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So far, negotiations at the Law of the Sea Conferences have not protected the rights of nations bordering international straits, such as Malacca and Gibraltar. Now, these nations have chosen to arm themselves with antiship missiles, such as the Exocet, below, to enforce territorial sea claims. What will happen when or if shooting starts is anyone's guess.
Strait Shooting
By Lieutenant Commander James A. Hazlett, U. S. Navy
The post-World War II period has been marked by many important trends in international relations. Two of the most important have been the increasing interest of nations in the Law of the Sea and the ever-expanding arms transfers to the nations of the Third World.1 Failing to recognize linkages between these two areas may have prevented the United States from being prepared for encounters with straits' states. For example. North Korea’s use of patrol craft to capture the USS Pueblo (AGER-2) might have been foreseen and avoided if the United States had been attentive to the “creeping jurisdiction" taking place in the Law of the Sea and to the arms transfers from the Soviet Union to North Korea.- This article will link the arms transfers to Third World nations with the evolution of the Law of the Sea and determine the threat this link poses to the U. S. Navy, with emphasis on the Indonesian Straits and the Strait of Gibraltar.
In December 1957. Indonesia extended its territorial waters to include “all waters surrounding, bc-
tween, and linking” its islands to the state. The following year, the Convention on the Territorial Seas, a product of the first United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS I), emerged containing only one sentence referring to international straits. UNCLOS II was unsuccessful in 1960, when a U. S. compromise proposed on the territorial sea was defeated by one vote. In 1961, Indonesia acquired its first antiship-equipped craft— “Komar” guided missile patrol boats from the Soviet Union.
In 1967, the Law of the Sea impetus picked up again with the calling for UNCLOS III, which held its first session in New York in December 1973. The lack of action at the international level prompted four more states with interests in international straits to acquire antiship missile systems: Singapore, in 1972: Malaysia, in 1971; Libya—although not a littoral state to the Strait of Gibraltar, it could conceivably have designs upon restricting Western access to the Mediterranean in the future—in 196869; and Algeria—included because of its ties with Libya and the Soviet Union—in 1966.
After a ten-week session in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1974. seven sessions were held in quick succession in Geneva and New York from 1975 to 1982. The issue of international straits has been discussed at every session and is covered in each one of the various draft treaties: the Informal Single Negotiating Text (ISNT or SNT), the Revised Single Negotiating Text (RSNT), and the Informal Composite Negotiating Text (1CNT). In the early stages of negotiations. the international straits issue was hotly contested when Spain. Morocco, Malaysia, and Indonesia wanted the more restrictive rule of innocent passage through straits to prevail. In 1973, these countries—-joined by Greece. Cyprus, South Yemen, and the Philippines—rejected a U. S. proposal for the acceptance of a 12-mile breadth of the territorial seas in return for unimpeded passage of international straits. They countered with their own Draft Articles of Navigation Through the Territorial Sea, including Straits Used for International Navigation.'- The proposed articles differed from the U. S. Proposal on three points:
“(1) Navigation through the territorial sea and international straits should be treated as a single subject; (2) Innocent passage, and not unimpeded transit, is the best principle to balance the interests of the international community with those of strait states; and (3). Technological changes require the regulation of ships with special characteristics.”4
Under the straits' states' proposal, there was no recognized right of overflight or submerged transit °f submarines, and notification or authorization was deemed necessary prior to the passage of warships. None of the draft treaties reflect all of the regulations proposed by the straits’ states, thus resulting in their dissatisfaction. “In effect, the straits states’ proposal viewed straits as integral parts of the territorial sea of riparian states.”5 For Indonesia and Malaysia, the draft proposals were an attempt to achieve international acceptance of the 1970 declaration that the Strait of Malacca be territorial waters and not an international strait. For Spain and Morocco, they served as a repeat of the 1971 pledge to “promote the creation of a Mediterranean awareness” and Spain's 1972 call at the United Nations for a compromise between unimpeded transit and the rights of straits’ states.
The continual denial of straits’ states’ aspirations at UNCLOS III motivated these states to continue arming themselves to a level where they could unilaterally, or in concert, inhibit the use of “their” straits. During the period of UNCLOS III, Indonesia ordered several antiship missile-capable frigates from the Netherlands and four guided missile patrol boats from South Korea. Malaysia ordered eight guided missile patrol boats, four each from Sweden and France. Morocco received two missile- capable patrol boats from France. Singapore obtained six West German-designed guided missile patrol boats. Libya ordered four missile-equipped corvettes from Italy and ten French guided missile patrol boats, and received its first Soviet “Osa II”-class and three British guided missile patrol boats. Spain planned to arm its six Lazaga-class patrol boats with antiship missiles and has contracted with the United States for the production of three Standard/Harpoon missile-equipped frigates. Table 1 details the arms transfers to the coastal states bordering on the Indonesian Straits and nations near the Strait of Gibraltar during the Law of the Sea negotiations.
The coastal states in the Strait of Gibraltar and
the Strait of Malacca areas have obviously chosen the antiship missile as the primary naval weapon system for use in securing these vital waters. The top suppliers of these antiship missiles have been major industrial states, and ironically these powers, the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, are all in favor of unimpeded passage in international straits. They maintain a position directly opposite that of the states they are supplying. There appears, however, to be a trend by each strait state toward decreased reliance on the superpowers and an increase in coproduction.
The U. S. Navy is one of the heaviest users of the Straits of Gibraltar and Malacca. Although none of the states discussed has taken any actions against the use of these straits by the United States and its Navy, that use might be threatened. Two possible scenarios follow.
Table I:
Antiship Missile-Carrying Warships in the Indonesian and Gibraltar Straits Areas
Missile System
Country | Number | Class | Supplier | Received | Type | Total | Range |
Indonesia | 4 | “PSK Mk-5” | S. Korea | 1979-80 | Exocet | 16 | 20 |
| 3 | Fatahillah | Netherlands | 1979-80 | Exocet | 16 | 20 |
| 1 | Kapal Latili | Yugoslavia | 1981 | Exocet | 4 | 20 |
Malaysia | 2 |
| W. Germany | 1983-84 | Exocet | 8 | 35' |
| 4 | “Spica-M” | Sweden | 1979 | Exocet | 16 | 20 |
| 4 | “La Combattante-II” | France | 1972-73 | Exocet | 8 | 20 |
Singapore | 6 | “FPB 45” | W. Germany | 1972-75 | Gabriel | 30 | 11 |
|
|
| Singapore |
|
|
|
|
Brunei | 3 | Waspada | Singapore | 1978-79 | Exocet | 6 | 20 |
Algeria | 2 | “Nanuchka-II” | U.S.S.R. | 1980-81 | SS-N-2C | 8 | 45 |
| 8 | “Osa II” | U.S.S.R. | 1976-78 | SS-N-2B | 32 | 23 |
| 3 | “Osa I” | U.S.S.R. | 1967 | SS-N-2A | 12 | 23 |
| 6 | “Komar” | U.S.S.R. | 1966 | SS-N-2A | 12 | 23 |
Libya | 4 | “Nanuchka-II” | U.S.S.R. | 1981-83 | SS-N-2C | 16 | 45 |
| I | Vosper Mk-7 | U.K. | 1973 | Otomat | 4 | 35-43 |
| 4 | Wadi M’ragh | Italy | 1979-81 | Otomat | 16 | 35-43 |
| 10 | “La Combattante-II” | France | 1982-83 | Otomat | 40 | 35-43 |
| 12 | “Osa II” | U.S.S.R. | 1976-80 | SS-N-2B | 36 | 23 |
| 3 | Soloven | U.K. | 1968-69 | SS-12M | 24 | 4 |
Morocco | I | Descubierta | Spain | 1982 | Exocet | 4 | 20 |
| 4 | Lazaga | Spain | 1981-83 | Exocet | 16 | 20 |
Spain | 3 | Oliver Hazard Perry' | Spain | 1984-85 | Harpoon3 |
| 60 |
| 8 | Descubierta | Spain | 1978-82 | Harpoon2 | 64 | 60 |
| 5 | Baleares | Spain | 1973-76 | Harpoon3 |
| 60 |
'MM-40 Exocet: all other systems listed are MM-38 Exocet :Not yet installed 'To be carried in the standard SM-I missile launcher magazine
Strait of Gibraltar: The year is 1985. Spain and Morocco's call for an increased “Mediterranean Awareness” and the recent collapse in UNCLOS IV negotiations have rallied the Mediterranean littoral states. Libya has made threatening military gestures toward Israel and Egypt because of their increasing coziness and their failure to adequately resolve the Palestinian question. The United States has been asked by Israel and Egypt to augment the dwindling Sixth Fleet in order to cool Libyan ardor. Syria, Morocco, and Algeria have called for a “neutralization” of the Mediterranean. France, faced with the threat of an oil embargo by Libya and Algeria, supports this call for neutralization. As the crisis reaches the boiling point, Spain, although a recent addition to NATO, cannot oppose its neighbors and refute its calls for the "Mediterranean Awareness.” As Libyan forces stage border raids on Egypt and hit-and-run missile attacks on Israeli coastal towns, Colonel Qaddafi, still smarting from the Gulf of Sidra
This Indonesian “PSSM Mk-5” missile craft is one of many of the straits’ states’ recently acquired antiship missile-equipped vessels, which are posing new and fierce threats to the right of unimpeded passage through the Indonesian straits.
incident in August 1981, warns the United States it will use its antiship missile-equipped patrol boats to prevent any strengthening of the Sixth Fleet. The U. S. President, in office less than a year, has yet to make his first foreign policy foray. He must decide whether to send a carrier task force of ten ships through the 8-nautical mile-wide throat of the Strait of Gibraltar under the ready launchers of 172 Libyan antiship missiles. If the President orders the force through, it may not survive to perform its mission; if he turns it around, it will be the first time the United States has turned its back on its allies and run away from a fight.
Strait of Malacca: A scenario similar to the one above may develop from calls for the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean. Or India and Pakistan may come to blows again. The unrest in Africa, the Persian Gulf, and Southeast Asia presents many opportunities for conflicts. Any or all of these might call for the United States to send additional forces into the Indian Ocean area.
Considering the 8- to 20-nautical mile width of the Strait of Malacca and the straits’ states’ acquisition of 32 antiship missile-equipped craft and 124 missiles, they may attempt to enforce their territorial sea claims over Malacca. Charles Pirtle states in Ocean Development and International Law, “Owing to the close proximity of Straits to land, forced transit against military resistence is costly, especially where precision-guided weapons are employed by the coastal state.”6
Other straits, such as the various Philippine straits and the Strait of Hormuz, may be equally vital to U. S. national security. Although the Philippines have yet to acquire antiship missiles, its navy already has many capable ships. The Strait of Hormuz could easily be closed by antiship missiles. The sinking of even one supertanker on its tight channels could severely decrease the world’s oil supplies and trigger international conflict. In August 1979, Lloyd’s of London demonstrated its concern for threats to shipping when it “declared the Persian Gulf a war zone” and raised its insurance rates.7 Unrest in Iran contributed significantly to this situation. Present antiship missile craft in the Persian Gulf area total 49 boats carrying 198 missiles, and Saudi Arabia will have a sizable missile boat force by 1983.
There is a significant antiship missile threat to the U. S. Navy in international straits resulting from arms transfers to the Third World motivated by trends in negotiations on the Law of the Sea. The U. S. Navy must be able to deal effectively with this threat. The right of unimpeded passage through international straits is vital to U. S. national security. The proposed ICNT articles dealing with “straits used for international navigation” represent a positive step toward the protection of the right of unimpeded passage and thus should receive naval support.
The Navy’s preparations for the increasingly hostile sea environment must be two-pronged. It must support a rapid, yet proper, drafting of a comprehensive Law of the Sea Treaty that both protects the U. S. national interests and guarantees the “rights” of straits’ states. It must also develop and deploy the vessels and weapon systems necessary to counter this rapidly growing threat. Systems such as the Harpoon and Tomahawk cruise missiles, the Vulcan-Phalanx Gatling gun, the missile-armed hydrofoil, and the surface effect ship should be examined as possible choke-point openers. U. S. national security demands that the threat to international straits be met.
'For a history of the Law of the Sea. see Martin Ira Glassner, "The Law of the Sea," Focus. March-April 1978. For Third World arms transfers, see Uri Ra'anan, Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr., and Geoffrey Kemp (eds.). Arms Transfers to the Third World: Problems and Policies. (Boulder. Colorado: Westview Press. 1978.)
’"Creeping jurisdiction” is the claiming of large areas of territorial seas and sea bottom by coastal states.
3United Nations Document A/AC, 1973.
‘Charles E. Pirtle. "Transit Rights and U. S. Security Interests in International Straits: The ‘Straits Debate' Revisited," Ocean Development and International Law: The Journal of Marine Affairs, vol. 5, no. 4. 1978, p. 482.
5Ibid.. p. 482.
6Ibid., p. 488.
’"Higher Insurance Rates May Lead to Increase in Mideast Oil Prices." Wall Street Journal, 21 August 1979. p. 3.
Lieutenant Commander Hazlett is a 1974 graduate of the U. S. Naval Academy. He served three years in the USS William H. Standley (CG-32) and graduated in 1979 from the Naval Postgraduate School with a master’s degree in national security affairs. Lieutenant Commander Hazlett is presently serving in the USS Callaghan (DDG-994) as combat systems officer.