AMERICA AND WORLD AFFAIRS
Atomic Bomb Commission.—Following conferences in Washington attended by President Truman, Prime Minister Clement Atlee, and Prime Minister W. L. Mackenzie King of Canada, with their expert advisers, a declaration was issued on November 15 which proposed the establishment of a United Nations Commission to deal with the problems of atomic energy and its employment in peace and war. Originally it was understood that British policy favored sharing information on atomic energy with other members of the Security Council, and eventually with all members of the United Nations, but only after a clear statement of the political, territorial, and economic policies of the Soviet Union, and acceptance of these policies as satisfactory by the other powers. In the Washington declaration, however, this condition was not explicitly set forth. The declaration began with a general statement of the problem: (1) that science had developed weapons against which there “can be no adequate military defense”; (2) that the only protection for the civilized world “lies in the prevention of war”; (3) that while the development of scientific knowledge and its use for peaceful purposes should not be hindered, the “military exploitation of atomic energy depends . . . upon the same methods and processes as would be required for industrial uses”; and that therefore the immediate spreading of specialized information regarding the practical application of atomic energy may be in advisable until “effective, reciprocal, and enforceable safeguards” are devised. Accordingly, the conference proposed a United Nations commission to make specific recommendations :
(a) For extending between all nations the exchange of basic scientific information for peaceful ends.
(b) For control of atomic energy to the extent necessary to insure its use only for peaceful purposes.
(c) For the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and of all other major weapons adaptable to mass destruction.
(d) For effective safeguards by way of inspection and other means to protect complying states against the hazards of violations and evasions.
The commission would “devote its attention first to the wide exchange of scientists and scientific information, and as a second stage to the development of full knowledge concerning natural resources of raw materials.” The declaration ended with an appeal for banishing “the scourge of war . . . and giving wholehearted support to the United Nations Organization.”
American Foreign Policies.—In an important Navy Day speech at New York on October 27 President Truman laid down what he considered the fundamentals of the foreign policy of the United States. The statement repeated in large measure the principles earlier embodied in the Atlantic Charter, stressing notably the right of self- determination of peoples, freedom of the seas, equal access to markets and raw materials, and economic collaboration among nations to establish freedom from fear and want. The statement follows:
(1) We seek no territorial expansion or selfish advantage. We have no plans for aggression against any other state, large or small. We have no objective which need clash with the peaceful aims of any other nations.
(2) We believe in the eventual return of sovereign rights and self-government to all peoples who have been deprived of them by force.
(3) We shall approve no territorial changes in any friendly part of the world unless they accord with the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned.
(4) We believe that all peoples who are prepared for self-government should be permitted to choose their own form of government by their own freely expressed choice, without interference from any foreign source. That is true in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, as well as in the Western Hemisphere.
(5) By the combined and co-operative action of our war allies, we shall help the defeated enemy states establish peaceful democratic governments of their own free choice. And we shall try to attain a world in which nazism, fascism, and military aggression cannot exist.
(6) We shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of any foreign power. In some cases it may be impossible to prevent forceful imposition of such a government. But the United States will not recognize any such government.
(7) We believe that all nations should have the freedom of the seas and equal rights to the navigation of boundary rivers and waterways and of rivers and waterways which pass through more than one country.
(8) We believe that all states which are accepted in the society of nations should have access on equal terms to the trade and the raw materials of the world.
(9) We believe that the sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere, without interference from outside the Western Hemisphere, must work together as good neighbors in the solution of their common problems.
(10) We believe that full economic collaboration between all nations, great and small, is essential to the improvement of living conditions all over the world, and to the establishment of freedom from fear and freedom from want.
(11) We shall continue to strive to promote freedom of expression and freedom of religion throughout the peace-loving areas of the world.
(12) We are convinced that the preservation of peace between nations requires a united nations organization composed of all the peace-loving nations of the world who are willing jointly to use force if necessary to insure peace.
Control of Pacific Bases.—The Far Eastern Survey for November 7 contains an article by Eleanor Lattimore entitled “Pacific Ocean or American Lake” which presents the view that naval bases in the Pacific should be taken over by the United States under United Nations trusteeship rather than under American sovereignty. This principle would be applied not only to bases in territories of allied nations but also to bases in former Japanese or Japanese mandate territory, such as Eniwetok, Kwajalein, Truk, and Iwo Jima. The author’s view is that control of the bases, under trusteeship would be just as effective and politically more desirable.
Although congressmen and Navy officials have been heard from frequently on the subject of Pacific bases no statement of policy has come from the State Department. Since foreign policy and international relations are involved both in the disposition of enemy territory and in the acquisition of bases on territory belonging to our allies, some clarification of the question by the State Department would be welcomed not only by the American public but by our Allies.
Since the world knows that our Navy is making preparations and training administrators for a long term occupation of Pacific bases it might be politic for the State Department to explain that the United States, along with other nations, is looking forward to the application of the trusteeship system by the United Nations Organization to former enemy territory and is therefore making plans for the administration of such territories as will be assigned to it.
Many believe that as sole trustees of the Japanese mandated islands we would be assigned just as much “dominating control” over them for security purposes as if we annexed the islands outright; and that for political reasons a trusteeship arrangement is desirable. ...
United Nations Plans.—The 14-nation Executive Committee of the full Preparatory Commission of the United Nations Organization assembled again on November 20 to make final plans for the meeting of the full commission three days later, and for the projected meeting of the United Nations Assembly in January. Meantime there would be further discussion of the location of the permanent seat of the organization, regarding which an earlier vote had favored San Francisco.
Ratification of the United Nations charter by all five major powers and by 29 of the 55 nations was completed by September 25, six months after its adoption at San Francisco. Yet prospects for the success of the organization were somewhat darkened by the stalemate in the Council of Foreign Ministers at London in September and by other evidences of suspicion and lack of cooperation among the major powers. Foreign Minister Molotov in a speech on November 6 stressed the need of “joint efforts of the three great powers” and added that the United Nations must not “become the tool of any one great power.” The Soviet Union, he promised, would have “atomic energy, and many other things.”
October “Foreign Affairs.”—In the quarterly Foreign Affairs for October the leading articles are a study of the United Nations General Assembly by John Foster Dulles, and of the Security Council by R. Keith Kane, Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Navy and Naval Adviser at the San Francisco Conference. Mr. Dulles notes the very limited powers of the Assembly as now organized, but believes that it can grow in strength. To this end he recommends that the Assembly adopt and give its efforts to “dramatic causes,” such as the struggle against “intolerance, injustice, and economic want.” In his discussion of the Council, Mr. Kane notes the dominance of the three major powers and the extent to which the success of the Council, the United Nations Organization, and future peace will depend on their ability to work together. He remarks truly that
unanimity seems more likely to be achieved among the Big Three if Britain and the United States avoid attempting to come to separate and preliminary understandings . . . The chances of arriving at an agreement with Soviet Russia will probably be improved if they are scrupulous to consult simultaneously with her in all matters relating to security.
Among other articles the following may be specially noted:
America at War: Victory in the Pacific, by Hanson W. Baldwin, covering the war in the Pacific from April 1 to the surrender, and especially the conquest of Okinawa, described as “the greatest and most protracted battle of ships against planes in history.”
Flying Bombs and Rockets: This lime and Next, by Nigel Tanagye, Wing Commander, British Air Forces.
The Other China, by Gunther Stein, correspondent and writer on China, who feels that the survival of the Chungking Government in China can only be accomplished by “every conceivable kind of American assistance,” and who draws a favorable picture of democratic progress in the Red-controlled areas.
The Critic Turns Actor, by James R. Reston, which lays down some useful precepts for American delegates in planning, rather than improvising, in their new role as leaders in international conferences.
The New World Court, by Manley O. Hudson, Professor in the Harvard Law School, and Judge of the Permanent Court of International Justice, who shows that the new “International Court of Justice” follows very closely the setup in the old League court.
Imports in the American Economy, by Percy W. Bidwell, which stresses the value of imports in reducing prices, preventing exhaustion of natural resources, breaking monopolies, and improving the quality of production.
Russia and China in Outer Mongolia, by Fedor S. Mansvetov, an excellent study of the peculiar conditions in this autonomous border state, and of their historical background.
LATIN AMERICA
New Venezuela Regime.—By October 21a revolutionary movement in Venezuela, supported by young army leaders and the liberal “Democratic Action” party, had overthrown the dictatorial ruler General Isaas Medina Angarita and established full control. It was stated that the deposed President would be tried for misuse of public funds, that a constituent assembly would be called, and that national elections would be held in the early future. Washington and London extended recognition on October 30, after similar action by most of Venezuela’s Central American neighbors. Thanks to oil resources, Venezuela is out of debt and has $100,000,- 000 in reserve, but she faces economic difficulties due to lack of adequate food production. The new President, Romulo Bettan- court, promised a truly democratic, noncommunist government, in which foreign oil concessions and other rights would be respected.
Argentina Under Perón.—Following Colonel Juan D. Perón’s recovery of control in Argentina, he reorganized the cabinet, filling the Ministry of the Interior and three other posts with more fully trusted followers. General Juan Pistarini was made Vice President under President Farrell. Colonel Peron’s restoration was attributed largely to popular support from labor and peons. The date for presidential and congressional elections was set for February 24 next, and it appeared that the only chance of defeating Peron, if he ran for the presidency, would be a complete coalition of the strong Radical party with Conservatives, Progressive Democrats, Socialists, and Communists, i.e., all antigovernment parties.
Vargos Out in Brazil.—On October 29 Getulio Vargos resigned as President of Brazil, apparently under pressure from the Army, which acted to prevent postponement or other juggling for control of the “free elections” set for December 2. Vargos’ resignation ended a 15-year dictatorship which, however undemocratic, had co-operated with the United States and the United Nations and had fostered public works, schools, and social security. The presidency was turned over temporarily to Supreme Court Justice Linhares, who formed a nonpartisan civilian cabinet. The United States instructed Ambassador Adolf A. Berle, Jr., to continue normal relations with the new government. Dr. Vargos later became a candidate for the Senate on the Social Democratic ticket, on which his former War Minister, General Gaspar Dutra, was candidate for President. The opposition National Democratic Union supported General Eduardo Gomes. Full results of the election would not be known until January, and the new Congress would meet in that month.
WESTERN EUROPE
France Swings Left.—The French general elections on October 21, the first in nine years, resulted in large gains for the Leon Blum Socialists, the new Mouvement Republicain Populaire, and other moderate leftist parties. There was an overwhelming 92 per cent majority in favor of a new Constitution, and a 72 per cent majority for the De Gaulle plan for an interim government. The results of the vote for members of the Constituent Assembly were given as follows:
Radical Socialist (really conservative) 25
Mouvement Republicain Populaire (middle coalition) 138
Socialist (Leon Blum) 143
Communists 153
The National Constituent Assembly, meeting on November 8, continued the Socialist Felix Gonin, who had been President of the old Consultative Assembly, as head of the new body. On November 13 General de Gaulle was unanimously elected President of the Provisional Government. Three days later, however, he experienced difficulty in his efforts to form a coalition ministry from the three major parties. The Communists had insisted on one at least of the three major posts—War, Foreign Affairs, or Interior. On November 9 the Assembly by a vote of 400 to 163 requested his continuance as interim President, but under conditions which left the creation of a coalition cabinet a problem.
The real conflict in France lies between the Communists, who seek a new Constitution drawn on strongly leftist and anticlerical lines, and the MRP (Mouvement Republicain Populaire), which represents the moderate opposition. The Blum Socialists stand in between.
Italian Peace Terms.—The long unrevealed Italian armistice terms were finally published on November 6 in Washington, London, and Rome. It was understood, however, that these much-modified terms would soon be revised again in Italy’s favor, unless the deadlock over a final Italian peace treaty were ended in the near future. There was a first military armistice with Italy on September 3, 1943, and then a 44-point agreement on September 29 (now made public). Washington has proposed a lightening of these terms, but this has met with Soviet opposition. The Soviet Government has further put in a call for $300,000,000 in reparations from Italy, one-third for Russia and the rest for Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Greece. This is only half the reparations previously asked, but is based on the assumption that Britain and the United States will waive all reparations whatsoever.
BALKANS AND NEAR EAST
Moderate Gains in Hungary.—On November 4, in the “first wholly free national elections in Hungary's history,” a decisive majority went to the conservative Small Landholders party, opposed by both Socialist and Communists. This outcome had been foreshadowed by the earlier municipal elections of October 7. In the November 4 elections the Small Landholders received about 58 per cent of the 400,000 votes cast, Social Democrats 22 per cent, and Communists 14, with the rest scattering. A coalition government of the three major parties was continued, with the Small Landholders’ leader, Baron Tildy, as Premier. Full American recognition has been extended to the Hungarian Government.
Prior to the election both the American and British Governments made objections to Moscow regarding the projected Soviet- Hungarian trade agreement, which would extend Soviet control over 50 per cent of Hungarian industry and transport. As reported by Foreign Minister Bevin on October 31, the Soviet reply expressed the view that “legitimate British interests were not affected.” In his statement the Foreign Minister vigorously criticized Soviet “bilateral procedure” in the Balkans as “one of the most disturbing elements in endeavoring to get united action.”
Troubled Balkan Politics.—In Yugoslavia elections were held on November 11 which resulted inevitably in an overwhelming victory for the National Front Government ticket. American observers reported that the election, though marked by little or no coercion, had given the opposition slight opportunity to organize, and most of those opposed refrained from voting. Even so, the Government majority would probably fall below the expected 90 to 95 per cent. Later, in response to British Foreign Minister Bevin’s criticism of Yugoslavia’s big army of “400,000 to 600,000,” Marshal Tito stated that his forces would be reduced by 200,000 before January 1 and to peacetime strength by June.
In Bulgaria elections for a single slate of Fatherland Front candidates were held on November 18, despite a previous note from Washington requesting delay and declaring that a free expression of the popular will was being prevented by “threats of coercion and later reprisals.”
In Austria, the Renner Provisional Government was extended full recognition by the Soviet Union on October 21, and it was later reported that the Soviet Government had set up sweeping claims for control of two chief Austrian banks and most of Austria’s heavy industry. The United States and Great Britain on November 10 also announced their decision to exchange representatives with the Renner Government.
In Albania, all three major powers extended recognition to the government of General Hotha in November. The recognition by Britain and the United States was based on a promise of fair elections, set for December 7. Elections in Greece are still scheduled for January 20, despite the Leftist insistence on postponement to a later date. In November a new cabinet was organized in Greece under Premier P. Canellopoulos.
Plans for Palestine.—In mid-November Foreign Minister Bevin announced that Britain and the United States had agreed on the formation of a “joint committee of inquiry into the whole problem of European Jews and Palestine.” Palestine, he added, would later become a trustee state under the United Nations, and would ultimately be given self-government as a Palestinian (not Jewish) state. This declaration was by no means acceptable to ardent Zionists, since it obviously meant rejection of earlier American proposals for immediate eutry of 100,000 refugees. Secretary Bevin stated that, pending the outcome of the inquiry, admissions would be limited to 1,500 a month.
In Palestine, both before and after the announcement, there were continued out-breaks of unruly Jewish elements. In early November communications were paralyzed by raids which sabotaged railways and resulted in bloody fighting with police and British troops. Two police launches were sunk by explosives. On November 4 a curfew was imposed over a wide coastal belt around Haifa. The Palestine disorders were met by retaliatory anti-Jewish disorders in Egypt. On November 3 the toll in Cairo and Alexandria had risen to 9 killed and 520 injured. Arab spokesmen declared that concessions to the Jews might mean a boycott against Anglo-American oil and other economic interests in the Middle East.
Revolt in Iran.—In mid-November a serious revolutionary disturbance was reported in the Azerbaijan province of Northwestern Persia. This part of Iran is within the Russian sphere of influence and is still occupied by Soviet troops. Iranian spokesmen at Teheran asserted that Soviet aid had been extended to the rebels, and that the new so-called Democratic party in the area is in reality made up of the old Tudeh, or Communist party.
FAR EAST
Far Eastern Advisory Commission.— The ten-power Far Eastern Advisory Commission, established in order to ensure the collaboration of the allied powers in the administration of Japan, held its first meeting at Washington on October 30 but soon adjourned, chiefly in the hope that a compromise agreement might be reached which would secure Soviet representation on the commission. Up to mid-November, however, no such agreement had been reached. The Soviet Government was understood to insist on a council of the Berlin type in which no decision could be made except by unanimous consent of the major powers, whereas under the American plan the Commission would be limited to an advisory role. In other words, the American authorities would retain a controlling voice, similar to that exercised by the Soviet Government in the commissions setup in the Balkans.
By November plans had been completed for the disposal of bodies of Allied troops which were to join American forces in the occupation of Japan. A British contingent numbering about 40,000 was expected by January 1, together with Russian forces of perhaps similar strength. These troops were to handle their own problems of supply.
Strife in Java.—Fighting in Java between British troops and forces of the Indonesian Nationalists continued with little abatement during the latter weeks of November. Earlier in the month the so-called Indonesian Republic had put through a reorganization in which the President, Soe- karno, was reduced to a lesser role and the Cabinet was re-formed with Sutan Sjahir, described as a “moderate,” in the posts of Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs. With this group the Dutch Acting Governor General, Ilubertus van Mook, held a conference in mid-November, in which British military leaders also took part. But it was found that the native spokesmen had only limited authority and could commit themselves to nothing. Fighting was renewed, especially in the naval base of Surabaya, though the whole island was threatened with starvation and economic ruin through interruption of communications and dearth of food and medical supplies.
China’s Civil War.—Fighting figured more prominently than peace efforts in the November news from northern China. By the middle of the month the Central Government had three armies in the Peiping-Tientsin area, flown there chiefly by American Air Force transports and intended for the occupation of Manchuria. Shanhaiknan, the strategic gateway city to Manchuria, had been occupied, but Red forces still held most of the central part of this northern province and had forced the withdrawal of Central Government representatives from the Manchurian capital.
Meantime there was constant danger of clashes between the Communists and the 50,000 or more American marines in North China engaged in rounding up surrendered Japanese troops, liberating prisoners and internees, and aiding in the restoration of order in liberated areas. According to Lieutenant General Wedemeyer, in command of American forces in China, all but about 6,000 would be evacuated by early spring. Arrangements were under way for a post-war American military mission in China, ranging from 2,000 to 6,000 men, to aid in the training of Chinese army, naval, and air forces.