yugoslavia. Without clear, achievable objectives, no military actions should be contem­plated. Therefore, U.S. political objectives in the former Yu­goslavia should be to:

►  Restore and preserve the territor­ial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

►  Force the Bosnian Serbs to ne­gotiate seriously to end their con­flict with the legally elected gov­ernment in Sarajevo.

►  Preserve Macedonia’s indepen­dence. Force Serbs to stop their re­pressive policies toward the Alba­nians in Kosovo; prevent possible “ethnic cleansing” in Kosovo, Sandjak, and Vojvodina.

►  Disclaim any change of internal borders gained by force.

The military objectives of U.S. intervention should be to:

►  Reduce the imbalance in fire­power between the opposing forces.

►  Deter the Serbs from renewing war in Croatia.

►Prevent the conflict from spread­ing to Macedonia, Albania, or Hungary.

The desired end state should:

►  End hostilities and restore terri­torial integrity and sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

►  Put Bosnia and Herzegovina under a ten-year U.N. mandate, pending final resolution.

►  Ensure Serbs relinquish control of all territories acquired by force.

►  Reduce the offensive capability of the Yugoslav Army (under in­ternational supervision).

The mission of U.S. forces might be stated: “Use all available forces and assets to defeat Serbian- controlled forces to restore territor­ial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina and reestablish the authority of the le­gitimate government in Sarajevo.” To accomplish our objectives in the former Yugoslavia, the follow­ing steps are necessary:

►        Legal government in Sarajevo declares Federal Republic of Yu­goslavia as the aggressor. It uses

Article 51 of the U.N. Charter and formally requests help from NATO. This move is immediately reported to U.N. Security Council.

►  Lean on the Croatian govern­ment to order forces under its con­trol in Bosnia and Herzegovina to support the Muslim-led forces.

►  Announce that the crisis threat­ens NATO security. Ask NATO troops—currently under U.N. con­trol—to redeploy to central Bosnia. Warn the Serbs against any attack on these troops.

►  Lift the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina’s and Croatia’s elected governments.

►  Arm and train the Bosnian Mus­lims and the Croatian forces.

►  Issue an ultimatum to the Serbs to lift the siege of Sarajevo and other Bosnian Muslim enclaves.

►  Conduct massive air strikes against selected Serbian military targets in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Specifically, these strikes should be aimed at cutting off all the main supply routes from Serbia and Montenegro to Bosnia and gun positions. Use air power to hold off Serbian attacks against the Muslim and Croatian forces.

►  Carry out air strikes, if neces­sary, against vital military and economic installations in Serbia and Montenegro.

►        Warn the Serbs against introduc­ing fresh troops into Bosnia and Herzegovina.

►        Deploy a small combat force to Macedonia and Albania, to deter any possible Serbian attack there.

To continue any longer with fainthearted attempts to resolve the problem inevitably will lead to a much larger and much longer com­mitment. The time for action is now.

Dr. Vego is a professor in the Department of Op­erations at the U.S. Naval War College. He grad­uated from the Yugoslav Naval Academy, served 12 years in the Yugoslav Navy, and resigned in 1973 as a lieutenant commander.

 

Proceedings / June 93

Digital Proceedings content made possible by a gift from CAPT Roger Ekman, USN (Ret.)

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