From March 3 to April 3
FAR EAST
Action of League Assembly.—Though finally held in check by the major powers, the special session of the League Assembly to consider the Sino-Japanese problem adjourned on March 10 after adopting a resolution somewhat stronger in character than any previously adopted by the League Council. The assembly virtually took the problem out of the hands of the council by creating a new body of nineteen members—the president of the assembly, the twelve members of the council excluding China and Japan, and six representatives of the smaller powers—which shall take action when the assembly is not in session. Furthermore the final resolution, by declaring it “incumbent upon members . . . not to recognize any situation, treaty, or agreement which may be brought about by means contrary to the covenant,” brought the league virtually into line with the policy set forth by the American State Department. The resolution follows:
First part.—The assembly, considering that the provisions of the covenant are entirely applicable to the present dispute, more particularly as regards:
- The principle of scrupulous respect of treaties;
- The undertaking entered into by all members of the league to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the league;
- Their obligations to submit any dispute which may arise to procedures for peaceful settlement;
Adopting the principles laid down by President of the Council Briand in his declaration of December 10, 1931;
Recalling the fact that twelve members of the council again invoked these principles in their appeal to the Japanese government February 16, when they declared, “No infringement of territorial integrity and no change in political independence of any member of the league brought about in disregard of Art. X of the covenant ought to be recognized as valid and effectual by the members of the League of Nations”;
Considering the principles governing international relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes between members of the league above referred to are in full harmony with the Pact of Paris, which is one of the cornerstones of the peace organization of the world and under Art. II by which the “high contracting parties agree to the settlement or solution of all disputes or conflicts, of whatever nature or of whatever origin they may be, which may arise between them, shall never be sought except by pacific means”;
Pending discussions which it may ultimately take for settlement of the disputes which have been referred to it;
Proclaims the binding nature of the principles and provisions referred to above, and declares it incumbent upon members of the League of Nations not to recognize any situation, treaty, or agreement which may be brought about by means contrary to the covenant of the League of Nations.
Second part.—The assembly, affirming it is contrary to the spirit of the covenant that settlement of the Sino-Japanese dispute should be sought under stress of military pressure on the part of either party;
Recalls the resolutions adopted by the council September 30 and October 10 in agreement with the parties;
Recalls also its own resolution of March 4 adopted in agreement with the parties with the view of definitive cessation of hostilities and withdrawal of the Japanese forces, and notes that the powers and members of the League of Nations having special interest in the Shanghai settlements are prepared to give every assistance to this end, and requests those powers, if necessary, to co-operate in maintaining order in the evacuated zone.
Third part.—The assembly, in view of the request formulated January 29 by the Chinese government invoking application to the dispute of the procedure provided in Art. XV of the covenant of the league;
In view of the request formulated February 12 by the Chinese government that the dispute should be referred to the assembly in conformity with Art. XV, paragraph 9, of the covenant, and in view of the council’s decision of February 19;
Considering that the whole of the dispute which forms the subject of the Chinese government’s request is referred to it, and that it is under an obligation to apply the procedure of conciliation provided in paragraph 3, Art. XV, of the covenant and if necessary the procedure in regard to recommendations provided in paragraph 4 of the same article;
Decides to set up a committee of nineteen members—namely, the president of the assembly, who will act as chairman of the committee; the members of the council other than the parties to the dispute, and representatives of six other members to be elected by secret ballot.
This committee, exercising its functions in behalf of and under the supervision of the assembly, shall be instructed:
- To report as soon as possible on the cessation of hostilities and the conclusion of arrangements which shall render definitive said cessation and regulate withdrawal of the Japanese forces in conformity with the assembly resolution of March 4.
- To follow execution of the resolutions adopted by the council September 30 and October 10.
- To prepare drafts of an agreement to be submitted to the assembly for the purpose of facilitating, in accordance with Art. XV, paragraph 3, of the covenant, the settlement of the dispute.
- To propose, if necessary, that the assembly submit to the Permanent Court of International Justice a request for an advisory opinion.
- To prepare, if need be, a draft report provided in Art. XV, paragraph 4, of the covenant.
- To propose any urgent measure which may appear necessary.
- To submit its first report to the assembly as soon as possible and at the latest May 1, 1932.
The assembly requests the council to communicate to the committee, together with any observations it may have to make, any documentation it may think fit to transmit to the assembly.
The assembly shall remain in session and its president may convene it as soon as he may deem it necessary.
Shanghai Truce Hangs Fire.—Regular warfare in the Shanghai area practically ended on March 4 with the withdrawal of the Chinese forces beyond a 12-mile line outside the city, and on March 15 Chinese and Japanese delegates, with the aid of representatives of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Italy, met to negotiate the terms of a military agreement. This, in accordance with a resolution adopted by the League Assembly in session at Geneva, was to provide “arrangements which shall make definite the cessation of hostilities and regulate the withdrawal of Japanese forces.” Up to April 3, however, no final arrangements had been made. According to the Japanese proposals, the Chinese forces were to remain in an area to be defined later, the Japanese were to withdraw to the International Settlement and adjoining localities, and a mixed commission was to be set up to consider permanent adjustments. But there was dispute as to when and how far the Japanese should withdraw, and as to when and how far the Chinese should move in. Unquestionably, Japan will be slow to liquidate the situation before seeing at least a prospect of compensation for what a Japanese writer—in a book introduced by Premier Inukai—has described as her “blunder of the first magnitude” at Shanghai.
Japanese Cabinet Shifts.—With practical control of foreign policy by the military element in Japan, with a series of brutal political assassinations directed against opponents of this element, and with a cabinet largely outside legislative control, conditions in Japan have seemed to threaten the complete overthrow of constitutional government and the establishment of some form of dictatorship. In addition to these problems, the Inukai government was faced during March with factional disturbances within the Seiyu-kai (government) party. A temporary solution of the latter difficulty was found in a cabinet reorganization by which the ministry of the Interior was turned over to former Minister of Justice Suzuki and the ministry of Justice given to Takeji Kamemura, thus placating two leaders in the factional dispute.
The new Japanese Diet, meeting in special session in March, voted an additional $22,000,000 to cover military expenditures, making a total for that purpose of $51,000,000, which, however, covers probably not more than one-third of the whole costs. It was announced that, between September 18 and February 29, Japanese fighting forces had lost 565 killed and 2,204 wounded, 1,194 of these casualties occurring in Manchuria and 1,575 around Shanghai.
China’s Political Chaos.—Negotiations between Chinese and Japanese at Shanghai were greatly impeded, not only by the lack of an authoritative central government in China, but by constant threats, at the slightest rift in the Japanese war cloud, of a renewal of separatist movements and internal strife. Through-out China the authority of the Kuomintang party appeared at low ebb. From Canton came ridicule of the central government's Japanese policy and plans for the re-establishment of a separate regime; and correspondents filled their columns with reports of similar plottings on the Part of Feng Yu-hsiang and other war lords in the north.
The New Manchurian State.—The new state of Manchoukuo came formally into existence in March with the establishment of a government on more or less republican lines and the inauguration of former Chinese Emperor Pu Yi on March 9 as “Chin Cheng,” or chief of state. Salt and customs revenues were taken over, a puppet cabinet was formed with General Ma Chan-shan as war minister, and requests for recognition were sent out to the various powers. In view of the pronouncements of Secretary Stimson and the League Assembly against acceptance of de facto situations, these latter requests brought slight results, even Japan withholding formal recognition until some future time. Japanese troops to the number of about 30,000 remained in Manchuria and were kept busy in bandit warfare, especially in various parts of Kirin province, where at the close of March it was reported that large forces of Chinese insurgents had seized the town of Nungan, only thirty-five miles from the new capital at Changchun.
Speaking before the Japanese Diet during its March session, General Araki, Japanese War Minister, is said to have declared that a satisfactory settlement of the Manchurian problem was more important to Japan than the outcome of the Russo-Japanese War, and that the effect of such an outcome would be to make Manchuria a first line of defense in warfare with Russia, and a source of supplies which would enable Japan to be self-sustaining in a war with any other power.
BRITISH COMMONWEALTHS
Anglo-Irish Strife.—Following up its campaign promises, one of the first acts of the new de Valera government in the Irish Free State was to notify England of its intention to abolish the oath of allegiance to King George, as not explicitly required by the Anglo-Irish Treaty, and to withhold the £3,000,000 annuity payable to British landlords who have given up their Irish holdings. This was set forth by President de Valera as part of a fourfold program which included also removal of the ban on the republican army, and efforts to abolish the “unnatural boundary” between north and south Ireland. An exchange of notes followed in which the English government held firmly that abolition of either oath or annuity would be directly contrary to the bargain made in the treaty, and thus not to be accomplished except by a common accord.
While under strong pressure from Irish republicans, who demand nothing short of complete and immediate separation, there were signs at the close of March that President de Valera and his cabinet had come to see certain drawbacks in full withdrawal, which would mean isolation from the rest of the empire and, incidentally, exclusion from the British trade conference at Ottawa in June.
War Debts and Depression.—
It is a melancholy reflection that, for the sake of collecting $400,000,000 per annum in respect of reparations and war debts, there should be inflicted on the world a measure of deflation, and with it a curtailment of production and consumption (that is, a debasement of its well-being) that may well be assessed at some ten to twenty times that amount.
—Sir Henry Shatrosch, British financier,
in Fortune for April.
CONTINENTAL EUROPE
German Elections.—Though just failing of an absolute majority—by half of one per cent—in the election of March 13, President Paul von Hindenburg’s heavy vote gave practical assurance of his reelection in the second balloting on April 10. The March voting was an interesting index of relative party strengths in Germany, von Hindenburg drawing 18,650,000 votes from the Socialists and middle parties; Hitler 11,340,000 votes; Thaelmann, the Communist candidate, nearly 5,000,000; and Duesterberg 2,500,000 votes from the Stalhelm and other Nationalist organizations. Some of the votes given to Duesterberg should be added to those for von Hindenburg in a final analysis of Hitlerite and anti-Hitlerite strength. With the presidential contest out of the way, interest in Germany turned to the Prussian parliamentary elections set for April 24, where any very considerable gain in the Hitlerite vote would prevent continued Socialist control.
Conflict in Memel.—League circles and peace advocates in Europe continued to watch with some anxiety developments during March in the little autonomous city-state of Memel, where the encroachments of Lithuania threaten the league-established status quo. Despite protests from Germany, and also from England, France, and Italy as signatories of the Memel Convention of 1924, Lithuania followed up her ousting of the pro-German governor of the district by establishing an all-Lithuanian directorate, and then dissolved the pro-German Assembly when it manifested objections to this new control. Lithuania, it is now assumed, will use every device to overcome the German preponderance in the next assembly election, and if successful will arouse militaristic elements in Germany to fighting pitch.
Death of Briand.—Aristide Briand, eleven times premier of France, member of twenty-three cabinets during a political career extending over more than three decades, and almost continuously in control of French foreign affairs since the war, died in Paris of heart trouble on March 7, after several months of increasing ill health. He was war-time premier in 1915-17. Chief monuments of his later career were his steady work for international conciliation and his share in the pan-European Union and Kellogg-Briand Peace Pact. Beginning as a Socialist, he later swung toward a middle ground in politics.
Danube Union Plans.—The economic plight of the nations of Southeastern Europe, set forth in strongest terms by the League Financial Commission in its March report, affords abundant motive for the remedial measures embodied in the scheme of a Danube customs union, which has been under discussion during the present spring. First suggested by British creditors, and definitely proposed by Premier Tardieu of France, the union would embrace Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia, and Rumania, and might be extended to include Poland, Greece, and Bulgaria. Against such a breaking-down of tariff barriers, however, stand not only the nationalistic tendencies and the animosities of the nations directly concerned, but also the mutual jealousies of the western European states—Italy and Germany in particular suspicious of any arrangement engineered by France. Premier Tardieu spent the first April week-end in London in conference on this and other financial problems, and another meeting was to be held in London preparatory to a general conference on the Danube Union plan at Innsbruck later in April.
LATIN AMERICA
Elections in Brazil.—At the close of March Provisional President Getulio Vargos of Brazil was compelled to give definite promise that he would issue an early decree calling for general elections and the restoration of constitutional rule. Though no dates were set, it was assumed that the elections would be held next autumn, thus preceding the drafting of a new Brazilian constitution which President Vargos hopes to accomplish. While himself at the head of the southern faction which overthrew the Prestos government in October of 1930, Vargos was forced into this action by “imperative demands” from political leaders of his own state, Rio Grande do Sul. The cabinet members from this state had resigned earlier in March in protest at the government measures taken against the newspaper Carioca.
Attack on Peruvian President.—On March 6, while leaving church in the capital, President Luis Sanchez Cerro of Peru was fired on by a young fanatic of the Aprista (radical) party. The assailant, José Melgar Marques, fired eight shots, and seriously wounded one of the president’s aids. He was captured, and, with an accomplice, was subsequently court- martialed and sentenced to death, but a stay was granted, with some prospect of a lighter sentence.