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There are four major mechanisms for transferring U. S. advanced technology to other nations, and each provides unique opportunities for the Soviets:
► Legal transfer
► Espionage and other illegal activities
► Battlefield exploitation
► Parallel development
Of the four, the legal transfer of technology is the most common. The U. S. Department of Commerce is responsible for overseeing the sale of advanced technology to foreign countries and has the difficult task of balancing the needs of a free enterprise economy with the requirements of national security. The Department of Defense has criticized the Commerce Department recently for lax oversight, pointing to the easy access the Soviets have to vast unclassified U. S. computer data bases. Each year, the Soviets obtain nearly half a million unclassified U. S. documents on technical subjects.1 This has enabled them in recent years to narrow the U. S. lead in nearly all key technological areas, particularly microelectronics, and to overtake the West in some other key areas.2 The rapid maturing of Soviet computer capability and the Soviet semiconductor industry is a case in point: It occurred almost entirely through legal sales of Western equipment to third-party countries, which in turn made the technology available to the Soviet Union.
Some of the more highly publicized cases of espionage and illegal equipment sales—such as the Walker-Whitworth sale of cryptologic material to the Soviets and the Toshiba-Kongsberg sale of advanced milling machines for making marine propellers-—highlight the problems at hand. They are part of a massive industrial espionage scheme: The Soviets spend $1.4 billion annually on a worldwide effort involving KGB intelligence officers and other espionage agents to obtain military hardware, blueprints, product samples, and test equipment. These efforts have paid fantastic dividends by saving the Soviets immeasurable research and development costs and forcing additional research expenditures by the United States. Further, the Soviets have constructed an elaborate trade diversion program that enhances their own military production capability.3 The United States conducts a major campaign to combat this unlawful channel of technology transfer. Investigations continue to reveal that corporations based in friendly c°un tries are supplying microelectron ics and other advanced technology to the Soviets at an alarming rate.4 For example, allegations have appeared of further Toshiba sales to the Soviets of computer chips and nuclear weapon command-and-control communication systems.5'
In 1982 the Senate Commit*^ on Governmental Affairs issue a report identifying a global Soviet program to acquire Wes em militarily significant techn ogy. The report noted the SoV ets’ success in supplementing their military research and ma11 ufacturing capabilities and in narrowing the technology gaP with the West.7 However distressing these revelations may be, they are not surprising glV the effort the Soviets expend- fact, we should assume that technology transfer will hapPen' Furthermore, we must guard against the possibility that the Soviets possess detailed techm cal information that supports n only our current weapon systems, but the technological secrets intended for future U- 21' weapons as well.
Battlefield exploitation of U. S. weapon systems is anot serious concern—in peacetime as well as in war. The threat
and development community. At best, U. S. research organizations are organized loosely; more often, they are unfocused. We cannot wait for the Soviets to obtain and deploy a U. S. system before we develop a counter-technology. The Red cell must have a deployable counter ready before the United States introduces the technology into its own military systems.
An example of the need for early countermeasure development is close at hand. In friendlier times, the United States provided Harpoon and Phoenix missiles to the Iranian armed forces then under the control of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, not foreseeing the fundamentalist revolution that ensued. Iran now daily threatens U. S. forces with their own weapons. Had we prepared countermeasures to these systems early on, our ships, aircraft, and sailors would be much more secure in the Persian Gulf
today. s.
Just as the Soviets will field new systems using L- ^ developed technology, they will also field their 0 counters once they exploit the scientific basis for a syst Therefore, the Red cell must devise countermeasures harden all new systems under development. It makes ■ sense to spend millions of dollars to develop and pr°c u advanced systems if Soviet counters acquired thro t> technology transfer render them obsolete at an acceler*
paCC- - rtaflCe
A final hypothetical example illustrates the imp°ru e
of hardening systems to enemy counters at an early ® y
in the technology’s development. The advanced capao1
(AdCap) torpedo is a major developmental progra'13^
U. S. antisubmarine warfare. Suppose a contractor ^
ployee being blackmailed for drug use provides the
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Soviet
Aircraft
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1960
SovTET MtUTARY POWER I DEPARTMENT OE OEFENSE. KJ67, AND DANES
ity *S ^r°m an adversary’s abil- cat) ? .exP^°it the technological revp l*'t'es of a system through iiig Se engineering after obtain- art °f a system or pieces of eaP°n from a variety of i,ttin|S ^ur*n8 wartime, for exe> we would expect an
ALL THE WORLD S AIRCRAFT 1906-1907.
enemy to capture some U. S. equipment and weapons. A determined foe who exploited this technological bonanza could radically improve his tactics, defenses, and weapon systems. In another instance, some percentage of the ordnance U. S. forces
expend is bound to malfunction, providing the enemy with equipment of immeasurable intelligence value. This problem amplifies in peacetime when actual ordnance expenditures are relatively rare but the enemy has plenty of time to exploit his finds.
Ado.S te.c^n'cal details to a Soviet KGB agent. Before the ca aP *s even in the fleet, every Soviet submarine could hony 3 srna^ black box that would spoof the torpedo’s ^ logic. U. S. Navy ASW capability would be fa- ■jUdamaged.
st)0 e Red cell approach to technology development r°5dM ^rCat Prom'se’ but it has its drawbacks. One major iHj,, 0ck is the Congress. Military appropriations comO- ^ave been historically shortsighted in dealing with tatiomilitary systems. If the Navy accompanies its presenter, °f a technologically advanced system with the sys- c0n | Countermeasure, the Congress could mistakenly f(jn(j Uc*e that the new technology is flawed and refuse to The Navy must strive to make Congress under- befo "*e importance of the Red cell approach. Knowing ehand how an enemy may counter a technology is an added benefit. Far from detracting from a system’s effectiveness, such foresight enhances it.
For the Future—Run Fast, Anticipate the Enemy. Since the United States would rely heavily on technological superiority to prevail in a conflict with the Soviets, the Navy should attempt to maintain a technological edge in every possible area. The United States is clearly inferior in such areas as titanium fabrication, high-energy laser applications, manned space surveillance, and armor. The nation should make a strong effort to remedy these deficiencies; should seek to maintain its technological lead over the Soviets in vital design and manufacturing know-how; and should control strictly key dual-use products, including computer-aided design and manufacturing systems and automatic test and inspection equipment.
Consider a hypothetical but entirely plausible example. In the 1986 raid on Libya, the Navy could have used submarine-launched conventional Tomahawk land-attack cruise missiles (TLAM-C). If it had, and Libyan coastal air defenses had shot down a TLAM-C or one failed to function properly, this frontline weapon could have been compromised. The Libyans would have reaped a political and financial bonus by selling the missile to the Soviets, who then could have dissected the missile’s logic and guidance systems and improved their own systems or developed a counter to those of the United States. Even if every missile had exploded as planned, some exploitable debris could have remained.
The immense, worldwide network of foreign military sales also transfers U. S. technology into unfriendly hands. The U. S. government stringently controls transfers of advanced weapon systems abroad, placing extensive restrictions on the buyers. Despite all precautions, small but significant portions of these systems are resold on the black market. A recent example is the redirection of U. S.-made Stinger ground-to-air missiles to Iran. The United States had provided these missiles to insurgency forces in Angola and the mujahideen in Afghanistan.
Strict export restrictions failed to limit their transfer, and some Stinger missiles now threaten U. S. pilots in the Persian Gulf.8 That the Soviets will exploit the Stinger eventually is highly likely.
The final method of technology transfer is parallel development. The Soviets are unusually adept at absorbing technological ideas from a variety of sources and rapidly applying them to military systems. They find ideas for new technology in open-source Western literature— such as advertisements in defense industry journals and exhibits at open symposia—and in their observations of operational Western systems. The examples are too numerous to be coincidental. The Soviet space shuttle concept looks strikingly like the U. S. version. The development of the Su-27 Flanker, with its all-weather capability and look- down, shoot-down radar is a close cousin to the U. S. F-15 Eagle. Multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRVed) submarine-launched ballistic missiles and modern cruise missiles are further examples of how the Soviets have pressed U. S. concepts into service. Figure 1 shows a partial inventory of similar U. S. and Soviet aircraft and the year each became operational. Clearly, the Soviets have followed U. S. technological leads, intending to keep their systems current by mimicking our own. The relative ease with which the Soviets accomplish this presents the United States with a serious challenge.
By obtaining technical documents on the U. S. Navy’s F/A-18 fighter radar, the Soviets saved an estimated $55 milli°n in manpower and development costs. The manpower portion alone probably represents more than 1,000 man-years of scientific research. The F/A-18 documents served as the technical basis for the latest generation ° Soviet fighter radars, which incorporate complex design components such as fast-Fourier- transform algorithms, terrain mapping, and real-time resolution-enhancement techniques. Undoubtedly, this information will serve as the impetus for ^ur ther Soviet long-term research projects.9
’77s Faster to Copy than to Create: The time it takes for1 ^ Soviets to acquire a specific nc Western technology varies with the complexity of the applied tion. Figure 2 shows a time hnc for a typical transfer of techno' ogy during a 25-year period.
The time estimates would appo to fielding a new weapon system, deploying a new sensor °r communication system, or dev oping specific systems to use in constructing a ship, submarine’ or aircraft. While it is extreru1
No action can completely eliminate technology transfer to a determined adversary. But some things can be done to delay the inevitable transfer and to limit its effects. Retired Navy Admiral Bobby R. Inman, a strong proponent of advanced technology development, describes a frame of mind he terms “running fast.” Seeing the U. S. technological edge eroding and recognizing that technology transfer is unavoidable, he urges the United States to pursue advanced technology at the fastest rate possible, applying new Admiral Bobby Inman developments to a wide range of
weapon systems, and trying to shorten the cycle in material becomes available.2 This fast-paced pursuit advanced-technology solutions would widen the gaP D- tween U. S. and Soviet capabilities, apply the most p°s‘ j ble pressure on the Soviet defense establishment. Jl1 maximize the leverage of U. S. defense investments-
The United States can also stall technology transfef the Soviets by expanding the use of special-access PT grams. While retaining the means for sufficient oversig ^ congressional leaders must understand the vital nature critical technological programs and take steps to prt) them.3
Finally, the government must do more to plug classified information. In a recent statement, CIA Dire^ William H. Webster reiterated his concern that a sift
A □ | □ |
Basic research Navy R&D Effort | |
Technology matures |
|
United States |
|
Soviet recognition
Soviet espionage begins
□ IOC | □ Foreign military sales | |
Sovl, | ■ ■ Soviet | IOC |
ueveioj | Prototype |
Introduce into Third World
□
Mass produced by foreign governments
Soviet Union
Third World
i
o
difficult for the United States to reduce its system-development times, a determined adversary can shorten the time it takes to field a copied system.
The development of new technology begins with basic research efforts in universities, industrial laboratories, and Navy or national research centers. In time, successful research may evolve into a technology that the Navy recognizes for its potential application to a naval system. This period is four years for the sample technology shown in Figure 2, but it could be 10-15 years or more in some cases. Well-structured Navy research and development efforts then begin; complete development of a concept normally takes at least five years.
Once researchers successfully demonstrate the technology’s capability, a program manager has sufficient confidence to incorporate the technology into the ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■
□
Navy’s system-acquisition process. The development process includes constructing a usable prototype of the demonstrated technology and follow-on development into a deployable system with a manufacturing rate sufficient to support its introduction into the fleet at IOC. Typically, the Navy can complete the development in seven to ten years beyond the basic research period.
Well before the U. S. Navy begins system development, the Soviets recognize American researchers have hit upon a new technology with military potential. Except for a few highly classified projects, most new U. S. technologies are discussed openly in academic journals and military advertising. Many articles in the Soviet naval journal Morskoy sbornik confirm the Soviets’ intense interest in U. S. advanced-technology projects. The Soviets quickly launch a
5Willis Witter, “Toshiba Allegedly Gave " ets Nuclear Push,” Washington Times, * March 1988. .
6Stuart Auerbach, “CIA Says Toshiba S°^ More to Soviet Bloc,” Washington Post* March 1988.
1 Soviet Acquisition of Western Technology• April 1982. Report on hearings before the ^ manent Subcommittee on Investigations 0 Committee on Governmental Affairs, Unl* States Senate, Ninety-Seventh Congress, ond Session, 4, 5, 6, 11, and 12 May ^ P 8Smith Hempstone, “Where the Stingers Proved their Worth,” Washington Times, February 1988.
9Soviet Acquisition of Military Significant Western Technology. An Update, Septet 1985, p. 8. ' .0
M. Goldb*^
, Soyl'
1988.
concerted espionage effort to acquire the technology for ultimate inclusion in Soviet systems After the United States has deployed the new technology in a military system, the Soviets begin their development. They apparently rely heavily on pr°t0 typing to prove the capability >° themselves, as evidenced by numerous one-of-a-kind platforms, and then proceed on the own path toward deploying the system. The Soviets can move their copied technologies from development to IOC much faste than the United States can research, develop, and field an original system—about ten year faster.
'Kathryn Jones. “CIA Official Expects S<nV to Step up Industrial Spying,” Dallas M°r News, 17 February 1988.
2Soviet Acquisition of Military Significant Western Technology. An Update, Septet 1985, p. 1. (See Note 7.)
3K. Jones, Ibid.
4Willis Witter, “CIA Aide Tells of Toshiba Deliveries,” Washington Times, 9 March
,vvef
. foP*
tfi*
March 1988.
5R. Cort Kirkwood, “Inside the Red-Trade Lobby,” National Review, 1988.
leak could imperil an entire intelligence system.4 The rights of the free press are difficult to balance with the needs of national security. Just the same, the nation must safeguard its classified information, and the Navy should exact stricter accountability from those with access to it.
Regardless of how the United States safeguards its advanced-technology systems, inevitably an adversary will one day employ them against us. The military bureaucracy should institutionalize a Red cell approach in the development and acquisition of new technology; we must establish the pattern of routinely developing countermeasures and counter-countermeasures to a new system as we develop the system itself. Anything less is short-sighted and will result in the United States unwittingly underwriting the Soviet military buildup. But with a tough policy on technology transfer, guided by the Red cells, the United
States could cripple the Kremlin’s ability to project p° beyond its own hemisphere.5 'Mark Thompson, “U. S. Will Store New Stealth Bombers Indoors. Ait Documents Show,” Philadelphia Inquirer, 11 March 1988.
2Admiral Bobby R. Inman, USN (Ret.), “Technology and Strategy,” U- S- Institute Proceedings, Sea Link Supplement, December 1984.
3“The Pentagon’s Black Hole,” Oakland Tribune, 4 March 1988. f l5
“Single Leak Could Peril Spy System, Webster Says,” Washington P°s' 29 AP'
Commander Goldberg is serving on the Chief of Naval Operations ^5 utive Panel. A nuclear submariner, he has served on board the ^ Flying Fish (SSN-673) and the USS Memphis (SSN-691). His cent operational assignment was as the executive officer of the Blue on board the USS Woodrow Wilson (SSBN-624).