About May, 1799, a letter was received from my father informing us that he held an appointment as purser in the Navy, and that he could obtain an appointment for me as acting midshipman, if I would join him soon at Norfolk, Virginia, which he strongly recommended. This proposition was, of course, the subject of consultation with our friends. Its importance was so little understood, and the Navy then so little known and appreciated in that part of the country, that our friends were unanimous in their advice that I should remain, rather than expose myself to the moral dangers and profitless hardships which they supposed were the necessary attendants on a sea life. Fortunately my mother judged more wisely, and had the fortitude to recommend my acceptance of the offer, though it separated us from each other. For myself, entirely ignorant of everything connected with the Navy, I was ready to comply with the wishes of my parents, and probably with vague hopes of some future but unknown advantages. Little time was necessary to complete the few preparations that we could make, and, on the 1st of June, I took leave of my affectionate and excellent mother, and, with my small bundle on my shoulder, turned my back on friends and acquaintances to seek my fortune in the world, much in the style and condition of some of the heroes of nursery tales. Two days' walk carried me to Providence, where I was kindly received by my father's uncle, William Wilkinson, and remained till a passage offered for Norfolk, in a coasting sloop. We had a rough passage of fourteen days, during eight of which I experienced all the distressing and depressing effects of sea-sickness. When this had passed I derived much encouragement and considerable information respecting naval duties from the master of the sloop. He had been impressed, and had served some years in the British Navy, and was able and willing to give me useful information relative to the occupation, duties, and prospects of midshipmen, and in that way to prepare me, in some small degree, to enter upon the duties.
On my arrival at Norfolk I had the good fortune; to find the U. S. ship Baltimore, to which my father was attached, lying in the harbor. He soon introduced me to the captain of the ship, Samuel Barron, from whom I received an order to act as midshipman from the 1st of July, 1799, and immediately entered upon the duties which connected me with a profession in which I have since passed my life. The Baltimore was dismantled very soon after I joined her, and the officers mostly dispersed. My father repaired to Washington to settle his accounts, and I lived on shore to attend a school, with a view of gaining some knowledge of the theory of navigation, as it was then explained by Mr. Hamilton Moore. My instructor was both ignorant and indolent, and my time was consequently spent to very little advantage for the few weeks I was with him.
Early in September my father was ordered to the frigate Congress, recently launched at Portsmouth, N. H., and directed me to join him there with his baggage. As my connection with the Baltimore had ceased when she was paid off, no permission was necessary from others to leave Norfolk, which I did soon after in a coasting schooner bound for Warren, Rhode Island. Thence I proceeded by land to Portsmouth, a journey, at that time, of three days, by the mail stage. At this place I rejoined my father, who lodged in the same house with the captain of the Congress, James Sever. From him I received another order to act as midshipman in the Congress. The ship was not in a situation to require the attention of the officers for some weeks, during which time I was employed by the captain, in the absence of a clerk, to copy out all the requisitions for the ship's equipment and stores. By this employment I at least learned the names of articles used in a ship of war, which was of some service to me afterwards. The equipment of the ship was so far advanced that she could be removed to Boston in November, where everything was completed before the middle of December. The captain had selected me for one of his aides, the other being Henry Wadsworth, who was afterwards blown up in the Intrepid, with Somers, in the harbor of Tripoli. It was our duty alternately to go to Boston from President's roads daily, in the morning, for the captain, and to take him back again in the evening—a duty of some severity, when we had to contend against a keen December NW. wind and an ebb tide, but one for which my former life had prepared me.
Late in December we went round to Newport, where we met the Essex frigate, commanded by Captain Edward Preble, and a number of merchant ships that the two frigates were to convoy to, or towards, India and China. The complement of officers was now completed, and comprised a captain, three commissioned lieutenants, one acting lieutenant, a master, surgeon, purser and marine officer, in the wardroom, a surgeon's mate, eight midshipmen and a clerk, in the cockpit and steerage. Captain Sever had held a subaltern's commission in the army for a year or two before the close of the war of the Revolution, where he had acquired some knowledge of military discipline. He had afterwards made several voyages to Europe, in most of them as master of vessels belonging to his relatives. He had also made one or two cruises in the sloop Herald before he was appointed to the Congress. He was well-educated, very austere and distant in his manner, not very amiable in temper, rigid in his discipline, and very punctilious in all matters of military etiquette. I believe he was rather deficient in seamanship, but remarkable coolness and self-possession in trying situations enabled him to decide and direct what was proper to be done better than most of his officers who better understood their profession practically. All of our commissioned lieutenants had commanded merchant ships to India or the NW. coast of America. They were good seamen, but, with one exception, had few qualifications as officers. The master had passed many years in the British Navy, and some of them as a master. He had all the defects of the lieutenants united to a greater want of general knowledge and an entire loss of all presence of mind when assailed by any sudden danger. The marine officer and surgeon were well informed, and of good manners. All the midshipmen were older than myself,—several of them over twenty years of age,—and some of them already accustomed to a sea life in the merchant service. They were all warranted, also, except myself. Four of them had been prepared sufficiently to enable them to commence a collegiate course of study, and all had been much better educated than myself.
I had the pleasure of again meeting my mother at Newport, where she passed a fortnight, and I had permission to remain on shore during her stay. Her advice, united to her strong hold on my affections to give it weight, had a powerful and beneficial influence on my conduct, at that period of my life, when I was about to be exposed to strong temptations, of which I had no previous knowledge, and to which if I had yielded they would have plunged me into early ruin. It had the effect, also, of rousing some ambition to endeavor to prove myself worthy of her regard and affection, by my conduct as an officer, as well as in other relations.
The arrangements of our little squadron were completed in time for us to leave Newport on the 6th of January, 1800, with strong but favorable winds which carried us rapidly to the eastward. By the 10th the wind had shifted to the southward, and on the 11th had increased to a heavy gale; and early in the evening we lost sight of the other vessels, which had been already much separated. In the hope that the Essex might close, the Congress lay to for the night, making frequent signals, but it was afterwards learned that the Essex bore up early before the gale. The rigging of the Congress had been necessarily fitted in cold weather, and, being new, the great change of temperature and the strain brought upon it by the gale stretched it so much during the night that after the deadeyes of the lower rigging had been brought together, it was necessary to prop the rigging to give it any regular tension. The masts were made from single sticks of white pine, and, notwithstanding all exertions to support and relieve them, the mainmast was found to be badly sprung near the deck, shortly after daylight. Having the morning watch I had been early on deck, but my total ignorance of everything connected with the sea left me entirely free from any apprehension. In fact, though the gale was then quite as severe and the sea as high and threatening as I have seen them since, I supposed it to be nothing unusual, because the waves were not literally "mountains high," as described in the tempests of which I had read. As the morning advanced, however, the danger of the masts, the lowering down of the main yard, the presence on deck of the captain and all the sea officers, and their apparent anxiety and frequent consultations, began to have their effect on my own mind and to induce a belief that there was more than usual danger. I had little time, however, for such reflections, as the mainmast was carried away about 8 A.M., carrying with it the head of the mizzenmast. I became entangled in the maintopgallant brace and was carried up by it nearly as high as the mizzentop, and when disengaged fell upon deck, striking upon my head. I was taken up, stunned and insensible, with my right arm broken near the shoulder, and otherwise much bruised. The foremast and bowsprit of the ship were lost about 4 P.M., when she was left to the mercy of the gale for some hours, until arrangements were made that enabled a small sail to be set, under which she was put before the gale until it moderated.
The concussion of the brain that resulted from my fall left me insensible for several days, during which but little hopes were entertained of my recovery; but consciousness was at last restored, and when the ship reached Hampton roads, at the close of February, I had so far regained my strength as to be able to come on deck.
Our naval establishments were then without supplies, or any of the conveniences for equipping or refitting ships, and the Congress was necessarily detained until new masts, rigging and sails could be made and fitted. As there was not much active duty for the officers, I was allowed to remain on shore till my health was re-established, which required six or eight weeks.
The loss of the ship's masts, representations from one of the lieutenants, and newspaper reports of unseamanlike conduct in Capt. Sever during the gale, induced that officer to request a court of inquiry on the subject. This court exonerated him from all blame. The masts had been made from single sticks of white pine and were found to have been quite defective at the heart; and all proper exertions were proved to have been made for securing them which the state of the weather would allow. The statements of the lieutenant were not sustained by the testimony of others, nor fully by his own, when under the obligations of an oath. So far as I can recollect the force of the gale, and after comparing it with those I have seen since, I am disposed to concur in the opinion of the court. The severity of Capt. Sever's discipline, as it was then considered, had rendered him very obnoxious to many of the officers, who were impatient under restraint or control, and these, through their friends and others, had been able to excite a very general and strong prejudice against him, which was not diminished by his austere and reserved manner in his intercourse with those into whose society he was thrown.
By the time I resumed my duties on board, many changes had taken place among the officers. All the lieutenants were new. All had commanded merchant vessels, and, RS with their predecessors, were unwilling to give that ready and full obedience to orders which the captain required, and which was due from them. Several of the midshipmen also left the ship and some of them then left the service. These were replaced by others, and an additional number ordered. I had been fortunate enough to please Captain Sever, and on one or two occasions to receive special approbation. This, and probably the injury I had received in the late gale, procured for me his recommendation to the Department for a warrant, which bore date May, 1800, and WRS delivered to me scion after by Captain Sever, as part of the dessert of a dinner to which he had invited me.
My previous appointment had no stable foundation and depended entirely on the pleasure of the captain. It only made me the companion, but not the official equal, of other midshipmen, and gave no claims for further advancement. By my warrant the whole path of professional promotion was laid open before me, and it now depended mainly upon my own exertions to advance upon it: I felt truly grateful to Captain Sever for this great favor, received through his intervention, and it kindled my ambition to prove myself worthy of it by a close and cheerful attention to my duties. My relative standing had been changed by other causes. Among the midshipmen who had recently joined the ship, there were several who were as little acquainted with mathematical subjects as myself, and with less disposition to supply their deficiency. They wore fond of gross pleasures, and had means beyond their pay by which they could gratify them; and they found in their duties little that Was agreeable and much that was irksome and repulsive. It was not very difficult to occupy a position which should appear to advantage when contrasted with them. By hard -study and the aid of a petty officer I was able, before the ship sailed, to master the elementary studies embraced in Moore's Navigation, so far as to find the ship's place by dead reckoning, and to keep an ordinary journal. Strange as it may appear at this day, these small acquirements placed me on a level with the greater portion of the lieutenants at that time.
So short a time had then elapsed since the commencement of our Navy, that almost all the commissioned officers had been appointed from the merchant service. Chronometers were unknown in the Navy; sextants were very rare, and their use still more so. The navigators who could ascertain the longitude by lunar observations were few in number, and the process of the calculations a mystery beyond ordinary attainments. It may be easily conceived that in such a school, even under the most favorable circumstances, little theoretical knowledge could be acquired by the midshipmen when embarked. That any should have been sought could hardly be expected, where no aid was given, and where the want of that knowledge was considered as no cause for reproach.
The Congress was made ready for another cruise, and left Hampton roads July 26, 1800, for Cape Francois, in San Domingo, for the purpose of protecting our commerce with that port, which was then valuable. The monotony of this service was only broken by two visits to the harbor of the Cape, and two to that of Cape Nicolas Mole, with a short cruise as far to windward as San Juan, in Porto Rico. On our return to the latter place, a circumstance left a strong impression on my mind as indicative of the presence of mind of Captain Sever and our gunner. The French privateers, which were then rather numerous in some parts of the Caribbean sea, had not visited our station to enliven us by a chase. We, however, fell in with one as we were running down from Porto Rico, which, on being pursued, led us, intentionally or otherwise, directly towards a shoal known as the Silver Keys. In the eagerness of pursuit the danger of our course was probably forgotten, the attention of all being engrossed by the chase, in which we were gaining upon the privateer. While I was watching her movements with others on the forecastle, the gunner, who was at my side, quietly told me to look at the water under and near our bows. My attention being thus directed, rocks were visible, which, to appearance, were very near the surface. The gunner then told me to go quietly to the captain, who was on the quarter-deck, and tell him what I had seen, but not to mention it to others. This was quickly done. Captain Sever told me to remain by him, and turning to the officer of the deck directed him to "ready about," and, as soon as ready, to tack; and when about, to keep her off two points, by which to gain her former track. Then for the first time the captain looked over the side of the ship, and the officers and crew knew the danger in which we had been placed. This course prevented all danger from confusion, either in the mind of the directing officer, or in the labors of the crew. The privateer being of very light draft of water was able to continue her course and escaped.
Another time, when we were collecting a convoy of merchant vessels with which to proceed to the United States, the ship had been lying to during the night, and from some cause had very unexpectedly got so near the Caicos reefs, that at early daylight the cry of "Breakers, close ahead" was given by the lookouts. The deck was in charge of the master, who was a skillful seaman, but whose presence of mind Was so entirely destroyed by the imminence and suddenness of the danger that he could do nothing towards extricating the ship from it. I was on deck at the time and felt justified, under the circumstances, in calling the captain without orders from the officer of the deck. Waking from sound sleep, became immediately on deck, took the trumpet from the bewildered master, and wore the ship, but so near to the breakers that a stone might have been cast into them from the ship.
Another evidence of the great advantage of coolness and self-possession was given by Captain Sever before our cruise was closed. When approaching our coast we met with a very furious gale blowing from east to south-cast, which brought us to a close-reefed maintopsail. In the middle watch the gale shifted, almost in an instant, to the north-west, and taking the ship aback, gave her such a sternboard as drove the sea through the cabin windows, with force enough to carry away a part of the cabin bulkhead. The master was again in charge of the deck, and again helpless and useless. The captain, who had been roused by the shock, was immediately on deck; and taking the trumpet, he restored order and soon extricated the ship from her dangerous situation.
As France was at this time the common enemy of the United States and England, signals had been arranged by the commanding officers of the respective squadrons, by which their national vessels could be recognized, and thus prevent unnecessary chasing, or hostile collision through mistake. These signals were generally interchanged, when necessary, in courtesy and good feeling. On one occasion, however, during this cruise, we met with a frigate of our own force, whose commander chose to exhibit something of the arrogance which was at that time and for some years afterwards but too common with English naval officers. When the English frigate was discovered, the usual private signal was shown by the Congress, but no answer was returned. It was kept flying while the ships approached, until they were so near to each other that it could not be misunderstood, but the frigate made no reply. When we were quite near, she shortened sail, and it could be seen that the tompions were out of her guns. Our crew were, as a matter of course, brought to quarters, and when at a proper distance we shortened sail. The Englishman appeared to have been waiting for this to make all sail again by the wind, which we also did, as fast as it could be done with our men at quarters; and then the other again shortened sail, and hove to. We again followed his motions, and ranging within hail, the names of the respective ships were exchanged. lie then filled and stood on. Our ship was soon put under the same sail, and we followed nearly in his wake. It was soon evident that we outsailed the other, and after a short time the English ship tacked; we passed to leeward beyond his wake and tacked also. In about half an hour we came up on his weather quarter, and passed along to windward of him, within hail, both ships at quarters, until we had passed a little ahead of him, when our ship bore up and passed across his bows, almost touching his flying jib-boom, and went on her way. The conduct of Captain Sever on this occasion gave pleasure to all of, us. The object of the English captain was evidently to annoy and trifle with us, if not to insult us, and the movements of our ship with reference to his were as much like treading on toes as circumstances Would permit.
For the greater part of this cruise I was stationed in the maintop, with Henry Wadsworth, from the other watch, as my associate. The duties which were then required of midshipmen were calculated to make them sooner and hater acquainted with the details of a seaman's duty than the more relaxed system of later days. Besides being obliged to take an active personal share in the ordinary duties, they were frequently exercised collectively in managing the sails and yards of the mizzenmast. By this training I learned something of practical duties, and by application, when leisure offered, I was able to keep up an ordinary journal, construct a chart, and mark upon it the ship's track.
The ship returned to Boston in March, 1801. Peace having been restored between the United States and France, the ships were recalled home, and preparations commenced for discharging their crews, placing them in ordinary, and reducing the officers to the numbers which had been designated for a peace establishment. While the ship was waiting for orders, leave was granted to me for an absence of a fortnight, of which I availed myself to visit my mother. I was recalled at the end of a week, as the ship had been ordered to Washington and would sail soon.
The ship was delayed by head-winds so that we did not reach Washington till late in May. We passed the frigate United States in the lower part of the Potomac. About 10 o'clock in the morning of a beautifully serene day, we passed Mount Vernon. Everyone was on deck to look upon the dwelling where Washington had made his home. Mrs. Washington and others of the family could be distinguished in the portico which fronts the river. When opposite to the house, by order of Captain Sever, the sails were lowered, the colors displayed half-masted, and a mourning salute of thirteen guns was fired as a mark of respect to the memory of Washington, whose life had so recently been closed, and whose tomb was in our view. The general silence on board the ship and around us, except when broken by the cannon's sound, the echo and re-echo of that sound from the near and distant hills, as it died away in the distance, the whole ship's company uncovered and motionless, and the associations connected with the ceremony, seemed to make a deep impression upon all, as they certainly did upon me. When the salute was finished the sails were again set, the colors hoisted, and we proceeded up the river. The frigate Now York bad preceded us, without saluting, but we found her grounded on the bar at the entrance of the eastern branch of the Potomac, and the Congress, passing her, was the first ship of war that reached what has since become the Navy yard at Washington. The frigates New York and United States joined us a few days afterwards.
After a visit to the ships by President Jefferson and the members of his cabinet, the crews were paid off and the ships dismantled. There was only one house at that time standing in the quarter of the city near the Navy yard. Tents were pitched and shanties erected among the bushes which covered the slope of the hill, by persons from Baltimore who came to supply the wants of the sailors. The " Six " and the " Seven " buildings, the shell of what was intended for a hotel, where the General Post-Office now stands, a low tavern on Pennsylvania Avenue, the President's House and its yard, enclosed with a rail fence, and the south wing of the Capitol, surrounded by building rubbish, were then the principal if not the only buildings in the city of Washington.
The arrangements for the ships were completed early in June, and on the 4th those officers who had been selected to be retained in service, from the officers belonging to the ships present, were notified of their retention, and furloughed or ordered on other duty. My own orders directed me to join the frigate Constitution, in Boston, after the expiration of a furlough of three months. In the reduction of the officers as required by the law, thirteen captains were selected (of whom five had been promoted) from twenty-eight then in the service, seven masters commandant were discharged, thirty-six lieutenants were retrained from one hundred and ten, of whom seventeen had been promoted from midshipmen, and one hundred and fifty-nine midshipmen from three hundred and fifty-five. So great a reduction undoubtedly deprived the service of some valuable officers, but relieved
it of many who were never worthy of belonging to it. Political preferences probably had some influence in the selection of the captains, but the selection generally was admitted to be quite as judiciously made as could have been expected.
The necessity which existed at the commencement of the Navy of drawing the commanders and lieutenants entirely from the merchant service, introduced many who had few or none of the higher qualifications proper for their new situations. For the commanding officers, some of those who had been employed in the Naval service during the War of the Revolution were still available and were secured, and these were generally of higher character than the other commanders or the lieutenants. Of these latter a very large proportion were not only men of no refinement, but vulgarly profane and grossly intemperate. Very many of the midshipmen had attained an age at which their habits of thought and action had become too firmly established to be easily changed, and gave little promise of any future usefulness. A majority of those with whom I had been associated were of this character, and of the others several preferred to leave the service rather than continue in it with the few inducements which it then offered. Captain Sever, who was violent in politics, was among those who were dropped. Only one of the eight lieutenants, and three of all the midshipmen, who had been attached to the ship, were selected, of whom the lieutenant and one of the midshipmen resigned the next year.
My father was retained till the following November, during which time he was employed in settling his accounts with the officers of the Treasury. Hitherto I had received the benefit of his supervision since I had joined the Navy. I was now to be separated from him and left to my own guidance. With a tolerable wardrobe and one hundred and fifty dollars, I was given to understand that I must thenceforward depend on my pay for support, unless misfortunes not occasioned by my own misconduct should render further assistance necessary. The full pay of a midshipman was then about two hundred and thirty dollars a year, and the furlough pay half that amount. Under the most favorable circumstances, rigid economy and abstinence from all pleasures which depended on expense were indispensable; and when on furlough, as I then was, the difficulties of preserving a decent appearance were of course greatly increased. Freedom from debt and the feeling of pecuniary independence consequent on such freedom, was a very early and a very strong desire with me, and has continued through life; and it has always been difficult for me to imagine a sufficient motive for anyone to sacrifice that independence for any personal gratification not indispensable for health. This feeling naturally deprived me of many amusements in which my associates frequently indulged. I do not think, however, that my non-participation operated to my injury, even in their opinions, whilst in a manner it compelled me to seek other amusements attended with little or no expense. These I found in reading, for which I had retained my fondness, or when opportunity offered, in the society of families with whom I had formed an acquaintance, and thus slightly increased my too small store of knowledge, and acquired a little familiarity with the usages of society. Subsequent observation tended to confirm me in these courses. It was sufficiently apparent that those who wasted their time and money in the grosser gratifications of sense, or the idle display of vanity, neither acquired the confidence of their superiors, nor the respect of the generality of their acquaintances. Those, on the contrary, who sought to improve their minds, and to increase their professional and general knowledge; who showed a preference for respectable and intelligent, and especially for domestic society,—hardly failed to inspire esteem, and to gain an interest with the worthy, which was not only a source of great present gratification, but at the same time strengthened all their better feelings and principles, and gave new and strong securities for their future good conduct. When I recur to the sad fate of many young men whom I have known to enter the Navy with bright hopes, fine talents, and without any marked vices, but who have been insensibly and gradually led by the example and persuasions of others into habits of expense, idle amusements, sensual indulgence, and eventual intemperance, to public disgrace and a miserable death, I cannot feel sufficiently grateful to that kind Providence which preserved me through the temptations of youth.
In my journey from Washington to Providence some of my late messmates were companions, and with them a few days were given to visiting objects of interest in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. The steam machinery for raising water for the city of Philadelphia was at the junction of the present Broad and Market streets, and was not a short ride from the settled part of the city. The City Hall in New York, not then finished, was quite in the upper part of the city, and there were many small houses of wood in Broadway between the Battery and Trinity Church.
Although anxious to revisit my mother I remained in Providence six weeks, during 'which, under the instruction of Professor Wirt, I renewed my previous studies in Moore's Navigation, and mastered the mystery of ascertaining the longitude by lunar observations, according to the rules contained in that treatise. Of the principles on which the calculations were founded I still remained perfectly ignorant, and had no proper, appreciation of their importance. Instead, therefore, of pursuing my studies further, I considered myself entitled to no small credit for having delayed my visit to my mother so long, and hastened to pass a few happy weeks with her and the rest of the children. These soon passed, and I joined the Constitution at Boston, then under command of Commodore Talbot, conformably to my orders. The ship was stripped, and had been opened for examination and repair. The wardroom officers resided on shore, and Commodore Talbot soon resigned, and the midshipmen lived on board without the supervision of superior officers, and without regular occupation. Fortunately my uncle; Noadiah Morris, who had been the secretary of Commodore Talbot, was near me, and procured me another furlough, which allowed me to return to my home.
During my absence from home, my father, having left the Navy, had returned and purchased a house in the village of Woodstock, Connecticut. A building for an academy had been commenced, and was completed during the winter, and a school was opened under the direction of a good instructor. I joined this school early in the spring of 1802, and remained in it about nine months. My father, however, decided to dispose of his purchase and remove to a small farm, near a brother of his in Montgomery County, New York. This removal took place in October, 1802, and I accompanied the family thither.
In the spring of 1803 I proceeded to Woodstock, with the intention of resuming my studies until called into service. For the moment, I engaged in study again at the academy. This was very unexpectedly 4 interrupted, about the middle of May, by an order from Commodore Preble to join the Constitution at Boston without delay. By the 20th of May I reported to the Commodore for duty.
The commodore had been recently appointed to the commend, the ship was preparing to be hove out and coppered, the crew had not been collected; and only two or three of the officers had joined. For those who were present there was consequently full and laborious employment; which was fortunate for me, as it had the effect of' relieving, in some degree, the deep depression of spirits from which I had suffered much whilst my future prospects had been so entirely uncertain. Though improved, still these prospects were not of a very cheering character. I seemed to myself peculiarly isolated, unknown to the commodore or any of the officers, and without any influential friends to aid my own exertions. The uncle who had formerly been with Commodore Talbot was, however, soon selected by Commodore Preble as his secretary, with the nominal appointment of chaplain, as was then usual. I had then the benefit of his society and counsel, which, with active duty and the consciousness, which was soon attained, that I could fairly compete with the other midshipmen in all professional duties, and with most of them in general information, restored my cheerfulness, and brighter hopes for the future were indulged.
A very violent and easily excited temper was one of the prominent characteristics of Commodore Preble, from the undue expression of which, when he was greatly excited, no officer could escape. Irresolution, no less than contradiction, was an offence in his eyes, and decision of action as well as obedience of orders was necessary to preserve his favorable opinion. The ship was refitted at a wharf in Boston, while many of her former stores were in the Navy yard at Charlestown. The commodore one day directed me to repair to the Navy yard daily and send to the ship such articles as should be required from time to time. As only a small part of the crew had then been collected, I inquired how many should be taken for the service; to which I received the reply, in no mild tone, "None; get your men where you can find them." I thought best to take him at his word, and engaged ten or twelve men; and when the work was completed presented to the commodore for approval an account for their wages. This produced another outbreak, with the inquiry as to how I had dared to incur such an expense without his orders; but on being reminded of his former conversation he gave his signature and dismissed me with courtesy.
The equipments of the ship were completed in time to leave Boston on the 14th of August, having on board as passengers the Consul- General to Algiers, Colonel Lear, and his wife. We had nothing of interest on the passage until near the entrance of the straits of Gibraltar, when, upon a very dark evening, with very light winds, we suddenly found ourselves near a vessel which was evidently a ship of war. The crew were immediately but silently brought to quarters, after which the commodore gave the usual hail, "What ship is that?" The same question was returned; in reply to which the name of our ship was given, and the question repeated. Again the question was returned instead of an answer, and again our ship's name given and the question repeated, without other reply than its repetition. The Commodore's patience seemed now exhausted, and, taking the trumpet, he hailed and said, "I am now going to hail you for the last time. If a proper answer is not returned, I will fire a shot into you." A prompt answer came back, "If you fire a shot, I will return a broadside." Preble then hailed, "What ship is that?" The reply was, "This is Britannic Majesty's ship Donnegal, eighty-four guns, Sir Richard Strahan, an English Commodore. Send your boat on board." Under the excitement of the moment, Preble leaped on the hammocks, and returned for answer, "This is the United States ship Constitution, forty-four guns, Edward Preble, an American Commodore, who will be damned before he sends his boat on board of any vessel I" And, turning to the crew, he said, "Blow your matches, boys I" The conversation here ceased, and soon after a boat was heard coming from the stranger, and arrived with a lieutenant from the frigate Maidstone. The object of this officer was to apologize for the apparent rudeness which had been displayed. He stated that our ship had not been seen until we had hailed them; that it was, of course, very important to gain time to bring their men to quarters, especially as it was apparent we were not English, and they had no expectation of meeting an American ship of war there; and that this object had induced their delay and misrepresentation in giving the Ship's name. These excuses were deemed satisfactory, and the ships separated.
This was the first occasion that had offered to show us what we might expect from our commander, and the spirit and decision which he displayed were hailed with pleasure by ill, and at once mitigated greatly the unfriendly feelings which the ebullitions of his temper had produced. We arrived at Gibraltar on the 12th of September, and ere learned that a new enemy had arisen in the Emperor of Morocco, one of whose cruisers had captured an American vessel a few days before, but had fortunately been met by the Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, who had secured both vessels and brought them to Gibraltar. A few days after our arrival, Commodore R. V. Morris came in, on his way to the United States, having been recalled for imputed neglect of his duties. Some exchanges of officers were made between the ships, and among those who joined us was my old messmate, Henry Wadsworth.
A short visit was made by the ship to Cadiz, and upon her return to Gibraltar, she was met by the New York, Commodore Rodgers, t and the John Adams, Captain Campbell. With these vessels and the schooner Nautilus Commodore Preble proceeded in the Constitution to Tangier, to coerce a renewal of our treaty with Morocco. Before the Squadron sailed, I had been detached with others to the Moorish prize, the Mirboka, where we found Midshipman McDonough from the Philadelphia.
While we were thus lying in the harbor a circumstance occurred which furnished an opportunity for the display of the insulting arrogance of a British captain, a quality which had become almost proverbial, in their intercourse with the vessels of other nations. Three men who had been sent from the Philadelphia to the prize managed to desert from her. McDonough and myself were sent into Gibraltar to search for them. They were at last discovered together not far from the mole, which sheltered the English naval establishment; but they discovered us also and immediately separated and fled. Two were soon secured by us, and we learned that the other had entered the dockyard. We requested a sentry who was near to take charge of our prisoners, to which Ile assented, probably mistaking us for English officers. We then went into the dockyard, where we found the other deserter in a ship's boat, from whose officer he had claimed protection as a British subject. To our request for his delivery, the officer stated the necessity of his referring the decision to his commander, but at the same time he politely offered to take us on board with him, that we might obtain it. He belonged to the frigate Medusa, Captain Sir John Gore. When we arrived on board, we remained on the quarter-deck while the English lieutenant went to make his report to the captain. We were thus detained nearly half an hour, during which time no one entered into conversation with us or offered any civility. On the contrary, when Mr. McDonough asked for some water to allay his thirst, he was directed to the scuttle-butt by the mainmast. The captain came on deck while McDonough was thus absent, which left me to commence the conversation. When the claim for the man was made, on the ground of his being a deserter from our service, the captain replied that he had avowed himself to be a British subject and as such had claimed protection. It was urged in answer that if such was really the fact, he must have practiced a deception on our officers, as we did not enter English subjects if we know them to be such; and that his word ought to have as much weight in one instance as in the other, in the absence of all proof. The captain said he should retain him, and remarked that the man had stated that there were many other English in the Constitution. , Feeling excited by the manner of Captain Gore, I replied that it was possibly true, but I thought not. He remarked, "We shall take steps to make you give them up," and I replied that I did not think they would. "We have done such things before as taking men from your ships of war," was his next remark; and I answered that they would not do it again. A formal demand was then made for the man, to which as formal a denial was given. A request was then made for a boat to land us, as we had come on board by the invitation of his officer, and this was granted. During our absence, our national character had been ascertained by the officer of the guard, and the men we had left in charge of the sentry had been released. The commander of the prize, and subsequently the commander of the Siren, repeated the demand for this deserter, but without success.
Peace having been concluded with Morocco by Commodore Preble, the prize was ordered to join him at Tangier, where she was returned to the Moors. The difficulty respecting the deserter having been reported to the commodore, I was sent for to relate the circumstances to him. The repetition of the conversation roused all the violence of his passion, which, in the absence of the real object, fell upon me. As I could not believe myself deserving of this severe censure, I made some remarks which only served to increase his anger, and I left the cabin with the assurance of an immediate arrest. As a precautionary measure I prepared a statement of the conversation with Captain Gore, with McDonough's sanction to its correctness, as he had joined us in time to hear all but the very commencement.
No arrest was made, however, and my anxieties were relieved soon after by an assignment to a special and very responsible service, with instructions from the commodore himself. The Medusa had left Gibraltar before the commodore's return, and they did not afterwards meet, which probably prevented some serious difficulties. The other vessels of war at Gibraltar, however, were open in their arrangements for encouraging and facilitating desertions from our vessels, and to this cause it was probably owing that Syracuse was selected by the commodore as our rendezvous, in preference to Malta, where our vessels had previously resorted for supplies.
On our passage from Gibraltar toward Malta, we met a British frigate, from which we learned the loss of the frigate Philadelphia, and the capture of her officers and crew by the Tripolines. This was a severe blow. The really efficient force of the squadron for all offensive operations against the city was diminished nearly one half, and the capture of so many of our people strengthened the means of the enemy to insist on terms of peace that would be more in his favor than he could otherwise have expected. When we arrived off Malta letters were sent out to the commodore from Captain Bainbridge, which gave. all the particulars of this sad disaster. The ship proceeded to Syracuse, accompanied by the Enterprise, Lieutenant Decatur, which we had met near that place.
Arrangements were made for landing spare stores and provisions at this place, as the port of rendezvous for the squadron. Another midshipman and myself were placed in charge of these stores, and resided on shore. This employment was very agreeable, but not very advantageous. With no knowledge of the language or of the people, the Pleasure as well as the improvement to be gained from social intercourse was very limited, whilst my separation from the ship diminished my opportunities for professional improvement. I endeavored to learn the language, but I was soon after recalled on board, under circumstances that again seemed to destroy my hopes of favor from the commodore. In the attendance to our shore duties, my companion and myself had agreed to take alternate days, during the absence of the squadron, which had proceeded off Tripoli. The commodore returned on a day when my companion should have been on the lookout; but he happened to neglect an early visit to the harbor, and the morning was well advanced when I accidentally discovered the arrival of the ship, and proceeded to receive orders. It so happened that the receipt of articles had been delayed in consequence of our neglect, and having first presented myself; the commodore neither asked nor waited for any excuses, but publicly ordered me to rejoin the ship Immediately, as a punishment for my negligence. As my companion escaped all censure and was continued in his duties, I thought myself treated with injustice; and my feelings strongly prompted me to ask permission to leave the squadron; and if it could not be otherwise obtained, to leave the service. The better judgment of my uncle and his persuasions induced me, however, to continue, and to hope for more favorable consideration; and I resumed my ordinary duties. Subsequent events proved the wisdom of this decision, and showed that the circumstances which, at the time, seemed most adverse to my interest were to contribute most essentially to my advantage.
The arrangements for the destruction of the Philadelphia in the harbor of Tripoli, were soon after determined upon and the officers selected for the enterprise. It was my fortune to be among the number, which probably would not have been the case had I remained on shore duties. The general arrangements and success of this expedition have become matters of naval history, but, as it was among the earliest of the operations in the Mediterranean which gave reputation to the Navy, and was the means of introducing me to the favorable notice of my brother officers, a statement from me may have sufficient interest to justify the repetition.
A ketch which had been recently captured from the enemy, when on her way to Constantinople with a present of slaves and other articles for the Grand Vizier, was fitted to receive the persons who were specially selected for the enterprise. She was about sixty tons burden and was manned by sixty-four persons, of whom Lieutenant Stephen Decatur had the command. The brig Siren, Lieutenant Stewart, was to accompany us, to assist with her boats and to receive the crew of the ketch (which had been named the Intrepid), in case of her destruction, which was considered probable. The officers were told to take only a single change of linen, and no time was allowed to prepare stores, as we embarked within an hour after receiving notice, and sailed immediately, on the evening of the 3rd of February, 1804. Combustibles had been previously prepared and placed in the vessel, with ship's provisions for two or three weeks' supply. A Maltese had also been obtained to accompany us as a pilot into the harbor, with which he was well acquainted. We arrived in sight of Tripoli about the 10th, but the wind was fresh from the westward, with strong indications of an approaching gale. After some consultation between the commanders, the vessels anchored under cover of the night near the entrance, and a boat was sent with the pilot to determine by observation if the entrance was practicable and safe, of which he had expressed strong doubts. To my surprise I was ordered to go with him. We went quite close to the entrance, where we found the surf breaking entirely across it; and my own opinion concurred with that of the pilot that no attempt ought to be made. It was, however, a severe trial to make such a report. I had heard many of the officers treat the doubts of the pilot as the offspring of apprehension, and the weather was not yet so decidedly boisterous as to render it certain that an attempt might not be made, notwithstanding our report. Should such be the case and should it succeed, the imputations upon the pilot might be repeated upon me, and, unknown as I was, might be the cause of my ruin in the estimation of my brother officers. My sense of duty and propriety, however, prevailed over these apprehensions, and my report was decidedly against any attempt to enter the harbor at that time, and sustained all the objections of the pilot. These opinions were evidently received with much dissatisfaction by a majority, and with some murmurs, but the attempt was abandoned for the time, and the vessels weighed again to get beyond the view from the town before daylight. This was not done without some difficulty, as the gale increased rapidly. It continued for four or five days with great violence, and drove us considerably to the eastward, and at one time nearer the coast than was agreeable.
Our situation on board was far from comfortable. The commander, three lieutenants, and the surgeon occupied the very small cabin. Six midshipmen and the pilot had a platform laid on the water casks, whose surface they covered when they lay down for sleep, and at so small a distance below the deck that their heads would reach it when seated on the platform. The marines had corresponding accommodations on the opposite side, and the sailors had only the surface of the casks in the hold. To these inconveniences were added the want of any room on the deck for exercise, and the attacks of innumerable vermin, which our predecessors the slaves had left behind them. The provisions proved to be decayed and offensive. Fortunately our confinement did not continue long enough to affect our health or vigor.
On the morning of the 16th we again obtained sight of Tripoli, with light winds, pleasant weather, and a smooth sea, and stood in for the town. By arrangement the Siren kept far without us during the day, and her appearance had been so changed as to lull all suspicion of her being a vessel of war. The lightness of the wind allowed us to keep up all appearance of an anxious desire to reach the harbor before night, without bringing us too near to require any other change than the use of drags, which could not be seen from the city. All the crew were also kept below, excepting six or eight persons at a time, that suspicion might not be awakened by unusual numbers; and such as were visible were dressed as Maltese.
As the evening advanced our drags were taken in, so that we were within two miles of the eastern entrance at dark, the Siren being some three miles without us. The concerted arrangements were for the ketch to wait for the boats of the Siren to join us after dark, that they might accompany us to the attack; but as the sun descended the wind grew fainter, and there was good reason to apprehend that any delay in waiting for the boats might render it very difficult for the ketch to reach the ship. Decatur, therefore, determined to proceed without waiting, and accompanied his decision with the remark, "The fewer the number the greater the honor." One boat from the Siren, with six men, had joined us a few days before, and was still with us.
The final arrangements were now made, and the respective duties of the several officers, which had been previously allotted, were again specified and explained. The presumed number of our enemy was stated, and the necessity for our utmost exertions enjoined upon us. The watchword "Philadelphia" was issued, to be used as a means of recognition; and as we advanced into the harbor strict silence was enjoined and observed. The injunction, however, appeared to be unnecessary. No one seemed disposed to enter into conversation, but to be absorbed by his own reflections. My own thoughts were busy, now reverting to friends at home, now to the perils we were about to meet. Should I be able to justify the expectations of the former by meeting properly the dangers of the latter? How was I prepared for the death which might possibly be my fate? These, with others of a somber character, mixed with calculations to secure a prominent position when boarding, passed rapidly through my mind; and the minds of others were no doubt employed on similar subjects. The officers and crew were directed to conceal themselves as much as possible, excepting some six or eight. Most of the officers could be distinguished by their dress, and they required concealment more than the sailors. Fortunately, owing to the loss of some articles, which had been replaced by loan from the crew, my own dress corresponded to theirs, which enabled me to keep near Decatur, who I supposed would naturally be among the first to leave the ketch. The wind wafted us slowly into the harbor, the water was smooth, and the young moon gave light enough to distinguish prominent objects. One battery was passed, the Philadelphia was in view near several smaller vessels, and the white walls of the city and its batteries were before us. We steered directly for the frigate, and at last the anxious silence was broken by a hail from her, demanding our character and object. Then might be seen the eager movements of the heads of the officers and crew who were stretched on the deck, ready to leap forward at the word of their commander, but still resting in silence. A conversation was kept up between the frigate and the ketch through our pilot, acting under the dictation of Decatur. We alleged the loss of our anchors during the last gale, which was true, as a reason for wishing to make fast to the frigate till morning, and permission was obtained; but just as the ketch was about coming in contact with the frigate the wind shifted, blowing lightly directly from the frigate, and it left us at rest abeam and about twenty yards from her. This was a moment of great anxiety. We were directly under her guns, motionless and powerless, except by exertions which might betray our character. The Siren's boat was, however, in tow, and was leisurely manned, and took a rope to make fast to the ship. She was met by a boat with another rope, when both were united, and each boat returned to its vessel. This rope was passed along the deck and hauled upon by the crew as they lay stretched upon it, and the vessels gradually brought nearer each other. When nearly in contact the suspicions of the enemy appeared to be aroused, and the cry of "Americanos!" resounded through the ship. In a moment we were near enough, and the order "Board!" was given; and with this cry our men were soon on the decks of the frigate. The surprise had been complete; there was no time for any preparation, and the enemy made scarcely a show of resistance. A few were killed, one was made prisoner, and the remainder leaped overboard and probably reached their cruisers which were anchored near the ship. In less than twenty minutes the ship had been carried, the combustibles distributed and set on fire, and all our party again on board the ketch. By great exertions, the two vessels were separated before the fire, which was Pouring from the ports of the ship, enveloped the ketch also.
Up to this time the ships and batteries of the enemy had remained silent, but they were now prepared to net: and when tile crew of the ketch gave three cheers in exultation of their success, they received the return of a general discharge from the enemy. The confusion of the moment probably prevented much care in their direction, and, though under the fire of nearly a hundred pieces for half an hour, the only shot which struck the ketch was one through the topgallant sail. We were in greater danger from the ship, whose broadside commanded the passage by which we were retreating, and whose guns were loaded and were discharged as they became heated. We escaped these also, and while urging the ketch onwards with sweeps, the crew were commenting upon the beauty of the spray thrown up by the shot between us and the brilliant light of the ship, rather than calculating any danger that might be apprehended from the contact. The appearance of the ship was indeed magnificent. The flames in the interior illuminated her ports and, ascending her rigging and masts, formed columns of fire, which, meeting the tops, were reflected into beautiful capitals; whilst the occasional discharge of her guns gave an idea of some directing spirit within her. The walls of the city and its batteries, and the masts and rigging of cruisers at anchor, brilliantly illuminated, and animated by the discharge of artillery, formed worthy adjuncts and an appropriate background to the picture. Favored by a light breeze our exertions soon carried us beyond the range of their shot, and at the entrance of the harbor we met the boats of the Siren, which had been intended to cooperate with us, whose crews rejoiced at our success, whilst they grieved at not having been able to participate in it.
The plan of attack prescribed by our commander was for united action to obtain possession of the ship, with the exception of a boat to intercept communication to the shore, and for the surgeon and a few men to secure the ketch to the ship. When possession was secured, each lieutenant, with a midshipman and specified men, was to receive a portion of the prepared combustibles, and distribute them in designated parts of the berth-deck and in the forward store-rooms, and a smaller party under a midshipman to do the same in the cockpit, and there await orders to set fire, that all might be done at the same time and give all a chance for safe retreat. The party for the cockpit was assigned to my charge. My object in keeping near Lieutenant Decatur, when we were approaching the ship, was that by watching his actions, I could be governed by these rather than by his orders when the boarding should take place, it was well that this course was taken, for Decatur had leaped to the main chain plates of the frigate, before the order to board was given. I had leaped with him, and, probably more favored by circumstances, was able to reach the deck by the time he had gained the rail. The enemy were already leaping over the opposite side and made no resistance; but Decatur, under the supposition that he was first on board, was about to strike me, when I accidentally turned and stayed his uplifted arm by the watchword and mutual recognition. On my way to my station, after examining the cabin, and when passing forward, we met again under similar circumstances. Passing through the wardroom, which I found deserted, I awaited in the cockpit the men who had gone for the combustibles. These were so delayed that we had none when the order was given to set fire; but, as they came a moment after, they were distributed, and fire communicated before we left our station. In the meantime the fire on the deck above us had communicated so rapidly that it was with no small difficulty and danger that our party reached the spar-deck by the forward hatchways. All the others had already rejoined the ketch, except Decatur, who remained on the rail till all others were on board; and the bow of the ketch had already swung off from the ship when he joined us by leaping into the rigging of the ketch.
The success of this enterprise added much to the reputation of the Navy, both at home and abroad. Great credit was given and was justly due to Commodore Preble, who directed and first designed it, and to Lieutenant Decatur, who volunteered to execute it, and to Whose coolness, self-possession, resources, and intrepidity its success was in an eminent degree due. The accident of having preceded others a few seconds, when all were on board within a minute, gave a Prominence in public estimation to my own exertions, to which may be ascribed favorable opinions that probably had a beneficial influence on all my subsequent professional life. I was not, however, vain enough to feel that I deserved any particular merit from this accident, and could not but be conscious that I really deserved more for my faithful report against an attempt to enter the harbor when we first arrived than for an accidental precedence which had not cost me half the effort.
On our return to Syracuse the officers resumed their former duties. A merchant brig, mounting ten 4-pounder guns, was detained a few weeks after for breach of blockade, and fitted by order of Commodore Preble to act as a cruiser, under the name of the Scourge. She was under the command of Lieutenant Dent, the senior lieutenant of the Constitution. Henry Wadsworth was appointed to act as first and. Ralph izard as second lieutenant, and myself as master, on the 22nd of April, 1804. By this appointment more responsible duties were devolved upon me, which, at the same time, furnished means for more rapidly increasing my professional knowledge, and excited me more strongly to improve them.
We sailed from Syracuse early in May, for Tripoli, off which place We continued as one of the blockading vessels till the arrival of the commodore about the 1st of July, accompanied by two bomb-vessels and six gunboats borrowed from the Neapolitan government (which was also at war with Tripoli), and by some other vessels of our own squadron.
The necessary preparations for attack, and some unfavorable weather, occupied us till the 3d of August, on the morning of which the signal was made to prepare for battle. The Scourge, being useless for any offensive purpose, was anchored, and all the crew and officers, excepting two or three persons, were distributed to other vessels. I went to the Constitution. The daring attack by the gunboats under Lieutenants Stephen Decatur and Somers, and the capture of three of the enemy's gunboats against a superiority of nineteen to six, is a matter of history. Some apprehension was felt that these boats might be recaptured by the enemy, before our smaller vessels could cover them, and I was allowed to take the barge and assist in towing them from under the fire of the batteries. When the firing had ceased I took Lieutenant Stephen Decatur to the boat of his brother James, who had been mortally wounded just as his opponent had surrendered. The latter had escaped in the confusion which was caused by his fall. We found him still alive, but apparently unconscious; and he expired just before we reached the ship on our return. I remained in the Constitution assisting in the ordinary duties till the 7th of August, when an attack was made on the town by the bomb-vessels and gunboats only, when I accompanied Lieutenant Decatur, with McDonough, in his gunboat. The current swept us to leeward, and prevented us from gaining the position which had been intended; and in endeavoring to change the direction of our line the vessels fell into much confusion from their unmanageableness in a sea-way, and left us exposed to the fire of the enemy for some time, without our being able to return it. At one time they formed and bore up as though they contemplated a close attack, but they soon hauled up again and beat back to the harbor. Our attack was of little injury to the enemy; and we lost one of the prize boats, which was blown up, and her commander, Lieutenant Caldwell, Midshipman Dorsey and eight men perished with her. Two other persons were killed in other boats, and six wounded, two of them mortally.
On the evening of this day the John Adams, Captain Isaac Chauncey, joined the squadron from the United States. By her, intelligence was received that a squadron was on its way to reinforce us, but under the command of Commodore Samuel Barron, who, from his rank, would necessarily supersede Commodore Preble. She also brought a commission as captain for Lieutenant Decatur, as a reward for his gallantry in the capture and destruction of the Philadelphia; but there being no appropriate command for him, he continued in command of the gunboats.
The arrival of a superior officer to supersede Commodore Preble was much regretted in the squadron. His zeal and activity, and his watchful care of the interests and honor of the country, and the adoption and vigorous prosecution of means, which afforded to officers opportunities for gaining. honorable distinction, had caused all to forget or to pardon his violent ebullitions of temper, as a constitutional infirmity beyond his control. The commodore was also hurt at this requital of his exertions, which might easily have been avoided by the selection of junior officers, if there had been a very strong desire to continue him in the command; but it did not produce any relaxation in his exertions.. The next day, the 8th or August, 1804, I was appointed acting lieutenant of the brig Argus, Captain Isaac Hull, and joined her the same day. On the 9th I went with a flag of truce to take dispatches to the city, but was not permitted to pass the gunboats; still, I was able to discover some positions where gunboats could be secure from some of the batteries.
I was ordered to succeed Lieutenant Joshua Blake, the senior lieutenant, in the command of gunboat No. 3, which was manned from the brig. In an attack that was subsequently made, on the 3rd of September, the gunboats were occupied by a very distant cannonade which produced little effect and furnished no opportunity for individual distinction. The Constitution, however, made a vigorous attack on the town and batteries, and received considerable injury in sails and rigging.
On the 4th of September the ketch Intrepid, which had brought stores to the squadron, was filled with a hundred barrels of powder and a hundred and fifty loaded shells for the purpose of being taken into the harbor and exploded, with a view to shatter the castle and batteries, and destroy or injure the vessels. She was commanded by Lieutenant Somers, and accompanied by my old messmate, Henry Wadsworth, and Midshipman Joseph Israel and ten picked men. The ketch left the squadron after dark. Every person was anxiously awaiting the event, and about eleven the explosion took place, apparently near the entrance, instead of the bottom of the harbor, as was Proposed. The concerted signal to denote the safety of the party was then waited for with increased anxiety; but the watchful eyes of all in the squadron looked for it in vain, till daylight came, and with it the conviction that they had been captured or had perished. 'rho latter proved to be the fact. How, can never be accurately known; but the probability is that the explosion was premature and accidental, though at the time the general feeling ascribed it to design rather than to submit to disappointment and capture by boats supposed to have met and assailed them.
The weather having become unsettled, and the ammunition and other stores of the squadron being nearly exhausted, the gunboats and bomb vessels, with the vessels of the squadron, excepting the Constitution, Argus and Vixen, left the station on the 7th of September for Syracuse. On the 10th, the frigate President, Commodore Barron, and the Constellation, Captain Campbell, joined the squadron oft' Tripoli. Commodore Barron considered the season too far advanced to justify any further attacks on the city, and on the 12th Commodore Preble, in the Constitution, left for Malta, with three Greek ships laden with wheat, that had just been detained for an attempted violation of the blockade. Of one of these ships I was placed in charge; and after our arrival at Malta I was allowed to live with the officers of the Constitution, during the quarantine to which all the ships were subjected. Commodore Preble left the squadron and returned to the United States in the John Adams.
On the 28th of October, I was ordered to the President, as her junior lieutenant, by Commodore Barron, under whom I had commenced my naval career. We proceeded soon after to Syracuse, where the commodore remained while the ship made a cruise off Tripoli under the command of Commander George Cox. The discovery of a slight decay in one of the lower masts and in some of the other spars excited such a dread of danger in his mind that he left the station and returned to Syracuse. An exchange was then made by sending him to the Essex, and Captain James Barron took the President, which would leave him near his brother while the masts of the ship were under repair. These repairs occupied the greater part of the winter.
Hitherto my opportunities in the squadron for reading or study had been very limited. There were no books among the officers after I joined the Scourge, and few in the squadron devoted any part of their time to their use. It was my good fortune to find an exception in Lieutenant Daniel Murray of the President, and to obtain his friendship. He was a good classical scholar, well read on many subjects, conversant with the French language, and at this time studying the Italian. My fondness for reading had not been lost and it was now not only encouraged but usefully directed by Mr. Murray, whose library was placed at my disposal. My subsequent improvement may, in a great degree, be fairly attributed to his influence, and the elegance of his manners, his cheerful and amiable temper, and his high and firm principles furnished an example which excited a desire and even an attempt to imitate. He was five or six years my senior, and, though highly estimated as an officer, the gloomy prospects of the Navy, and his recent marriage, induced him to resign in 1811, and devote himself to agricultural pursuits. He sustained his high character through life, but steadily declined all official stations, though he might have represented his district in Congress, or filled the gubernatorial chair of his state, at any time during many years prior to his death, which took place in 1841.
We had the pleasure, for several weeks during this winter, of having Washington Irving as a companion in our mess, from which parties wore made to visit other cities in Sicily. The indisposition of Commodore Barron had deprived him of any active participation in the proceedings of the squadron, anti on the 23rd of May, 1805, he resigned the command of it to Commodore Rodgers, the next in rank. On the 3rd of June, a peace was concluded with Tripoli by Colonel Lear, who had been authorized by the President to negotiate.
After the resignation of the command by Commodore Barron he made a visit from Syracuse to Catania and Mount Etna, and selected several of the officers to accompany him. As one of the number I had an opportunity of passing ten or twelve days on this excursion. The Commodore selected the village of Mascalucia for his residence, hoping for advantage to his health from its mild temperature, it being situated at about an equal distance from the base and summit of the mountain.
A party was soon made up to ascend to the crater. We left the village after an early dinner, and reached a goat-herd's cabin in the woody region about 9 P. M. Here we halted for a few hours, and, resuming our march by a path which kept us in Indian file and led us occasionally along the brink of deep precipices, we found ourselves at the foot of the crater by early dawn. We here awaited the rising of the sun, as a position less liable to be obscured by the smoke than upon the crater itself.
The morning proved unusually favorable, being perfectly clear, and allowing us to view the sun rising, in appearance, out of the Adriatic below us, while the full moon was sinking into the sea beyond the western shores of Sicily. Distances seemed to be nearly lost; the Faro of Messina lay at our feet, and the eastern shores to Cape Passaro, with the windings of the intermediate harbors, were like distant tracings on a map. The island itself, notwithstanding its hilly character, appeared, from our superior elevation, like an unbroken plain, variegated by the greater lights which rested on the elevations, and the shadows which the early rays of the sun threw beyond them. After an hour or two passed in the contemplation of these novel scenes, the ascent of the crater was commenced. Our path led us at first across an old stream of lava, which resembled ice that had been broken and driven together by some violent force, and when the cake had been pressed into every variety of elevation and inclination, had been fastened there by new congelation. In this broken surface the edges of the lava were sharp or rough, and in many places required the use of hands as well as feet to advance upon or over it. When this was crossed we arrived at the upper cone, the surface of which was composed of scoriae and lava stones which had been thrown from the crater by its eruptions. The ascent was quite steep; and from this cause, the looseness of the surface, and the rarity of the atmosphere, it was found to be very difficult. As we approached the summit, it was found impossible to advance more than fifty or sixty yards without stopping to recover strength and wind to go further. Our party consisted of eight, and of these only five reached the edge of the crater, the strength of the others having been exhausted at from two to three hundred yards from it. At or near the point we reached, the inner wall of the crater appeared to be nearly perpendicular, and we could discover no limit to its depth. Heavy columns of smoke ascended at short intervals, and the crater was not entirely free from it at any time. The circumference of the crater at that time was estimated by us at about three-quarters of a mile; but there is no doubt that its dimensions and appearance are frequently changed by the action of the forces within and below.
The peculiarity of tins elevated and desolate region which struck us with the greatest force was silence, more perfect and profound than we had ever before witnessed or conceived. There was nothing there endowed with life excepting ourselves,—neither bird, beast, nor vegetable. Our descent from the crater was more rapid and less fatiguing, but not entirely free from danger, as the large stones that were lying in the scorire were easily detached from their bed, and rolled down the cone with great velocity, rousing others in their path, and sometimes spreading wide enough to endanger any who should be in advance of them. After recrossing the lava we mounted our mules again, and reached the village in time for dinner.
At this place, and just as I was leaving it to return to the ship, the news of the peace reached us by Captain Bainbridge, who had taken the earliest opportunity to visit Commodore Barron. The terms of this peace were satisfactory to the government, and probably were preferable to renewed hostilities, the success of which might be doubtful; but there was a general feeling among the officers that with such greatly increased forces a more formidable demonstration for attack might have spared us the payment of even the small sum which was granted by the treaty, and thus deprived the Pasha of all pretext for boasting of having obtained a ransom for the prisoners who had fallen into his power.
It was soon determined that the frigate President should return to the United States with Commodore Barron. Some changes took place among the officers, which left me the third lieutenant. Lieutenant Murray joined the Essex, Captain Bainbridge. The greater part of the officers who had been released from Tripoli took passage in the President, which increased the wardroom mess to twenty-two. Apprehending inconvenience from late sittings of so many unemployed persons, the officers of the ship requested and obtained an order for the extinguishment of all lights in the wardroom at 10 P. M., which was soon adopted in the service as a general rule. A few days were passed at Algesiras in obtaining supplies. When passing Tarifa, with our colors flying, a few hours after leaving Algesiras, the Spanish gunboats opened fire upon us, and threw many shot over us. As they were covered from our fire, the only notice taken of their conduct was to display the Spanish flag under ours,—a proper return for their gratuitous insult.
Commodore Barron and our passengers left us at Hampton roads, and the ship proceeded to Washington, where the crew were paid off. Late in September the officers were placed on short leave of absence, but were ordered to hold themselves in readiness for service. A short time was spent among the friends of fellow officers who resided in Alexandria and Baltimore, and a short visit to the family of Lieutenant Murray at Annapolis, which I had promised him to make. I determined to devote a portion of my present leisure to the study of the French language and to general reading, and selected Providence, where I had a few early acquaintances, as a residence. Here I found an able instructor, and the kindness of several families soon gave me access to a society of young persons, many of whom were distinguished for their acquirements and talents, as well as for the charm of their social qualities.
The reputation which had been gained by the Navy in the Mediterranean operated here as a favorable introduction for the officers who had been employed there, and the attentions which fell to my share might have affected me injuriously, if a consciousness that they wore given first to the officer and not to the individual had not kept all vanity in check. The attentions were, however, gratefully received, and naturally excited a wish to deserve them by the prudence and propriety of my conduct.
My studies and my pleasures were interrupted early in February by an order to repair without delay to New York, for duty in the brig Hornet. This was, of course, promptly obeyed, though with much regret; for, besides the separation from agreeable companions, my progress in French was too small to allow me to pursue the study alone with the hope of much success. I found that my old commander, Dent, was to command the Hornet, with Trippe and Marcelline for the other two lieutenants, which placed me as the second. Mr. Skipwith, our consul at Paris, soon joined us, and about the last of March, 1806, we sailed to convey him to Lorient in France. We had a tempestuous passage, and on one occasion very narrowly escaped foundering by a heavy sea which broke just short of us, carrying away the stern boat. We arrived safely, however, early in May, and left again about a fortnight afterwards for the Mediterranean, after having received many civilities from the naval officers and other inhabitants.
On our passage we fell in with part of the English blockading squadron off Cadiz, and had another instance of the insolence of their naval officers. A ship had been detached to speak us, from which a boat came on board as usual. The officer, however, whether by instruction or not he did not state, requested of Captain Dent that the crew might be called up for his examination. The only reply he received was an order from Captain Dent to Lieutenant Trippe to have the side manned for him, and a formal "Good morning"; and he wisely did not wait for any further information. We proceeded on our way without further interruption, but with very indignant feelings.
The remainder of the year 1806, and until August 1807, was passed in visiting the ports of Malaga, Alicante, Leghorn, Naples, Cagliari, Palermo, Messina, Syracuse, and Malta, with an occasional visit to the Barbary ports of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. A large proportion of our time was idly and unprofitably passed at Syracuse, where there were few objects of interest or means tor rational enjoyment. Though unrestrained by orders, our commander could not be persuaded to visit the Adriatic, or the Grecian and Turkish ports, which the younger officers were very desirous to examine. It even required some management to obtain a visit of ten days at Naples and of a week at Palermo. We were more fortunate at Alicante, where we passed several weeks very pleasantly in the society which was furnished by the estimable family of our consul, Mr. Montgomery, and in that of his brother and the foreign consuls resident in the city. Our stay at Malaga was also prolonged a little by the attractions of the family of Mr. Kirkpatrick, our consul at that place. My introduction to society in Providence, and the opportunities which offered at Lorient and at the ports we visited in the Mediterranean, had placed me at ease in the company of ladies and given me a fondness for their society which was favorable to me in all respects, especially by exciting my endeavors to increase my information. By great perseverance I acquired the ability to read French with facility, and then used works in that language to read history and study naval tactics and other subjects connected with the higher branches of my profession. I was unable, however, to speak it, and seldom made the effort.
On the 1st of August, being off Malaga on our way to Gibraltar with the Constitution, we met a vessel which gave us the confirmed account of the attack on the Chesapeake by the Leopard. This induced us to anchor at Malaga, where official information reached us by special conveyance on the 17th of August. The Constitution sailed the same evening for the United States, and we were dispatched to have all stores disposed of that remained at Malta and Syracuse before the news should reach those places, under the impression that immediate war would be the consequence of such an outrage.
Our duties were successfully accomplished, and, having touched at Leghorn and received some money that was in the hands of the United States agent, we left the Mediterranean with all dispatch, and following the southern passage by the trade winds arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, late in the month of November.
Public indignation had abated so much before our arrival that an immediate war was no longer apprehended, and our vessel remained unemployed at Charleston during the winter. The officers received a full share of the hospitalities for which the inhabitants of this city were distinguished, and my opportunities for mingling with the refined and intelligent society thus made accessible were not neglected.
Seeing little prospect of active employment, I obtained leave to visit Washington in May 1808, where permission was given me by the Department to visit my friends, and subsequently I received an order to report to Captain Bainbridge for duty at Portland, Maine. My health had been impaired at Charleston, and I traveled leisurely by way of New York and Albany to visit ray parents in Montgomery County. The effects of service in different climates for five years, and the usual effects of transition from youth to manhood, had so changed my appearance that even my mother did not recognize me on my arrival. The time at length arrived when duty required me to separate myself again from the family and to bid a farewell, which proved to be the last that was to be given by the mother to whom her family owed so much and were so deeply attached. * * * * On my journey, I devoted some days to visiting Northampton, Hartford, and Middletown, and passed a week at Woodstock, where there were a few who still recollected me, although there had already been numerous changes in the inhabitants and in their situations and employments. From Woodstock I proceeded to Providence to renew the acquaintances from which I had derived so much pleasure a few years before.
In Boston I again met my uncle, N. Morris, who had been appointed a purser by Commodore Preble when in the Constitution,—an appointment which was subsequently confirmed by the Department. He was now in the advanced stages of consumption, which closed his life a few months later.
On the 1st of August, 1808, I reported for duty at Portland, where I became an inmate in the same house with Captain Bainbridge and his family, and Lieutenants Thorn and Cox. We were without any duty for some months, which I sedulously devoted to reading and to Practice in map delineations.
The existing embargo had caused the ruin of most of the merchants of Portland and thrown a large proportion of the inhabitants out of their accustomed employments. These special causes produced a bitterness of party feeling, which was sufficiently strong between the political parties generally, where no such causes existed. Having never taken any part in the politics of the country, and having personal friends in both of the parties, it was not difficult for me to feel and express more favorable opinions of both than was acceptable to their respective opponents; and social intercourse had been so much disturbed by party feelings that my neutral conduct excluded me, for a time, from the circles of both extremes. This was gradually overcome, however, and afterwards my time was passed with much pleasure as well as advantage with some families of both parties.
In November Captain Bainbridge was ordered to Washington, and the lieutenants, Thorn and Cox, left the station on leave of absence. A few days after, directions came for the equipment of one of the gunboats in the harbor, for the purpose of preventing evasions of the embargo, which I was instructed to enforce. This placed me on a service which was peculiarly unpopular and liable to bring me into unpleasant if not dangerous collisions with the sailors and mercantile part of the community. It was fortunate for me that I had already formed acquaintances to whom I could explain the necessity for my obedience and my desire to avoid all unnecessary inconvenience to others in the performance of my duties. These persons made my sentiments generally known, and by carefully preventing any abuse of power by those under my command, and giving such unremitted personal attention as prevented any infraction of the law, I was fortunate enough to escape the censure of both parties and any complaints from individuals. In the course of the winter, the other nine gunboats were equipped and manned and placed under my orders, and I had the satisfaction, when called to other duties in the spring, of being informed that an application had been forwarded to the Department to leave me in my command, as one who had gained the confidence and favorable opinion of the influential persons of both political parties. This was a gratifying compensation for the very great exposure necessary during the winter, which had affected my health and excited serious apprehensions of dangerous pulmonary disease.
Captain Bainbridge having completed the duty for which he left Portland, was ordered to the command of the frigate President, whose repairs had just been commenced at Washington. By the same mail in which he informed me of his appointment, I received an order to the same ship, but to open the rendezvous at Portsmouth till further orders. Captain Bainbridge informed me that my position was to be the executive officer or first lieutenant. This information, though gratifying to professional pride, caused me much uneasiness and some alarm, for I had doubts of my ability to perform such responsible duties to the satisfaction of my commander, or to my own credit. My last service had been in a small vessel, and when rating as a lieutenant in a frigate, my duties were only those of a watch officer; and in no case had those of an executive character devolved on me except in my recent charge of a gunboat. I therefore wrote to Captain Bainbridge stating my doubts, that he might select a more experienced officer if he should prefer it. His answer, which was flattering and encouraging, left me no option but compliance with the order. Six weeks were passed in Portsmouth, during which I received the melancholy information of the sudden death of my mother from pleurisy.
I joined the President in May, 1809, and commenced my duties with a determination to supply deficiencies of professional knowledge, as far as practicable, by unwearied attention and diligence. The ship was so much decayed that many of the bottom planks had to be renewed, as well as the copper, and all her equipments were new. These latter were all to be prepared and put in place under my personal direction, and my exertions fortunately obtained the approbation of my commander, whose own attention and activity were well calculated to excite the energies and diligence of others. Notwithstanding all exertions the ship did not reach Hampton roads till September. From that place she proceeded to New York and received some articles which were still deficient. Captain Bainbridge had been authorized to wear a commodore's pennant, and two cruises of five or six weeks each were made on the coast during the winter, where the tempestuous weather allowed of few comforts, but gave full employment to the crew, and greatly increased their efficiency and skill in the maneuvers of the ship. James Biddle was the second, William Burrows the third, G. C. Read the fourth, A. S. Wadsworth the fifth, and O. W. Morgan the Junior lieutenant. In May, 1810, Captain Bainbridge left the ship in the Delaware, under a furlough, to attend to his private affairs, and she proceeded under my charge to Hampton roads. Lieutenant Biddle left for the Syren, and Lieutenant Burrows on a furlough. Captain Hull had been selected to succeed Commodore. Bainbridge, but Commodore Rodgers, his senior, having expressed a desire to exchange to the President from the Constitution, it was authorized, and on the arrival of the latter ship in the roads a complete exchange of the officers and crew was made, and Captain Hull took command of the Constitution. The remaining part of the summer and the autumn were passed in the Constitution in cruising on the coast and in the Delaware river and Boston harbor.
The winter of 1810-11 was passed with the President and Congress in the harbor of New London. Captain Hull was absent a considerable part of the time, which devolved some additional duties upon me, but 'as we had 'pat little other employment than the usual gun exercises, I found time to make a tolerable survey and chart of the harbor with the imperfect instruments at my command. After a short cruise on the eastern part of the coast and a visit to Boston, the ship proceeded to Chesapeake bay, in May 1811, and anchored off' Annapolis, ready to receive on board Mr. Barlow and convey him as our envoy and minister to France. August arrived before we were Joined by Mr. Barlow and his family, composed of Mrs. Barlow and her sister, Mrs. Baldwin.
A pleasant passage enabled us to land them at Cherbourg in September. The ship soon proceeded off the Texel, where we landed specie as payment of part of the public debt due in Holland. On our return a few days were passed in the Downs, where the British naval officers were civil. After another short detention at Cherbourg the ship took Mr. Russell to England as Chargé d' affaires. We anchored at Spithead, where there were many British ships of war. Captain Hull accompanied Mr. Russell to London for a short visit. At this place no offers of civility were received from the British officers. Some circumstances occurred which at one time threatened serious difficulties, though none actually took place.
Very late one night a boat came from an English frigate that was lying near us, whose officer, on being shown to me, in the absence of Captain Hull, presented the compliments of the captain of the Havannah, with the information that a deserter from our ship had 'just reached the ship under his command. Thanks were returned for the information and he was informed that the man would be sent for in the morning. When this was done his delivery was declined, without an order from the admiral. The second lieutenant was sent to the flag-ship for such an order, but was informed that the admiral was on shore. It seemed proper to make a personal demand, and for that purpose I waited on the admiral, Sir Roger Curtis. My request for the man was answered by the question whether we would surrender British deserters who should reach our ship; to which I could only say that Captain Hull would probably be willing to accede to any agreement that should be mutually advantageous. The admiral then observed that the man had claimed protection as a British subject, and, under these circumstances, he was bound to retain him; and without other evidence than the man's own assertion, as he said in reply to a question. I had therefore only to make a formal demand and take, leave. Anxious to prevent further desertions, additional sentries were placed and every vigilance enforced. About midnight I was awakened by the discharge of the sentries' muskets, and the cries of a man in the water near the ship. He was soon picked up and brought on board. He had deserted from our neighbor, the Havannah, and, on being asked his country, answered, in the richest Irish brogue, "An American." This was sufficient. A boat was immediately sent to the Havannah to reciprocate the politeness of the preceding evening, and the next morning we had the satisfaction of assigning the same reason and the same testimony, for refusing a demand for his restitution from the captain and admiral. Captain Hull returned about noon the same day. The subject had become known on shore and was freely discussed, with threats of the use of force, if the deserter should not be otherwise restored by us. Signals were made and two frigates lying at some distance weighed and anchored very near us, in positions that, with three other vessels close by, rendered it very difficult for us to get under way without getting foul of them. As Captain Hull was obliged to return to the shore and intended to sail in the morning, he directed me to remove the ship on the turn of the tide to a position outside of the English ships. This was accomplished, though we were very near getting foul of the ships near us; but we had barely anchored before we were followed by the same two frigates.
The captain and some American gentlemen, as passengers, came on board about sunset and preparations were made for getting under way. Supposing it very possible, if not probable, that force might be used against us, the crew were beat to quarters, the decks lighted up and the ship prepared for action, before the anchor was weighed, when the crew were again returned to their quarters, and we stood out of the roads without molestation or further threatening movements. The next morning we anchored in Cherbourg: I was sent to Paris, to await the despatches which were to be sent home in the ship by Mr. Barlow. This was about the middle of November. I remained in Paris about six weeks, during which the necessity of holding myself in readiness to leave at any hour confined me to the city itself; but that afforded ample scope for pleasant occupation for a much greater length of time.
Paris at that period contained many of the masterpieces of art which had formerly been the pride of different nations, and which were soon to be restored by the same chances of war that had enabled Napoleon to collect them. The examination of these occupied many of the hours at my disposal. Mr. Barlow had many acquaintances among the distinguished residents of the city, besides those who visited him in consequence of his official situation. Through his kindness his house was always open to me, and I mot many persons there who were no less interesting from their personal character than from the distinguished position they had formerly held in society. It was there that I first met La Fayette, who frequently passed a quiet evening at the house, referring with Mr. and Mrs. Barlow to scenes and persons connected with our own revolution and that of France, which excited deep interest in those who had the good fortune to be present. Here also, among many others, were assembled the "Belle et Bonne" of Voltaire, Madame Viliette, the Archbishop of Paris, Gregoire, Marbois, and General Kosciusko, the soldier and advocate of liberty in both hemispheres. Kosciusko, like La Fayette, was then residing in the country near Paris, in great retirement, out of favor with the government, if not under surveillance, and entered very little into society, where there were few who sympathized with him in their feelings and opinions, or where any expression of them could be made without danger. At Mr. Barlow's they found safety and sympathy, and other inducements which frequently brought them to his domestic circle. My introduction to Kosciusko was unexpected, and his manner made a strong impression on me. Mrs. Barlow and myself were sitting in the parlor on a dark, stormy day, when the servant announced a person whose name was not distinctly heard. He was followed into the room by a small man, in an old brown overcoat, who immediately rushed to Mrs. Barlow and gave her an embrace which was cordially returned. Both seemed to be greatly excited, and for some time I stood an unnoticed spectator. At last Mrs. Barlow presented me to the general, as an American officer, which gained me also an embrace, and the expression of his gratification at having once more m' et with one. Then laying both hands upon my head, he invoked the blessing of the Almighty upon me, with great fervor and solemnity, to my no small astonishment and confusion.
Although I had seen Napoleon tolerably near when he occasionally reviewed troops in the Carrousel, my desire was great to see him more nearly still. This desire was at last gratified under very favorable circumstances. The Emperor and the imperial family received all the foreign diplomatic corps and the great officers of the Empire, on the 1st of January, 1812. The foreign ministers had the privilege of presenting their countrymen on this occasion, and with several other Americans I accompanied Mr. Barlow. The diplomatic corps and their countrymen assembled about 11 A. M., in a large hall on the lower floor of the palace of the Tuileries, where coffee and other slight refreshments were served. About noon they were notified to proceed to the hall of the throne. Ascending the grand staircase between the line of the guards, every step having one at each end, we were conducted through a hall in which the city authorities were assembled, another containing the general officers of the Army and Navy and civil officers of corresponding ranks, and a third containing the Marshals and other superior dignitaries of the Empire and high officers of the household; this opened to the hall of the throne. The throne was at the farthest extremity. The Emperor stood near it, and at a short distance his grand chamberlain and one or two others. Our procession entered slowly and ranged itself rather on one side of the hall, the ambassador entitled to precedence near the head of the hall, and the others in succession, each having his suite near him, and a small space between each suite to keep them distinct. A few minutes after the arrangement was completed, the Emperor advanced to the ambassador highest in rank, Prince Schwartzenberg from Austria, and addressed a few remarks to him, after which the strangers of that embassy were presented. The same course was pursued with each separate legation, and occupied from three to five minutes with each. When the Emperor had thus received all, he returned slowly along the line, returning the salutations of the different legations as he passed, but without conversing with any excepting with the Americans. When opposite to Mr. Barlow, he observed, "I perceive the English government has returned the seamen formerly taken from one of your ships of war," (news of which had been received a few days before); to which Mr. Barlow replied, "Yes, Sire, and in a manner honorable to our country." With a peculiar smile and a slight toss of the head, he rejoined, "So long as you do not injure the commerce or the revenue of England, you may do whatever besides that you may choose with her," and passed on. Having resumed his station near the throne, he bowed low to the assemblage, upon which they retired, keeping their faces towards him till they had reached the door of exit, when they returned to the hall where they had assembled.
The legations were now conducted to another part of the palace where the same ceremonies were repeated with the Empress Marie Louise. Here the antechambers and hall of reception contained many ladies mingled with the household officers. The Empress appeared to be quite ill at ease, and to perform her part in the exhibition with considerable embarrassment, and with scarcely an attempt at conversation. Our detention was not long, and we proceeded next to the apartments of the Emperor's sister, the Queen of Italy. The comparisons between her and the Empress were favorable to the Queen. Apparently quite at her ease, with an animated face and gracious manner, she maintained the necessary conversation without hesitation or difficulty. The legations then assembled at the chapel, in a side gallery, while the Imperial family occupied the front during mass, which occupied about half an hour.
Hortense, the daughter of the late Empress, and Queen of Holland, resided in a different part of the city, and the legations next visited her, but without any connection with each other. Her court was small. She received us with great affability and grace, and impressed us with a belief in her amiability of temper and benevolence of character. On being informed that I was about to return to the United States, she sent many kind messages to Mrs. Hay, the daughter of Mr. Monroe, with whom she said she had been at school, and whom she pronounced to be "tres tres aimable."
The Queen of Joseph of Spain and another sister of the Emperor still remained to be visited, according to the strict rules of etiquette; but the evening had arrived, and Mr. Barlow having assured us that Joseph's Queen was "the very fag-end of royalty," we accepted his proposition to leave them and accompanied him to partake of his dinner.
The great object of interest in this varied and brilliant scene was Napoleon himself; but it is difficult to describe his appearance and the expression of his countenance, or the impression which they made upon my mind. In height he was about five feet, eight inches. He had already exchanged the slight and slender figure of the conqueror of Italy for a fullness which verged closely upon corpulency. His movements were slow, but easy and dignified: the expression of his face generally grave and composed, the upper portion indicating deep thought, and the mouth and lower part, firmness and decision. His eyes were dark, clear, and penetrating, but without much brilliancy; and their motion was slow when passing from one object to another. His smile gave an agreeable and amiable expression to his face, which could hardly have been expected from its generally cold and fixed character; but a smile seemed to be of rare occurrence, as it only appeared for the moment when he last addressed Mr. Barlow. On this occasion he was not, as usual, in uniform, but dressed in velvet coat and breeches, white satin vest, white silk stockings, shoes, and white cravat of lace, and carried a hat in his hand, with one side turned up, secured by a loop which supported a drooping white ostrich feather, and ornamented by a single diamond of great size and brilliancy. The hilt of his small sword and the buttons of his coat, and the knee and shoe buckles were set with diamonds. The general character of his dress was in good taste, expensive but free from all gaudiness, and, compared with that of the officers of the court, appeared remarkable for its simplicity.
Such was Napoleon as he appeared to me on the 1st of January, 1812, surrounded by the representatives of all the nations of christendom, excepting England, and the acknowledged arbiter of Europe. Success had hitherto crowned all his enterprises, and further opposition to his will required a boldness which bordered on rashness. But the war with Spain had been commenced and one with Russia was then contemplated, which led to a general coalition, that in loss than four short years deprived him of all power and left him at the mercy of his enemies for the remainder of his life.
Mr. Barlow's despatches having been completed, I left Paris with them on the evening of the 2nd of January, and soon after joining the ship at Cherbourg she sailed for the United States. After a very tempestuous and unpleasant passage of forty-two days we reached the entrance of the Chesapeake, and I proceeded to Washington with the despatches. About three weeks were passed at the seat of government, during which I became known to the President and the different secretaries and many members of Congress, and joined in the gaieties which are usual there during the session of Congress. From the conversation of the members of the cabinet, it was apparent that war might be soon expected with Great Britain, unless she repealed the order of council under which our commerce was plundered by her numerous cruisers, and unless those cruisers were further restrained from insulting infringements of our nationality by firing upon and capturing vessels, within our jurisdiction, as recognized by international law.
Under these circumstances, I was desirous of some situation that would leave me ready for the command of a small vessel, should war take place, and at the same time relieve me for a time from the incessant and laborious duties in which I had for some years been constantly engaged. The Secretary readily acceded to my wishes, giving me orders to join Commodore Bainbridge, who had just been ordered to the Navy yard at Boston; assuring me that when next employed at sea, it should be in command of some vessel.
My expectation of relaxation was, however, disappointed, for the yard was found to require unremitted exertion to bring it into a situation of even moderate efficiency and order. Before this was accomplished my hope of command was also destroyed by an unexpected order to repair to New York to meet the Constitution and rejoin her in my old situation of senior lieutenant. As the Constitution was still in the Potomac, where she had gone for slight repair, the commodore permitted and advised my proceeding directly to Washington, in the hope of having the order revoked by recalling the promise of the Secretary to his recollection.
Using all despatch, I met the news of the declaration of war just before reaching Washington. This event was not calculated to diminish my desire for a separate command, and the revocation of my orders was readily granted. To my surprise and mortification, they were peremptorily renewed a few days after. Indignant at such conduct, which was not explained, and which seemed inimical to my interests, I formed the proper determination to give prompt obedience and make a cruise, but, before leaving the city, to make application for an appointment in the Army which was then forming. I accordingly made an application for a lieutenant-colonelcy of artillery, and lodged, in support of it, the recommendations of the members of Congress for Connecticut and Rhode Island, and of a member from New York and Massachusetts. Having done this, in the course of the morning I obtained an interview with the Secretary of the Navy, informed him of my decision and action, and left the city in the afternoon, in a vessel taking stores to the ship. I joined her near the mouth of the Potomac on the 25th of June.
The equipments of the ship were still very imperfect. Only a part of her guns were mounted, the complement of men was greatly deficient, those on board were not yet stationed, and, of course, were totally uninstructed in any special duties. Captain Hull used all exertions to supply the deficiency of men and stores, while the other officers were unceasing in their efforts to complete the equipments, and exercise and train the men to their various duties, but more especially with the guns. The ship was taken opposite Annapolis for more convenient intercourse with Baltimore and ports to the eastward, and on the 5th of July we began to work down the bay, still continuing to receive men and stores till we passed out to sea on the 12th of July.
The ship had been ordered to New York to meet and join other vessels under the command of Commodore Rodgers, and our course was directed accordingly. We had proceeded beyond the Delaware, but out of sight of the land, when, on the afternoon of the 16th, we discovered four vessels, at a great distance to the NW., and a single ship to the NE., from which quarter a light wind was then blowing. The wind changed to the southward about sunset, which brought us to windward, and we stood for the ship, the wind being very light. The chase was evidently a frigate, and the first impression was that she might be a part of Commodore Rodgers's squadron. By 11 P. M., we were within signal distance, and it was soon apparent she was not an American vessel of war. There being no apprehension that a British frigate would make any attempt to avoid an engagement, Captain Hull felt justified in delaying any nearer approach till daylight of the 17th, when OM' newly-collected and imperfectly disciplined men would be less likely to be thrown into confusion.* The ship was accordingly brought to the wind with her head to the southward and westward, under easy sail, with a light wind from the NW. The other ship did the same at about two miles distance. The watch not on duty were allowed to sleep at their quarters, and the officers slept in the same manner. As the following morning opened upon us, it disclosed our companion of the night to be a large frigate just without gunshot, on the lee quarter, and a ship-of-the-line and three other frigates, a brig, and schooner, about two miles nearly astern, with all sails set standing for us, with English colors flying.* All our sails were soon set, and the nearest frigate, fortunately for us, but without any apparent reason, tacked and immediately wore round again in chase, a maneuver that occupied some ten minutes, and allowed us to gain a distance, which, though short, proved to be of the utmost importance to our safety. By sunrise our ship was entirely becalmed and unmanageable, while the ships astern retained a light breeze till it brought three of the frigates so near that their shot passed beyond us. The distance was, however, too great for accuracy, and their shot did not strike our ship. Our boats were soon hoisted out, and the ship's head kept from the enemy, and exertions were made to increase our distance from them by towing. This, and occasional catspaws or slight puffs of wind, enabled us to prevent their closing, but as their means were equal to ours, we could gain nothing. A few guns were fired from our sternports, but so much rake had been given to the stern that the guns could not be used with safety, and their further use was relinquished. All means were adopted which seemed to promise any increase of speed. The hammocks were removed from the nettings, and the cloths rolled up to prevent their unfavorable action; several thousand gallons of water were started and pumped overboard, and all the sails kept thoroughly wet to close the texture of the canvas. While making all these exertions, our chances for escape were considered hopeless. For many years the ship had proved a very dull sailer, especially during the late cruise, and it was supposed that the first steady breeze would bring up such a force as would render resistance of no avail; and our situation seemed hopeless. At about 8 A. M., one of the frigates called all the boats of the squadron to her and, having arranged them for towing, furled all sails. This brought her towards us steadily and seemed to decide our fate. Fortunately for us a light breeze filled our sails and sent us forward a few hundred yards, before her sails could be set to profit by it. With our minds excited to the utmost to devise means for escape, I happened to recollect that, when obliged by the timidity of my old commander, Cox, to warp the President in and out of harbors where others depended on sails, our practice had enabled us to give her a speed of nearly three miles an hour. We had been on soundings the day before, and on trying we now found twenty-six fathoms. This depth was unfavorably great, but it gave me confidence to suggest to Captain Hull the expediency of attempting to warp the ship ahead. He acceded at once, and in a short time(about 7 A. M.) the launch and first cutter were sent ahead with a kedge, and all the hawsers and rigging, from five inches and upward, that could be found, making nearly a mile of length. When the kedge was thrown the men hauled on the connecting hawser, slowly and carefully at first, till the ship was in motion, and gradually increasing until a ' sufficient velocity was given to continue until the anchor could again be taken ahead, when the same process was repeated. In this way the ship was soon placed out of the range of our enemy's guns, and by continued exertions when the wind failed, and giving every possible advantage to the sails when we had air enough to fill them, we prevented them from again closing very near us. The Ship which we had first chased gained a position abeam of us about 9 A. M. and fired several broadsides, but the shot fell Just short of us, and only served to enliven our men and excite their Jocular comments. The exertions of neither party were relaxed during this day or the following night. There was frequent alternation of calms and very light winds from the SE., which we received with our heads to the southwestward. When the wind would give us more speed than with warping and towing, the boats were run up to their places, or suspended to the spars in the chains by temporary tackles, with their crews in them, ready to act again at a moment's notice. At daylight of the second day, on the 18th, it was found that one frigate had gained a position on our .lee bow, two nearly abeam, one on the lee quarter about two miles from us, and the ship-of-the-line, brig and schooner, three miles from us in the same direction. The wind had now become tolerably steady, though still light. The frigate on the lee bow tacked about 4 A. M., and would evidently reach within gunshot if we continued our course. This we were anxious to avoid, as a single shot might cripple some spar and impede our progress. If we tacked, we might be exposed to the lire of the other frigate on the lee quarter; but as she was a smaller vessel the risk appeared to be less, and we also tacked soon.
In passing the lee frigate at 5, we expected a broadside or more, as we should evidently pass within gunshot; but, from some unexplained cause, Lord James Townsend in the Æolus of 32 guns suffered us to pass quietly, and tacked in our wake, while the others soon took the same direction. We had now all our pursuers astern and on the lee quarter, and as the wind was gradually increasing, our escape must depend on our superiority of sailing, which we had no reason to hope nor expect. Exertions, however, were not relaxed. The launch and first cutter, which we dared not lose, were hoisted on board at 6 A. M., under the directions of Captain Hull, with so little loss of time or change of sails that our watching enemies could not conceive what disposition was made of them. This we afterwards learned from Lieutenant Crane, who was a prisoner in their squadron. The sails were kept saturated with water, a set of skysails was made and set, and all other sails set and trimmed to the greatest advantage, close by the wind. The ship directly astern gained slowly but gradually till noon; though, as the wind increased, our good ship was going at that time at the unexpected rate of ten knots an hour. At noon we had the wind abeam and as it gradually freshened, we began to leave our fleet pursuer. Our ship had reached a speed of twelve and a half knots by 2 P. M. Our hopes began to overcome apprehension, and cheerfulness was more apparent among us.
Though encouraged we were by no means assured, as all the ships were still near and ready to avail themselves of any advantage that might offer. About 6 P. M., a squall of wind and rain passed over us, which induced us to take in our light sails before the rain covered us from the view of the enemy; but most of them were soon replaced as the wind moderated. When the rain had passed, we had evidently gained a mile or more during its continuance. Still the pursuit was continued and our own ship pressed forward to her utmost speed. The officers and men again passed the night at quarters. At daylight, on the morning of the 19th, our enemies had been left so far astern that danger from them was considered at an end, and at 8 A. M., they at last relinquished the chase and hauled their wind. Our officers and crew could now indulge in some rest, of which the former had taken little for more than sixty hours. Captain Hull deservedly gained much reputation for this difficult retreat from a greatly superior force, when superior numbers and other circumstances gave the enemy great advantages. The enemy seem to have been desirous at first of bringing so many of their ships upon us as to render all resistance hopeless, and thus obtain our ship so little injured as to be immediate employed by them. If they had concentrated their efforts at an earlier period to bringing up some one of their ships within fair range, or had adopted our plan of warping at any time during the early part of the chase, they could hardly have failed to inflict such damage as would have prevented our escape, after our dependence was reduced to, our sails. The result may be remembered as an evidence of the advantages to be expected from perseverance under the most discouraging circumstances, so long as any chance for success may remain.
As access to New York was impracticable the ship proceeded to Boston, where she arrived on the 27th of July. Her arrival was reported by Captain Hull, by letters addressed to New York, and to the Department, but the apprehension of being blockaded by the enemy's squadron induced him to determine to wait no longer than to ascertain if Commodore Rodgers had left any orders for him at New York. This was found not to have been the case, and we sailed again on the 1st of August, having employed the intervening days in renewing our supplies and improving our preparations for active service. The decision of the captain proved fortunate, for the day after our departure orders arrived from Washington to await further directions. We proceeded leisurely to the eastward, along the coasts of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, where we captured and destroyed several of the merchant vessels of the enemy, and improved the time in careful exercise. of our new crew at the guns, to which all the officers gave the most minute and careful supervision.
Leaving Newfoundland and standing SE. across the track of vessels bound from the West Indies to Europe, having reached lat. 41° 43' N., and long. 56° 6' W., a sail was discovered about 2 P. M., on the 19th of August, under our lee, which was soon made out to be a frigate and an enemy. She continued her course by the wind to the southward under every sail, while we approached with a fresh westerly wind so as to preserve our windward position. When within about two miles, at 5 P. M., we shortened sail, sent our royal yards down, reefed the topsails, and prepared for action. When these preparations were completed, we bore up and steered for the enemy's quarter. He also displayed his colors, three ensigns, and as we closed at 5.05, he fired his broadside and wore ship. His shot did not then reach us, and we changed our course a little, to clear his quarter again, and at 5.20, hoisted our ensign and a jack at each mast-head. This induced another broadside, and another change of tack from the enemy, which was repeated two or three times, and we occasionally returned a few shot from our bow guns. As their maneuvers prolonged our separation, Captain Hull, at 6, directed the ship to be steered directly for the enemy and the main top-gallant sail to be set. The enemy now bore up gradually to nearly the same course as ourselves, before the wind, but with our greater quantity of sail we speedily closed upon his larboard quarter, and passed to his beam at about two hundred yards distance, gradually approaching still nearer. Both ships opened their fire as the guns could be brought to bear, about 6.05, and in about ten minutes we had the satisfaction of seeing the enemy's mizzenmast fall. This retarded her velocity and we were gradually ranging ahead, when at 6.20 our helm was put hard to port to cross her bows and rake her. The loss of braces, with the spanker and mizzen-topsails disabled, prevented our coming to as quickly as we desired, but still we had time to give two raking broadsides before her jib-boom crossed our quarterdeck, and we bore up to prevent her crossing our stern. With her bowsprit and jib-boom slightly entangled in our lee mizzen rigging, she fell astern of us rather on the lee quarter. As the bowsprit afforded a convenient passage for boarding, such an attempt seemed very possible in her crippled condition, and, for the purpose of ascertaining if her men were collecting, I got upon the taffrail. The appearances induced me to suggest to Captain Hull that men should be called to repel boarders, which was done. Believing that advantage might result from keeping the enemy in his then position, I was attempting to pass some turns of the main-brace over her bowsprit, when I received a ball through the body, which threw me on deck and left me stunned for some minutes. Lieutenant Bush of the Marines, who was standing on the deck near the taffrail, was killed about the same time by a ball through the head, and he Master Alwyn slightly grazed by one on the shoulder.
Having been lifted to my feet, I was able in a few minutes to resume my duties. In the meantime, the skips had separated. Shortly after, the enemy's fore and mainmasts went by the board, and at 6:30 she fired a gun to leeward in token of surrender. No further effectual resistance could be made by her, and the importance of examining into and repairing our injuries induced Capt. Hull to stand off a short distance for this purpose. When it was completed, the ship again approached the enemy, at 7 P. M., to receive the formal acknowledgment of conquest, which had been virtually secured when her masts were destroyed and her flag was struck a little before sunset. When the ships were separated and the action over, there was no further occasion for my presence, and my voice began to fail and my wound to become painful; and I accordingly surrendered the charge of the deck to the second lieutenant, Wadsworth. After some directions for extinguishing a slight fire in the cabin which had been produced by the enemy's wads, when she was nearly in contact, I went to the cockpit for examination. This was soon done, and during the remainder of the night, pain nearly deprived me of all consciousness. The cessation of fever was followed by great debility which confined me to my bed for some weeks after our return to Boston, where we arrived early in September, having on board Captain Dacres, his officers and crew. Our prize, the frigate Guerriere, had been destroyed soon after the fight.
This capture, the first of consequence which had been made from the enemy, produced great excitement and gratification throughout the country. The Guerriere had been on our coast, and her commander was reported to have expressed a great desire for conflict with any of our frigates, and even to have sent messages to that effect. Our success was hailed as an earnest of what might be expected from others, an expectation that was nobly realized by the actions of the United States with the Macedonian, the Wasp with the Frolic, the Constitution with the Java, and the capture of several others on the ocean, and of, the enemy's squadrons on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain. These repeated captures, from an enemy who had for a long time been accustomed to unvaried success, gave us a high naval reputation abroad, and obtained for the Navy a favorable opinion in our own country, which it had not enjoyed before.
The causes of our success became the subject of much inquiry and were variously estimated. By some they were assigned to the different motives which operated on the seamen of the two countries, ours being elevated by patriotism, while those of the enemy were depressed by the cruelties of impressment. The enemy sought for consolation under their defeat in the greater size of our vessels, and their heavier armament. In some actions these causes undoubtedly existed, and among them, that of the Constitution and the Guerriere, but even these were insufficient to meet the great disparity in the losses sustained by the contending vessels.
The remote cause, as it appeared to me, was 10 be found in the confidence of our enemy and in the distrust of ourselves to contend successfully against them: in the neglect of careful exercise, which resulted from the enemy's confidence, resting on former success; and, on our part, in the unwearied attention of our 'officers to devise and bring into daily exercise every improvement which might increase the chances of success against a Navy, to which we might soon be opposed as an enemy, and upon which there were so many injuries and insults to be avenged for the honor of our country. This expectation and feeling were of general, almost of universal, prevalence among our officers, and led them to a unity of purpose and action which could not fail of producing important results. Their number was so small that each knew almost every other, and there was scarcely a feeling of unworthy jealousy, though much of generous emulation, among those of corresponding ranks. To these advantages may be added the greater resources of our seamen than is usual with those of other nations. Many of our seamen have acquired trades before they begin their maritime pursuits, and, in case of necessity, carpenters, smiths, and others, are to be found in numbers among our crews, who can render most valuable aid in repairing damages; which could only be done in other services by the few who are usually specially provided for such purposes.
But the great source of our success was undoubtedly the superior management and direction of our guns; and that the English and Other governments were satisfied of this is sufficiently evident by the careful attention they have since continued to give to this branch of the naval service.
On the arrival of the ship at Boston, August 81, I was landed for Thy more comfortable accommodation. All former neglects were soon effaced and all recent exertions unexpectedly rewarded by the receipt of an appointment, from the President, as a captain in the Navy, bearing date the day of the capture of the Guerriere. This unexpected advancement over a whole grade, which had only the precedent of Decatur, was considered by some as beyond my merits; by still more, as an injudicious departure from the usual routine; and by all those over whom I had been advanced, as fully justifying all their exertions to prevent its confirmation by the Senate. It was quite as unexpected by me as by any one, and I should have felt well satisfied if promoted to commander. Some of my best friends advised me to decline it; but the intended opposition of others was well known, and would leave such a relinquishment open to an imputation of a desire to obtain the credit for moderation, which might, in fact, have been induced by apprehension of eventual failure of confirmation. I preferred the hazard to such a course, but determined to take no step whatever to gain friends in the Senate, and to abide by its decision; and this was approved by several of my old companions, over whom, by a fortunate accident, I had been thus advanced. By orders of the 5th of October, I was assigned to the command of the Adams, then under repairs at Washington, and directed to join her when my health should be restored. Obtaining a leave of absence, I visited my maternal grandparents and my sister Lucy, at Middlebury, Vermont. From Middlebury my journey was to Albany, where I passed a few days and was made acquainted with Governor De Witt Clinton and different members of the Legislature.
The day before we reached Albany two gentlemen were conversing upon the capture of the Guerriere, and one of them stated many occurrences during the action which were entirely new to me. For convenience and ease I wore a jacket in travelling, and no part of my dress entitled me to much consideration from its appearance. I remarked, however, that I was recently at Boston, and having seen many who were in the action, none of' whom had mentioned the facts he stated, which from their character would have been generally known and circulated, if true, I apprehended he must have been misinformed upon the subject. He replied, rather superciliously, that he had no doubt his means of information were quite as good as my own, and being properly asked for his authority he gave the name of a young midshipman whose station in action I knew prevented the possibility of his witnessing the facts he had communicated; but I urged the subject no further. Among the Senators to whom I was presented the next day, at the Capitol, were my two travelling companions, and our mutual recognition was not a little embarrassing, though no reference to our former conversation was made by either. Leaving Albany I passed a few weeks in visiting my father and his family and other relatives in Montgomery and Otsego Counties. I then proceeded to Washington, arriving there November 20.
The Adams was still under repair and not in a situation to require my personal attention. The winter was therefore passed in the gaieties of Washington society, which brought me into a general acquaintance with the members of Congress and the resident public officers, and enabled me to reap many advantages from their conversation, as well as pleasure from a free intercourse with the younger and gayer portions of the residents and visitors.
My occupations were not entirely frivolous, however, as my opinions, with those of other captains, were not infrequently required on subjects which demanded careful deliberation and involved interests of no small importance. Among these was the expediency of introducing ships-of-the-line as a part of the force proposed to be authorized. In an examination before the naval committee of the Senate I made it dependent upon the intention of having a permanent Navy, or a force for temporary purposes to be laid aside and resumed occasionally. If the former was proposed, the ships-of-the-line were desirable as a nucleus and pledge of permanency, by which such confidence could be given as would draw into the service the best materials for officers Which the country could supply; while measures indicating a want of Permanency would only draw to the Navy those who wished to use it till something should offer of greater advantage. The committee decided for a permanent Navy, and on their report six ships of 74 guns were authorized. My appointment remained before the Senate till the very close of the session, when it was confirmed, after giving Lawrence and Jones precedence of 'rank, which the President's original appointment did not contemplate. This arrangement was due to the former services of Lawrence, who had been the second in command at the destruction of the Philadelphia, and of Jones, who had just captured the Frolic, when in command of the Wasp.
I was not insensible to the fact that my late unprecedented and unexpected advancement was due rather to accidental circumstances, and with a view to stimulate others by the example of my reward, than to any peculiar merits or unusual good conduct on my part. The honors which had been bestowed upon me left me indebted to the service and the country—a debt which it would require all my future exertions to repay, and imposed an obligation upon me to devote my time and talents with zeal and assiduity to such duties as might be assigned to me; and it was my earnest purpose to act accordingly.
Unavoidable circumstances delayed the equipment of the ship till the 8th of May, 1813, when we left the Navy yard and proceeded towards the mouth of the Potomac. We had no expectation, however, of getting to sea during the summer, as the lower, part of the Chesapeake was constantly occupied by several of the enemy's ships. The Adams had been originally a small 32-gun frigate, but when recently repaired, she had been sawed asunder and fifteen feet additional length given to her. Heavy upper works were given to the spardeck, altogether disproportioned to her breadth and capacity below water. It was soon apparent that her want of stability would not permit any pressure of sail, and several additions of ballast did not increase it. I had earnestly requested that she might be fitted as a corvette, and this desire was now much increased; but for the present the Secretary would not consent to gratify it.
Several small vessels and gunboats were placed under my command, with which to protect the shores of the Potomac from marauding boat expeditions, and to give notice of any attempts by the enemy to ascend the river in force.
On the 15th of July, at 1 A. M., one of the lookout vessels communicated the intelligence that the enemy had entered the river with fourteen sail, and were ascending it with a fair wind.
We were then lying near fort Washington. The information was immediately forwarded to the Department, and the ship moored opposite to the fort, with three gunboats in company. By 10 A. M. the Secretary of the Navy and Commodore Tingey arrived on board, and at 2 P. M. we all went on shore, where we met the Secretaries of State and of War.
About fifteen hundred troops, new recruits and militia, arrived in the course of the day. The Secretary of State left in the afternoon for Port Tobacco, and the Secretary of the Navy came on board and passed the night, but returned to Washington the next morning.
Some 32 and 18 pounder guns arrived from the city during the day, for which our officers and men constructed a temporary platform on the beach, and soon had it ready for service. It was placed in charge of our first lieutenant, A. S. Wadsworth, with forty men and a detachment from the army. The Secretary of War, General Armstrong, remained near the fort till the 20th of July, but would never give directions for any additional defensive works, although it was admitted that the fort could offer little effective resistance to a heavy ship or to any party that might land. The Secretary stated as his opinion that the enemy would never seriously attempt to penetrate to the city, which offered no sufficient motive for such an enterprise. At last, upon its being urged that such an employment would be more useful for the troops than idleness, he sanctioned a plan which I prepared at his request; but, as the enemy began to move down the river soon after, the works were never begun. While busily occupied with these various and pressing duties I remodeled the signal book of the Navy, at the request of the Secretary of the Navy, who wished it done immediately, under the impression that the former one had fallen into the enemy's hands, by the capture of the Chesapeake. It was the work of less than a fortnight, which, with the attendant circumstances, will account for its acknowledged imperfections. The enemy left the Potomac about, the 22d of July and the Secretary of War returned to Washington. The troops were soon after sent to Annapolis, where it was supposed the enemy might attempt to land.
The Adams had been surveyed by a board of officers, and her insufficiency for sea service had been recognized by them, but she was kept employed in the river till the 12th of August. She was then taken to the Navy yard for alteration, while the officers and two hundred and twenty men, with a detachment of about a hundred marines, were placed under my command and sent to Annapolis as an additional protection to that city. Service in and near the forts, which were situated near the water, in and opposite the place, had produced attacks of intermittent fever, which affected nearly all of the detachment, and rendered upwards of seventy unfit for duty, before we returned to Washington, on the 18th of September. The alterations of the ship were not completed until the 18th of November, during Which time I was employed first upon a court of inquiry held at Newcastle, upon Commander Angus, and afterwards at Boston, in preparing, in conjunction with Commodore Bainbridge, tables of dimensions of the spars and rigging and the allowances of spare stores for the different classes of vessels in the Navy, with which the service had not before been provided. The ship had now been converted to a corvette of 26 short and light 18 pounder guns, with a complement of two hundred and fifty persons. A. S. Wadsworth, F. A. Parker, .J. R. Madison and T. A. Beatty, were the lieutenants; G. B. Mc Culloch, master; W. S. Rogers, purser; Gerard Dayers, surgeon; Thomas Williamson, assistant surgeon; and Samuel E. Watson, marine officer. All were young, the senior lieutenant about twenty-four, and the junior under nineteen years of age, and all of us unmarried.
The enemy were 'constantly in force near the outlet of the bay, and there was no other chance for our getting to sea but by passing them undiscovered. This could not well be accomplished except with strong, fair winds, and dark or thick weather. As the season advanced the ship was taken to the mouth of the Potomac, ready to take advantage of any favorable opportunity. Our situation here was not very agreeable, being always exposed to an attack by superior force, with all the rivers closed above us by ice.
After one attempt, which was rendered abortive by change of wind and weather, on the 18th of January we left the mouth of the Potomac, at 5 P. M., with a strong NW. wind, and cloudy weather, and occasional squalls of snow. 411 the lights in the bay had been discontinued, and the two persons who acted as pilots were imperfectly qualified for the duty. The rate of sailing was so rapid that correct soundings were not obtained, and it was only by a fortunate Chance that we were not carried upon the shoals of the middle ground. The discovery of a supposed light nearly ahead induced us to haul by the wind for the purpose of avoiding too close a proximity, and enabled us to discover our error but without giving us the means of determining our true position. In a very short time we shoaled suddenly and almost immediately struck the ground two or three times with considerable force from the swell. Change of course fortunately took us into deeper water, when our two pilots differed widely as to our place in the bay, and it 'became necessary to depend entirely on my own judgment, which, happened to prove correct. The shocks which the ship had received were sufficient to justify apprehensions of injuries that might be troublesome or dangerous at sea, which, with the uncertainty of our position, rendered it a matter of considerable hazard to persevere; but everybody was willing to encounter these risks for the chance of escaping the species of imprisonment to which we had been so long subjected. The attempt was accordingly renewed, and at a little past midnight we passed near enough to the enemy in Lynnhaven bay to discover two ships at anchor; but a speed of twelve and a half knots carried us past so rapidly that we were probably not seen by them, and when daylight again broke upon us, neither enemy nor land was in sight.
The Secretary had suggested, but not positively directed, an examination of the western shores of Africa, from cape Mount to cape Palmas, after passing to the eastward as far as the Canaries and cape De Verdes, and then westward, near the equator, about to Noronha, and along the north end of the West India islands to some port in the United States. This track was followed, but with little success, our only capture being three brigs, one laden with wine and fruit, one with fish, and one with palm oil and ivory. The two first of these were destroyed, after taking out as much of the wine and fruit as we could accommodate. The other was given up to the captain, to receive our prisoners, after the latter had been paroled and after the vessel had been cleared of the ivory and such parts of her other lading as might be useful to us. On our return passage we had just taken possession of a ship from India with a cargo of rice when thick weather, clearing up, discovered a convoy of twenty-five sail, and two ships of war, so near that we were compelled to recall our men, relinquish the Ship, and attend to our own safety. The other vessels that we met were neutrals, as nearly all English vessels were then obliged to sail with convoy.
May 1, 1814, we arrived at the mouth of the Savannah river, nearly destitute of provisions and water. The ship drew too much water to ascend to any place of safety, and was anchored off the lighthouse, and every exertion was made to complete our supplies. On the 2nd, the brig Epervier, lately captured by the Peacock, under the command of Commander Warrington, arrived, and passed up to Savannah, after we had taken from her all the provisions and stores she could supply. The Peacock arrived on the 4th, and followed her prize. Intelligence was sent to us, on the 6th, that the enemy was in force off Cumberland island, and aware of our exposed situation. On the 8th, having obtained all the provisions that the city could furnish, we warped the ship out to sea, against a light wind, and made sail for another cruise. We had reason to expect that the Jamaica convoy would pass soon, and therefore took a position near the outlet of the Gulf stream, between Matanilla and Florida. We met them on the 24th of May. The convoy force consisted of one 74-gun ship, two frigates and three brigs, which, with the smooth, pleasant weather and the favorable season of the year, deprived us of all chance of successful operations against them. After keeping near them for two days, we left them, and, crossing the bank of Newfoundland, stood towards the coast of Ireland. Two brigs were captured on the passage and destroyed. On the 4th of July we were close in with the mouth of the Shannon, and afterwards kept close in with the shore to the northward till the 9th. We saw not a single vessel. We then bore up to the southward and, when in the parallel of the channel, we met a frigate, which gained fast upon us for nearly the whole of a day, owing to light winds and a head sea. At night 'we let the lower anchors drop from the bows, and otherwise lightened the ship by throwing over some small guns we had taken from prizes. We towed during the night, and gained two or three miles. The next day a good breeze soon enabled us to leave our pursuer, the ship making thirty-one miles in three hours, very close-hauled to the wind. The absence of our anchors was evidently of great advantage in sailing.
On the 19th, we fell in with two frigates, which we were able to bring abaft the beam by steering northward. One of them soon gave up the chase, but the other continued it for forty hours, during which we ran four hundred miles of latitude, without perceptibly increasing the distance between the ships. Advantage was therefore taken of a short squall, during the second night, to change our course, by which we lost sight of her. From the time the ship passed Newfoundland, it was almost continuously so wet that the occasions were very rare when the clothing of the men could be dried. This weather, the long period in which the men had been deprived of all fresh vegetables and obliged to use salted food, with a very small daily allowance of water, had introduced the scurvy, and by the 25th of July several deaths had taken place, and thirty were rendered unfit for duty; and all were so much affected by it that a return to some friendly port became indispensable. Our expectations had been greatly disappointed, for we had anticipated active and successful employment so near the coasts and harbors of our enemy; and now we were about to return from a second cruise, without either profit or fame, for which even the consciousness of honest endeavor to render service afforded us little satisfaction.
On the passage homeward, a ship, brig, and schooner were captured and destroyed, after taking a few bales of firs from the ship, which was from Quebec. On the 16th of August we obtained soundings on our eastern coast, and at that time the number of our sick had increased to fifty-eight, many of which were dangerous cases of scurvy.
Our object was now to reach some of our eastern ports, and our course was directed for Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Foggy weather had prevented accurate observations for latitude or longitude during the last, two or three days, but the soundings corresponded to our supposed position. We therefore pressed sail during the night of the 16th of August with foggy weather and steady breeze, which carried us ten and eleven miles an hour. Soundings at midnight again confirmed our estimated place, which we supposed to be about sixty miles from cape Ann. Upon the supposition that we might meet with an enemy the prisoners were placed in the hold, and, during the night, for greater security, the officers and men slept at quarters. Arrangements were nearly completed for heaving to and sounding at 4 A.M. when the lookout forward announced "breakers," and in a moment after the ship was felt, to have struck. Notwithstanding her velocity, the shock was not Severe, but, indicated that the ship had been stopped by running upon rather than against a rock. Still, danger was to be apprehended that the ship would fill, and the first thought was to liberate the prisoners from the hold of the ship. The first conjecture was that we had struck on Cashe's ledge, and the reflection that, in ease the ship should founder, its distance from the land would render it impossible for a great portion of the crew to reach it by our boats caused some of the most painful moments of my life. It would have been a relief to my own feelings if a sacrifice of my own life could have assured me of the preservation of the others. But their chances for safety depended upon well-directed exertions and not upon personal sacrifice. On examination it was found that the ship was resting forward on a slippery rock, upon which she had been raised six feet, while over the stern there was a depth of seven fathoms. The boats were immediately hoisted out, by which time the daylight dawned, and the fog dispersed for a few minutes, showing us a perpendicular rocky cliff about a hundred yards from our bows. Even this was some relief, as it gave assurance of the safety of life to the crew. Examinations were made for a considerable distance, and one small landing was discovered, through a very narrow passage between rocks, where there was a small level space under the cliff above high water mark.
The sick and prisoners were landed here with some sails and materials to form a shelter, and provisions, water, and medicines for their use. The purser and second medical officer were landed with them. The water continued tolerably smooth, and it was found the tide was nearly ebbed when we grounded and its rise might enable us to extricate the ship. While waiting for this many articles were landed for preservation, in case the ship could not be kept afloat, which had become very doubtful, as the water rather gained on the pumps. All the spare spars were got out, and formed into two rafts, in case such aid should be required to float the crew, and an anchor was let go to keep the ship in place if she should be removed from the rocks.
In the meantime we could gain no information of our locality; the air was still filled with a dense fog which, obscured all objects, and no place could yet be found where the cliff could be scaled. The rising tide increased our hopes of floating the ship from the rock, and about noon, after some heavy shocks., we were able to heave her off, and she swung to her anchor. All the pumps were now worked with vigor, and it was found that they rather gained on the leak. This point established, it was determined to endeavor to take the ship to sea. The direction of the wind rendered it very difficult to avoid the rocks close under our stern, but it was accomplished, and we returned on our former track as nearly as we could, occasionally passing very near rocky dangers for nearly two miles, when we finally reached deep water. Our utmost exertions, with pumps and buckets, for two hours, freed the ship from water, but the use of force pumps continually was necessary to prevent its gaining upon us. We were now once more safe from the dangers of the shore, but ignorant of our position, and of the extent of the danger to which the ship was exposed by her recent injuries, and we were liable, at any moment, to meet with enemies who we supposed would be cruising in our vicinity.
The men were re-stationed at quarters, a change rendered necessary by the absence of those left on shore; the spare spars and boats were hoisted in and stowed again, the confusion of articles restored to order, and the ship again presented the appearance of efficiency by sunset. In the course of the night the fog dispersed, and the sun was bright in the morning. Land was in sight, but, to our surprise, it showed we were near Mount Desert, instead of the neighborhood of Portsmouth or Portland.
During this exciting day, when our safety depended so much on the proper and skillful performance of all operations which our situation required, nothing could exceed the coolness, activity, order, and general good conduct of all the officers and crew; and to that good conduct, under Divine Providence, the preservation of the ship was mainly due. On several occasions any confusion, neglect or mistake, would have prevented the success of our exertions, and left the ship a hopeless wreck. The crew was composed of better men than are usually collected; the officers were zealous and well-disposed, and all had been acting together long enough to inspire confidence, the only sure source of power in time of danger.
In the course of the night the fog deepened, and the morning discovered to our view the rock of Mount Desert, instead of the coast between Portsmouth and Portland which we had expected to see. This great difference was undoubtedly owing to one of those strong currents that sometimes sweep along that coast, which, in this case, as we afterwards learned, washed an English brig as far from her supposed situation as we had been taken from ours.
We were now exceedingly anxious for the sick who had been landed. Many of the islands in our neighborhood were uninhabited and it was very possible they might have been left upon one of these, where their situation would soon be very unpleasant. Two small fishing vessels were met with and sent in different directions to search for them, while e proposed to reach the Penobscot as soon as practicable. About 8 A. M. a sail was discovered to windward standing directly for us, and It was soon evident that she was a vessel of war, but our relative positions prevented us from ascertaining her force. When she had approached within a mile or two she hauled to the wind and showed herself to be a brig of war of 16 guns. Though in a situation that rendered it desirable to avoid any action at 'that time our course was continued, as though in chase, till by tacking we could gain the entrance of the Penobscot, where we left the chase to pursue her way.
Our justification for this course was the scorbutic condition of the crew, which, by the report of the surgeon, was such that even a slight wound must destroy life; the leaky state of the ship, which required the constant use of the pumps; and, the great probability that the leaks would be much increased by the shock of a cannonade from her guns, after the severe strain which her hull had received.
We entered the Penobscot during the night, and were gratified in the morning by the information that our prisoners and sick had all been safely conveyed to Camden. The security of the prisoners, as well as the comfort of the sick, was mainly due to the purser, W. S. Rogers, in whose charge they had been left, and who exhibited on this occasion. the energy and judgment and kindness, and care for the welfare of others for which his after life was so much distinguished.
Information, having reached us that an attack upon Castine was apprehended, we proceeded up the river to Hampden, as a place of greater safety, from which it was supposed that any small force might be excluded by the population near the river. The ship was dismantled, her armament and stores landed, and preparations were in progress for heaving the ship out to ascertain and, if possible, to repair her injuries, when, on the 1st of September, intelligence was received by express that sixteen sail of the enemy's vessels had entered the bay. They had captured Castine, thirty miles below us, and their immediate advance up the river was contemplated.t Requests for assistance were forwarded to Brigadier-General Blake, of the militia, and a number of men were assembled that evening and on the following day. By great exertions nine of our guns were placed in battery upon an adjoining hill, but without protection, and with only a loose platform; fourteen were ranged on a wharf which raked the channel below, and one commanded the communication between the two batteries.
At sunset of the 2d two sloops of war, a transport tender, and ten launches, under command of Captain Barrie, had arrived within three miles of us, and about three hundred and fifty troops had been landed under Colonel John. Our means of defense, besides those already mentioned, and our ship's company, were about three hundred and seventy militia, imperfectly armed, and about thirty U.S. Infantry, who had just arrived, under command of Lieutenant Lewis, from Castine. In a meeting of the militia officers which I had been requested to attend there was so little said to give confidence in any effectual assistance that directions were given to have arrangements privately made during the night for destroying the ship, in case of being obliged to abandon her.
The night of the 2d was rainy and chilly. The militia had been posted in one line across the road about half a mile towards the enemy and kept under arms after midnight. This road passed through the village about three quarters of a mile from our battery and crossed a bridge over a creek. The creek was in our rear, and was fordable below the bridge, near low tide. We had been compelled to take this unfavorable position by the weakness of the bridge, which could not be strengthened in time to allow the guns to be taken over it.
The morning proved very foggy, upon the shore, and the marines were stationed between the hill battery and the militia, at distances from each other which would allow communication to be passed by them. As daylight appeared the launches showed themselves above a point a little beyond gunshot distance below us. A rocket party was landed and threw four or five rockets, which though very well directed, did no further injury than by striking the ship's hull. A few discharges from one of our guns showed that they were beyond our reach. Shortly after, the enemy's bugles were heard in the direction of the militia, followed soon by three discharges of one of our guns, which had been taken to the road and placed in charge of Lieutenant Lewis.
The marines passed the word a few minutes after, from Lieutenant Watson, at the road, that the militia had broken and were in rapid retreat. As our own retreat would be effectually cut off if the enemy should reach the bridge before us, it became necessary to retire. This was done as soon as the guns were discharged and spiked, and fire communicated to the ship. The enemy's advance had reached the hill battery before all those at the wharf had left it, and the main body were so near the bridge that a part of our force, myself among the number, had to ford the creek, which the state of the tide fortunately permitted. The absence of necessary preparations before the enemy appeared, and the failure of the militia to make any resistance afterwards, left us no time to collect or preserve any of our personal effects, and the distribution of our small arms to the militia deprived us of all means of checking the pursuit of the enemy.
Our nearest naval station was at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. To this place our march was directed, over a newly marked road, from Bangor to Canaan on the Kennebec river, where there were a few farms newly opened, and thence by the ordinary route through a well settled country. The difficulty of finding subsistence for the whole number in a body led me to order them to separate, with directions for each to cross the country as he best could. In general, the few inhabitants willingly relieved our wants to the extent of their moans; but, in one instance, where the ability seemed to be greater than usual, we met with. a refusal of even the privilege of taking sufficient potatoes from a field to furnish a meal. When the last refusal was given, one of the seamen, who had heard all, stepped up to me and, touching his hat, quietly asked', "Shall we pull the house down?” a request that was, of course, refused, but which seemed to excite no small apprehension in our uncivil countryman. We proceeded to the next farm, where we arrived after dark, and found a cabin without floors or glass in the window, tenanted by a young couple. To our request for food the owner of the house replied that all his stock consisted of five sheep, but to them we were perfectly welcome. Three were accepted and soon prepared in the potash kettle which our host provided for the purpose. It was a, pleasure to anticipate a future compensation by allowing him to select a musket, accoutrements and ammunition, which he had mentioned as very desirable to destroy beasts of prey, and to obtain game for food.
After reaching the Kennebec, funds were borrowed from the Bank of Waterville, and the inhabitants freely satisfied the wants of such of the men as were not within reach of this supply. The Navy Yard at Portsmouth had been designated as the place of rendezvous, and in the course of a few days the whole ship's company had reported themselves, excepting a few who had been detained on the road by sickness. Notwithstanding the facilities that offered themselves on such a march, and the general disposition of sailors to prefer a change, not a single desertion took place; a fact highly creditable to the men and affording strong evidence of their attachment to their officers. At Portsmouth the officers and crew reported to Commodore Hull and were assigned to duty there, till the further directions of the Department should be given. A court of inquiry was soon ordered, which fully exonerated the officers and crew for the loss of their ship, with some compliments on their general good conduct,
Thus terminated my first command. Not only had all our expectations of gaining reputation by an important success been disappointed, but our ship had been lost and a formal inquiry held to ascertain if censure or other punishment had not been deserved. Still the consciousness that neither the want, of success against the enemy nor the eventual loss of the ship had been owing to negligence or fault on our part, supported by the official decision of the court and the continued confidence of the Department and of my brother officers, enabled me to preserve my cheerfulness and still to hope for better future success.
After collecting the officers and crew of the Adams at Portsmouth, and completing the arrangements for preserving the articles which had been secured from capture by removal before the enemy reached us, I was called to Boston by Commodore Bainbridge and employed at the Navy yard in forwarding the equipment of the ship-of-the-line Independence. These duties at the Navy yard were interrupted by an order to take command of the frigate Congress, which was lying in the Piscataqua, some miles above Portsmouth, and nearly dismantled. This order was gratifying to my feelings. The command of a larger ship than that which I had been so recently obliged to abandon and destroy was a conclusive proof that the Department exonerated me from all blame and still considered me deserving of its confidence.
My new duties, however, required much of my personal attention. My old officers had all been transferred with me, with a few exceptions, and we were all anxious to have the shipready as soon as possible that we might try the chances of another cruise.
Not long after, peace was concluded with England. A squadron was prepared to act against Algiers, whose Dey had declared war against us while we were contending against Great Britain. Commodore Decatur, with a small Rime which could be soon prepared, was dispatched in advance of Commodore Bainbridge with other vessels. The Congress was to join this squadron, but was first to take out our Minister to Holland. It was June, 1815, before the ship was ready, when she went to Boston, and the Minister, Mr. Eustis, and his lady, embarked, together with Alexander Everett, secretary of legation, Mr. Eustis, a nephew of the Minister, and Colonel McRae and Major Thayer of the Engineers.
Our passage was pleasant, not only as regarded the weather but in the social relations with the passengers, a pleasure which is not always enjoyed in similar circumstances. The news of the return of Napoleon from Elba had reached us before we left the United States, and we had heard of his defeat at Waterloo before we reached Flushing in July.
With a small party of the officers I accompanied Mr. Eustis and his suite to Rotterdam and the Hague. The Engineer officers went to Paris. The journey to Rotterdam was made in a yacht which was offered by the government for the Minister. In navigating among the islands, inclosed by their dykes, there was very little of interest which came under our view, nor was there very much more on our return across the level surface which gave scarcely a variety to the prospect around us.
While lying at Flushing, the master of an American merchant brig called to inform me that a short time before a seaman had been taken from his vessel by the officers of a British sloop of war, in the river between Flushing and Antwerp. Notwithstanding this outrage at the very conclusion of a peace, the master had neither informed himself of the name of the commander of the vessel nor could he state whether the vessel had sailed from the river or not.
All that could be done was to direct him to collect accurate information on these points and submit the case to Mr. Eustis, to whom I also wrote respecting it. I had the pleasure to learn afterwards that the representations of our Minister produced the dismissal of the captain from his command. I believe this was the last attempt at impressment from an American by a British vessel, and any authorized attempt in the future would produce an immediate war, unless obviated by the amplest apologies.
The Congress met the Independence and some other vessels in the harbor of Carthagena on the 1st of August, but before our arrival Commodore Decatur had met with and captured the Algerine Admiral in a frigate, and destroyed some smaller vessels.* Subsequently, by his vigorous demonstrations, Decatur had been enabled to dictate the terms of a treaty, which, while it reestablished peace and gave remuneration for all injuries to our own citizens, restored them and the captive subjects of Italy to their liberty. Equal success had attended his demands on Tunis and Tripoli for payment of the value of prizes which they had allowed to be captured in their ports from American privateers by British vessels of war. Commodore Decatur returned to the United States with the Guerriere. The other vessels joined Commodore Bainbridge, when the collected squadron showed itself successively before Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli to confirm the impression which had been made by Decatur. After a short visit to Malaga and sufficient delay in Gibraltar to make arrangements for the distribution of the squadron, a few vessels were left under the command of Captain Shaw, and the remainder, fifteen in cumber,, Bailed together for the United States. Some attempts were mule during the passage to maneuver as a squadron, but with very little success. Even in the simplest of orders, that of convoy in three columns, the respective vessels could rarely be brought into their proper stations, or kept there for an hour. Commodore Bainbridge led the center, and Commodore Jones the starboard column, and the third fell to my charge. It was very evident that none of our commanders were prepared to manage their vessels in a squadron which should be obliged to maneuver at all in presence of an enemy, and that such knowledge was not to be acquired except by practical exercises under an officer well acquainted with the theory of tactics and willing to devote much time and labor to their instruction.
The squadron separated before we reached our coast, some of the vessels proceeding to New York, and others, with the commodore, to Newport; and. the Congress was among the latter. The small-pox made its appearance in the Congress five days after we left Gibraltar, upon a person who had not been on shore for some months. Means were immediately adopted which prevented, under Providence, any fatal results, though about seventy of the crew had the disease. All had so far recovered before our arrival that the authorities of Newport allowed a limited intercourse, which enabled me to visit Boston. The Independence, Congress, and Macedonian were soon after ordered to Boston, where we arrived in December, 1815. The crews were paid off, and the ships placed in ordinary, though the captains were continued in the nominal command of their vessels.
The following winter was passed in Boston. Early in April I was ordered to the command of the station at Newport, Rhode Island. A flotilla force had been kept hero during the war, and the station was still recognized, though nearly all the force had been withdrawn. The duties were not sufficient to interfere with domestic pleasures, but seemed to relieve the tedium which would have resulted from entire idleness. These pleasures were, however, interrupted in Juno, by an order to the Congress to prepare for a cruise in the Pacific. This order removed us to Boston again, where my presence was required to superintend the equipment of the ship. The only vessel of our Navy which had visited the west coast of America was the Essex, during the late war, under Captain Porter. The government had several objects in view that they expected to accomplish by this cruise. The formal reception of the fort at the mouth of the Columbia river, from the English authorities, was the most prominent, and at that time it was the intention Of the government to occupy and arm it, for which I was informally directed to make preparations. Another object, deemed of much importance, was to visit the different ports and harbors, and ascertain their resources and advantages for trade, and to collect all other information that might facilitate commercial intercourse between them and our countrymen. The presence in Boston of a gentleman who had resided some years on that coast for mercantile purposes, enabled me to obtain much information of places and influential persons, that might have been very useful. Attention was also to have been given to meteorology, and other similar subjects, in which interest had been expressed, and to which my attention was to have been called by a series of specific questions to be drawn up by gentlemen of science. Besides these a part of the cruise was to be devoted to the determination of several doubtful points in the geography and hydrography of the west coast, and of reported islands, reefs and shoals, in the adjacent seas. It was supposed also that some pecuniary advantages would accrue to me by participating in the safe keeping and transportation of the precious metals, which had hitherto been nearly monopolized by English vessels of war. A cruise for such purposes promised better chances for reputation than can often be expected in a time of peace, and afforded reasonable hopes of such compensations for another separation from home, as might mitigate, in some degree, the regrets and anxieties that could not be entirely removed.
All these consoling expectations were, however, destroyed, just as the ship was nearly prepared to commence the cruise. A collision had taken place in the gulf of Mexico between one of our, small vessels of war and one of those belonging to Spain. The desire of our government to prevent a recurrence of this or any other difficulties which might interfere with the success of the pending negotiations for Florida, induced them to send the Congress, forthwith, to the Gulf of Mexico, as that ship could be soonest prepared. The squadron there was placed under my command, which was assumed in December 1816, and my presence in the gulf continued till July in the following year. With this change of our destination several other objects that were to have been assigned to our attention, were relinquished. Our own occupations were tedious and uninteresting, as our sole object was to guard against any just cause of complaint being given by any of our citizens or by any others from our territory.
In the month of July I was ordered to proceed to Port au Prince, with despatches to our consular agent at that place, from the Department of State, thence with an agent to cape Henry, and afterwards to visit the coast of Venezuela and collect and report all the information I could obtain of the condition of that country, the disposition of its inhabitants, and the probabilities of their making a successful resistance to the attempt then making to bring them again under subjection to the power of Spain. In addition to the singularly injudicious directions which required me to commence my visits to the leeward-most of the ports and then to contend against the constant trade winds, to reach the others in succession, it was recommended that I should pass between Yucatan and cape San Antonio, and pass up on the south side of Cuba.
As in duty bound an attempt was made to obey these orders, but after a week's trial the currents were found too strong to be overcome by the light winds that prevailed and the passage by the coast of Cuba was abandoned, and the ship allowed to follow the course of the current till she passed the Matanilla reefs. We then stood to the eastward with favorable winds, and, passing through the Caicos passage, arrived in a reasonable time at Port au Prince.
Upon inquiry it was found that our consul had left the place without appointing any person to act as his deputy, and that consequently there was no public agent entitled to receive the despatches from the Secretary of State. The agent who was on board, destined for cape Henry, had understood before he left Washington that the object of this despatch was to require explanations from Petion, the president of the west part of the island, of certain acts of the government, or of its officers, some of which had injured the property of American citizens, and by one of which the life of an American had been taken, under color of law, but, as was alleged, without just cause.
The particular circumstances connected with these cases were known to some of the citizens residing in the place. In this state of things the object of our visit would be entirely defeated, or I must assume the responsibility of opening the despatches from the Secretary of State to the Consul, and be guided by their directions. This was a very delicate and unpleasant responsibility, but one which, on reflection, was assumed as a matter of public duty. The letter recited the causes of complaint, and required explanations from the government, but these were not to be demanded till the ship should have sailed, that there might be no appearance of threats on our part. This forbade any official action on my part; but, having obtained an audience with Petion, and having his secretary Inginac, as interpreter, the causes of complaint were referred to as having come to my knowledge in Port an Prince. It was urged upon his notice that these imputed acts of his government were calculated to produce much excitement in the United States, and might well be considered as evidences of unfriendly feeling on his part, unless they were satisfactorily explained; and that I had reason to believe that a despatch which had been sent by us to our consul there, from our government, had reference to these subjects. As the consul was absent I had thought it best to call his attention, unofficially, to them, and would be happy to receive and transmit to our government any explanations which he might feel disposed to give. He expressed his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him to prove the justice of his own course, and his earnest desire to preserve the most friendly relations with our government. It was agreed that I should request the explanation in writing, which was done the next day, and a full answer returned by him on all the points on which complaint had been made.
Petion was in color a light mulatto. He had received a good education, his manners were good, and he sustained his position with firmness and dignity. Inginac, the secretary, was also a mulatto, but of rather darker shade. He had also received a good English education, and had resided several years in Philadelphia, and was a man of no mean abilities. In the correspondence between himself and the commissioners sent from France, to reclaim their lost sovereignty or an indemnity, the letters of Inginac were in all respects equal to theirs. The former rich commerce of the place had dwindled to almost nothing; the population was greatly diminished, and the remaining inhabitants, with few exceptions, were very poor.
A few days beating against the trade winds carried us to cape Francois, or Henry, the commercial capital of the Emperor Henry, or Christophe, the other chief who ruled over the central portion of the island, where the blacks predominated. Mr. Tyler had been sent with Us, to reside here, ostensibly as agent for distressed seamen, but really to endeavor to recover from Henry some hundred and twenty thousand dollars, the value of property belonging to merchants in Baltimore, which he had seized, to compensate him for losses sustained in some commercial operations with others in the United States. Our government had always avoided any formal or implied recognition of this government, and consequently Mr. Tyler's instructions directed him to reside in the city of St. Francois, in that part of the island of San Domingo under the command of' General Christophe.
When these instructions were communicated to Christophe, who was then in the country, he directed Mr. Tyler to be informed that he felt complimented by having been informed of his proposed residence and its object, and should be happy if he could render him any service; but he could offer nothing specifically, because he knew nothing of an island called San Domingo, nor of General Christophe. In reply to a remark made to his secretary, who brought his message, that this apparent Misdirection and misnomer might have occurred through the inadvertence of a clerk, he observed that the example given by General Washington, during our revolution, under circumstances somewhat similar, was too good not to be respected and followed by him. The real object of Mr. Tyler's visit appeared to be suspected or known, and it was very distinctly intimated that the object could be secured without difficulty by an agent accredited to the Emperor.
In the meantime every civility was tendered to us. The carriages and horses of the Emperor were placed at the disposal of the officers, with permission to visit the surrounding country at pleasure; and fresh provisions, vegetables, and fruits were offered gratuitously for the ship's company.
An official visit was made by me to the Governor, the Duke of Marmalade. I was met at the head of the staircase by an elderly black man, well but plainly dressed, whom I mistook for some principal servant, until he announced himself as the Governor, and showed me to his reception room. He seemed to be a man of sound understanding, without pretension or parade, easy and quiet in manner, and tolerably intelligent. The furniture was good but plain, and in good taste, and such was the character and style of the refreshments which were offered. Our interpreter was the Emperor's secretary, the Count of Limonade, who had resided several years in the United States. These apparently laughable titles of Marmalade and Limonade were derived from the names of villages and estates, from which the titulars derived certain revenues as well as their titles.
The authority of the Emperor was thoroughly despotic. A Code Henri had, however, been established, comprising laws which were in general administered with firmness. He had also introduced schools for the English language. It was stated as a favorite object with him that this should supersede the French, as one means of weakening the influence and power of France for recovering authority in the island. He also required all the inhabitants of the country to devote the labor of a certain number of days in each week to cultivation. Taxes could be paid or required in the proceeds of such labor, and the articles thus paid were sold by his officers, and the proceeds used for public purposes. His stronghold was near the summit of a mountain, ten or twelve miles from the city, the passes to which were difficult of access and could be easily defended. In this stronghold, according to report, were deposited some millions of dollars in specie, and large quantities of gunpowder and flour, carefully secured from injury in demijohns, and buried, to meet and supply the wants of a siege. There were at that time some apprehensions of invasion by the French, and the Emperor's plan to meet it was to withdraw behind the first barrier of mountains, defend the passes and leave the French to occupy the coast only, until the diseases of the climate and the absence of all commercial products should induce them to withdraw. A revolt, some years later, put an end to his life and plans, and distributed his accumulated wealth, of which the sable Empress and princesses were allowed to take a large sum with them to Italy, where they resided with considerable display for some years.
As Mr. Tyler could not be received in his official character, he remained on board, and after a contest with a head wind and adverse current for three weeks, we anchored off Pampatar, in the island of Margarita, to begin our inquiries respecting Venezuela. Morillo, with his Spanish troops, had left the island only three days before our arrival, after an attempt to subdue it. The effects of some severe conflicts were but too visible. The capital village, where we found the Governor, had been burned, and the breakfast of which we partook was given us in a roofless building without other furniture than some loose boards for a table. Some idea may be formed of the ferocious spirit engendered by this civil war from the facts stated by the Governor, who was asked if he had not included the whole population in what appeared to be an exaggerated statement of the military force of the island. He acknowledged that he had done so, and, when it was intimated that women and children could not be thus employed, he answered that they could be employed as they had recently been, in killing all those who were left wounded on the field.
From Pampatar we proceeded to Cumana, which we found occupied by the troops under Morillo. I paid him the usual visit of ceremony in such cases, which he returned quite unexpectedly before 7 o'clock the following morning. In reply to inquiries for fresh provisions, vegetables and fruit we were informed that there was probably not a single bullock within eighty leagues of the place. No vegetables could be obtained, and the only fruits that could be purchased were a few unripe limes. Water was readily obtained from the river, but it was soon found unfit for use, in consequence of numerous small insects or fish which it contained.
Barcelona received our next visit. It was several miles from the shore, and I reached it by ascending the river in one of our boats. The city was well built but seemed nearly deserted. Four human heads, exposed on pikes upon the bridge over the stream which passed through the city, marked the punishment of some unsuccessful revolt. The Governor received me with much civility, and invited me to partake of his late breakfast. This was far from profuse—three very small rolls of bread and as many eggs, which he had recently received, with others, as a present from friends in America; a fact that diminished any merit in forbearing to partake of them. A captain in the Spanish service, but a Scotchman by birth, acted as interpreter, and as a guide through the city. He afterwards accompanied me on board, and remained till the next day. From his statements the situation of the surrounding country was most deplorable, owing to the unsparing destruction and devastation caused by both the contending parties. Food was so scarce in the city that he and other officers were dependent on the return furnished for the army. Nothing could be procured by force or money. In their contests no quarter was given on either side, and the parties who were sent to sweep the country were ordered to burn every house, destroy all cultivation and every useful animal, kill all adult men, and bring the women and children in as prisoners. He had himself been employed under similar orders more than once. Retaliation was the excuse assigned by both parties for their atrocities.
We next anchored off La Guayra, to which place Morillo had preceded us, with his troops, a few days before, for the purpose of passing to the south, to meet a threatened attack from the patriots in that quarter. During a dinner to which he invited me he conversed without reserve upon the existing struggle in which he was engaged, stating freely how much his original force had been diminished, and the probable time when he should be obliged to retire, unless Spain should send him reinforcements. As he, like all others, deprecated the character of their warfare, in his conversations with me, I inquired if it could not be terminated by a mutual agreement between him and the patriot chiefs to conform to the milder usages of war between civilized nations. Ho informed me that this had been attempted in vain, because the authority of the patriot chiefs was disregarded by detached parties; which left no other course than the miseries and barbarities of reciprocal destruction.
After gathering all the information that could be obtained from the officers of the army, and the citizens of La Guayra, and Caracas, to which place I made a visit of a few days, I repaired to Hampton roads to await the further orders of the Department, and to forward reports of my proceedings after leaving the gulf of Mexico. These met the approbation of the government, and relieved me from any further anxiety respecting the responsibility assumed at Port au Prince. The opinions given in my report to the Secretary of State, respecting the issue of the contest in Venezuela, the period when the contest .with Spain would cease, and the probable consequences of newly acquired independence upon the patriot leaders, have since been proved more correct than might have been expected from such limited means for observation and gaining information. The government afterwards caused my report to be published unofficially in the National Intelligencer, from which I inferred that it was satisfactory.
My health had been much impaired during the cruise, and, as the ship was now destined for a very long cruise, I was relieved at my request from the command, and transferred to Boston, with the nominal command of the frigate Java, lying dismantled at that place. My principal public employment was upon court-martial duties, of which I had enough to make me quite familiar with the form of proceeding and the laws which regulated it.
Early in May, 1818, I was ordered to the Navy yard and station near Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and immediately assumed the command. The construction of a ship-of-the-line was directed to be begun soon after, the general superintendence of which, with the other usual duties, gave me useful and agreeable employment, with a prospect of its continuance for some years.
In the month of August, however, a violent cold produced pneumonia, which suddenly became so dangerous that an immediate change to a less exposed residence was advised, and with some difficulty I reached Roxbury with our family. By judicious treatment, great care and ever-watchful kindness, my strength was sufficiently re-established by October to enable me to adopt the advice of my physicians and begin a journey towards our southern border. I first placed my family in a house hired in the town of Portsmouth. Passing through Washington orders were given me to form one of a court of inquiry which was to be held at St. Mary's, Georgia. I arrived there about the 1st of January, 1819, having gained much flesh and strength during the journey. Unexpected delay in the attendance of witnesses retained us at this place until early in May. A part of my leisure was agreeably passed in visits to Mrs. Shaw, the daughter of General N. Greene, at her residence on Cumberland Island; to the garrison at Fernandina, with General Greene, Colonel Cleriek, and other officers of the Army, and to the plantation of General McIntosh, on the river Satilla.
My return was by the way of Savannah and Charleston. At the latter place I found President Monroe, as the guest of the city, while stopping for a few days on his tour through the southern states. The arrangements of the city on this occasion were worthy of the well established reputation of its citizens for generous hospitality, and their feelings were gratified by the spirit in which their attentions were appreciated by the President, in collecting at a large dinner such of his revolutionary companions as could be found, with the distinguished citizens of the day.
In June I was again at my station at the Navy Yard in Portsmouth with my family. My health was much improved, though a troublesome cough continued for several years, which required watchfulness and careful attention to diet and exercise.
The renewed expectation of a continuance with my family for some years was again disappointed in September by an unexpected order to proceed with a small squadron to Buenos Ayres, for the purpose of completing duties which had been interrupted by the recent death of Commodore O. H. Perry. The ships (Constellation and John Adams) were then nearly ready at Norfolk, and my presence there was required so soon that time was not permitted to see my family removed.
When I reached Washington, on my way to Norfolk, instructions from the Department of State were handed to me, from which I learned that the object of the government was to make known to that of Buenos Ayres, the friendly disposition of the United States, and inform it of certain acts of our government, by which that friendly disposition had been manifested, much to their advantage, by our diplomatic communications and acts in Europe.
It was deemed expedient that I should also receive the personal directions of the President, that I might be more fully informed of his views upon some subjects than could be gathered from the written instructions. He was at his residence in Loudon County, Virginia, where I passed a day with him and received his final directions.
After exchanging civilities with the French officers under Admiral Duperre whose flag was flying on a frigate at Norfolk, and completing the stores of the ships, we sailed from Hampton roads and, keeping company, arrived off Monte Video, in the La Plata river. Here we found the U. S. Schooner Nonsuch, Lieutenant Turner, waiting our arrival. A small Portuguese squadron, under Vice Admiral Lobos, was anchored off the city, with whom the courtesies of salute and visits were exchanged.
The Constellation required a greater depth of water than the river afforded to Buenos Ayres, and the John Adams, Captain Wadsworth, was taken to convey me to that city. The navigation of the river was then very little known, and though the Portuguese admiral had loaned us his pilot, who was considered the most skilful, the ship grounded when about fifty miles from Monte Video, and it was not without great exertions for twenty-four hours, much danger, and considerable injury, that she was got afloat again.
When we reached the city, I took up my residence on shore, where I met Mr. Prevost, a private agent of our government, with whom I was directed to consult, in case he should have arrived at Buenos Ayres from Chile. A visit of ceremony was paid the next day to the Supreme Director, Puerreydon, and a day fixed for an official meeting. Before this day arrived one of those sudden revolutions occurred which have been so common in the South American republics. Puerreydon fled to the opposite side of the river, a new Supreme Director, General Rondeau, was elected by the Junta, and a substitute appointed to act in his stead, till he should arrive from the army then at some distance in the interior. When the little commotion that attended this change had subsided an interview was had with the Substitute Directors and, a few days after, another with Rondeau. These officers appeared to be well satisfied and much pleased with the friendship of the United States, as it had been exhibited by all their public acts and by their special assurances. They also gave instructions for complying with some requests that were made for the means of distinguishing armed vessels, duly authorized and commissioned by their government, from others which, there was reason to believe, had forged their papers and cruised in other and distant seas.
The newly appointed officers were soon removed from all power by another and more important revolution, by which the former authority given to the Supreme Director to conduct the exterior relations of the different provinces, under or with the assent of a congress representing the whole, was revoked, the congress dissolved, and the authority of the province of Buenos Ayres limited to its own particular affairs.
Don Manuel Sarratea was elected governor under this new state of things. Some personal acquaintance with him satisfied me that he was not qualified to control the discordant and restless population of the province, divided and agitated by acts of different individuals each of whom was anxious to obtain possession of power to the exclusion of others. Under such circumstances any longer stay seemed to promise no advantages sufficient to justify our detention, and, after an official communication to the governor of the general objects of our visit, Mr. Prevost was left to do more if proper occasion should offer, and I returned to Monte Video and sailed soon after for the United States.
A commission from the United States had previously visited Buenos Ayres and had presented in a report their opinion of the condition of the country, the disposition of the inhabitants, and their chances for the establishment of a well-organized and efficient government. This report had presented a much more favorable opinion of the political state of the country, and of a general interest in the affairs of the government by the people, than I could find any sufficient reason to concur in.
It seemed almost presumptuous to place my opinion in opposition to theirs, when they had enjoyed better opportunities, and for a longer time, than myself, and upon subjects with which they were much more familiar from their previous employments. Meeting this hazard, however, my report embraced the general information which I had obtained of recent and passing political events, with the Sources from which it was derived; and it expressed opinions of what might be expected for the immediate future, with the reasons on which they were founded. Subsequent events have shown that my anticipations were tolerably correct, though they were considered unsound at the time by the more ardent friends of the South American people.
On our way to the United States we stopped for a day at St. Pierre, Martinique, and for two or three days at St. Thomas. At the latter port we found the French Rear Admiral Duperre whom we had left in Hampton roads; and a question of etiquette arose between us. He considered the first visit his due, in consequence of' his superior nominal rank, which I was unwilling to admit, because, as a stranger in a neutral port, and, equally with himself, the commander-in-chief of a squadron, usual courtesy required the first visit from him. The force under my command was greater than his, and the extent of my station was not probably exceeded, as it embraced the North and South Atlantic oceans. The question was also complicated by the number of guns which should be given and received as salutes. The consequence was that no visits were interchanged, he being restricted by positive instructions, and I claiming that the authority given to officers by their country, and not their official designation, which each nation had a right to fix for itself, ought to regulate official precedence between officers of different nations. The governor of St. Thomas received our ship and myself with exactly the same honors which had been previously given to the ship and person of the French admiral.
The ship returned to Hampton roads. After a visit to Washington, and thence to the President's residence, in Albemarle, at the suggestion of the Secretary of State, I rejoined the ship and was soon ordered to reassume my former command at the navy yard in Portsmouth, which I reached in May, 1820.
Information of the death of Commodore Decatur, in a duel with Commodore Barron, was received from the pilot, on our arrival. Besides the regret occasioned by the loss of a brave officer who had contributed so much to the honor of the Navy and the country, and with whom I had long been intimate, my feelings were specially interested from a More particular cause.
When I was in Washington, on my way to join the ship for my late cruise, Commodore Decatur detained me at the commissioners' office till the other gentlemen had left it for the day, and showed me a letter which he had received from Commodore Barron, and requested me to act as his friend should it become necessary to meet Commodore Barron. This letter, in substance, called on him to state whether an alleged observation of his at a dinner table, that "if Commodore Barron chose to challenge him he would accept it," was intended as an invitation for a challenge or not. Decatur admitted that an expression of the kind had been used by him, but under circumstances which rendered it inoffensive if not rather favorable to Commodore Barron. The conversation had turned on the conduct of Commodore Barron, when the Chesapeake was attacked by the Leopard in 1807, and in remaining out of the country during all the subsequent war with Great Britain. Very unfavorable opinions were expressed by some, and, among them, one that he had forfeited all claim to consideration or notice from the officers of the Navy. Decatur dissented from this on the ground that so long as he was recognized as an officer by the government he was entitled to consideration as such from others. The question was then put to Decatur, "If Commodore Barron were to challenge you, would you consent to meet him?" To which he replied that he would, so long as he was considered by the government worthy to hold his commission in the Navy.
Although the necessity for an immediate obedience to orders placed it out of my power to comply with Commodore Decatur's request, if any delay was necessary, my opinion was given at once that a simple statement of the facts, given as an answer to Commodore Barron's letter, would effectually prevent any further proceedings. This he declined, because it might have the appearance, to some, of too earnest a wish on his part to avoid meeting Commodore Barron. The unreasonableness of this objection was urged, since his courage was established beyond all question, and his whole course in life placed him above any suspicion of the fear of consequences; that, so far from being injurious to his reputation, such a statement of facts would elevate it still higher, and that the improvement of so favorable an opportunity for setting a good example to the younger officers of the Navy was required from him by the highest considerations. A short answer was drawn up, embracing the facts as he had stated them; but notwithstanding all that could be urged, and his constant assertions that he had no desire to fight Commodore Barron, and that be could gain nothing and might lose his life by it, still all could not induce him to sign a statement which he admitted to be correct and which would probably remove all cause for any further action. He appeared to be governed by an apprehension that his reputation might suffer if he took any means to avoid a meeting with Commodore Barron, if Barron had any disposition to bring about one. Our conversation was continued till dark, and the most I could obtain from him was a promise not to answer the letter for three days, he having refused to wait for the advice of the person whom he might select to act as his friend if a challenge should be sent to him. The whole of the correspondence has been placed before the public and has left a general impression that the challenge was forced from Commodore Barron by the last letter from Commodore Decatur, though few are aware how easily and with what propriety on the part of Commodore Decatur it might have been prevented.
My time was occupied, at Portsmouth, with the usual duties at Navy yards, and upon courts-martial, on different occasions, till the 3d of March, 1823, when I was appointed a Navy Commissioner, a situation which had been indirectly offered and declined when I returned in 1820.
Leaving the family at Portsmouth, I repaired to Washington, and entered on my duties, with Commodores Rodgers and Chauncey as my associates,. Smith Thompson being Secretary of the Navy, and J. K. Pauding Secretary of the Board. The usual annual visit of the Boards to the different Navy yards was made this year in July and August, on the completion of which it was arranged that I should remain at Portsmouth till it would be safe and convenient to remove the family, and in the meantime prepare a revision of the general regulations of the service, for the consideration of the Board and the Department.
This duty was performed and the family removed to the district in October. Mr. Southard succeeded Mr. Thompson as Secretary of the Navy, in the following December, and Commodores Bainbridge and Jacob Jones succeeded Commodores Rodgers and Chauncey on the 15th of December, 1824. Mr. C. W. Goldsborough had previously succeeded Mr. Paulding.
The duties of the Board of Navy Commissioners, as defined by the law that created it, embraced everything of a ministerial character, but they were to be performed under the superintendence of the Secretary of the Navy, to whose office the Board was attached. Through the inefficiency and indolence of the Secretary, at the time when it was first established, in 1816, the actual duties of the office, excepting those connected with the Cabinet, had for some time been devolved almost entirely on the chief clerk.* The Board appears to have been disposed to reject the authority of the chief clerk, when acting for the Secretary of the Navy, and it became necessary for the President to interfere by a decision in which he very properly sustained the head of the Department.
The Navy had hitherto been without system, or any attempt to introduce any into any branch of the service, excepting the tables of dimensions and allowances prepared by Commodore Bainbridge and myself in 1813. The operations of the war which had just been concluded, had left even greater confusion than usual, and there was a wide field open for the useful action of the Board. In their anxiety for the immediate correction of some of the existing evils the Board at once entered into an extensive correspondence, which involved them in so many details that they had never found time to frame a proper system for the regulation of their own proceedings, for regularly collecting and rendering available information which would be very desirable and frequently necessary for judicious action, nor even for a convenient distribution of duties among themselves. When I joined the Board these evils were obvious, but had become almost irremediable from the mass of current business which required daily attention, and occupied all the time of the Board. Much of a very useful character had however been accomplished. General regulations had been prepared, approved, and issued. Measures had been taken for carrying into effect the law for the gradual increase of the Navy by collecting timber, iron, copper, etc., and by beginning the construction of several ships-of-the-line and frigates. The general system of procuring supplies by contract had been adopted, and many valuable checks had been introduced against frauds and the misappropriation of public money by disbursing agents and contractors, most of which have been subsequently incorporated into laws by Congress, and made applicable to all the Departments.
As each member of the Board was responsible equally for all its acts, it became the duty of each to be sufficiently informed on each particular subject of action to enable him to give a satisfactory vote upon it. Some members might be willing to act on the information which others had collected and furnished in the consultations, while others preferred the labor which would enable them to act more independently. With. my own views of duty this latter course seemed the proper one, and it was my endeavor always to act upon it. Though very laborious it proved advantageous, as it soon made me and then kept me thoroughly informed of all the business of the office, and furnished unexceptionable means for obtaining and preserving a fair share of influence in the decisions of the Board, upon the very Varied and numerous subjects that came before it.
Mr. S. L. Southard succeeded Mr. Thompson as Secretary of the Navy, in December, 1823. In the summer of 1824 the Secretary and the Board of Navy Commissioners made an official visit to Erie, Sackett's Harbor, and Whitehall, at which places the vessels on lakes Erie, Ontario, and Champlain had been collected and left, after the peace of 1815. The vessels were found to be much decayed, many of them sunk in shallow water, and the perishable articles of stores no longer of much value. The journey was extended down the St. Lawrence to Montreal and from Whitehall to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and thence to Boston and New York and Philadelphia, on our return towards Washington.
The sale of all the vessels and perishable stores was recommended, excepting the ships-of-the-line, which had been begun and were still on the stocks, at and near Sackett's Harbor. This was soon after authorized and carried into effect and the ordnance sent to the Navy yard at New York. The further employment of officers on the lake stations was discontinued. Recommendations were 'fade by the Board for an extension of the Navy yards at New York and Norfolk, and it was advised that plans for the future improvement of all the yards should be proposed and approved, after which no deviations from them should be permitted, without the executive sanction. Information was collected and reported to Congress, and published by their order, in order to desseminate knowledge in regard to water-rotting hemp and flax, in the hope of rendering ourselves independent of the foreign articles. The form and arrangement of the annual estimates were changed so as to show separately the expense of the shore establishments, and of the ships and active force of the Navy. This arrangement diminished the heads of appropriation and still exhibited the expenditures fully and clearly. By much exertion the Board succeeded in preventing any further advances to contractors, which had hitherto been done, in a few cases, by the order of the Executive, from some of which danger of loss had occurred.
When it was determined to return La Fayette to France in a public ship the President thought proper to select me for the command. It was his desire that I should perform this duty without resigning my situation as a Navy Commissioner, to which, in his opinion, there was no legal objection. The designation for this duty, under the circumstances of the time, could not be otherwise than flattering to me, and was accepted with pleasure. I believed, however, that the exercise of the military duties of a captain, whilst holding a district commission of a civil character, would be exceedingly disagreeable to the feelings of the officers, even if legal. This belief was , made known to the President and it was stated that I should feel bound to resign the commissionership, as soon as orders should be given to command the ship, to which he made no further objection.
The Brandywine had been named, launched and equipped for this special service, the officers had been selected, so that there should be at least one from each state, and, when practicable, descendants of persons distinguished in the Revolution. The preparations were made by the first lieutenant and the officers of the yard, and I only took command on the first of September, two days before the general, his son, and his suite embarked at the mouth of the Potomac. He was accompanied by the Secretary of the Navy, and many other public officers from Washington, and met by a large party from Baltimore. A collation was prepared on board for our numerous guests, at which many speeches appropriate to the occasion were made, and the parting wishes of the general and guests were reciprocated. The next morning we stood down the bay, and to sea with a favorable wind. A few hours after the pilot had left us, it was found that the ship was leaking rapidly. This was not more unexpected than unpleasant. To take the general back to any of our ports after he had taken a formal leave of the country would place every one in an awkward position, but to expose him and others to any serious 'hazard by continuing our course was a serious responsibility. It was impossible at the moment to ascertain the precise cause of the leak, but from some experiments it was evidently effected by the greater or less velocity of the ship's motion. As it was under control by the pumps it was determined to proceed, especially as La Fayette was unwilling to return except from actual necessity. It soon became evident that the leak was caused by the oakum working out of the seams of the ship's sides. The weather and sea, for nearly the whole passage, caused the ship to roll so deep, that it was exceedingly difficult to apply any remedy, but as the planks gradually swelled from immersion, the leak gradually diminished.
Our passage was from these and other causes rendered very uncomfortable, and it was only on two days that the general was able to join us at dinner, or to visit the deck. In the early part of the passage he suffered from sea-sickness, and the gout affected him considerably afterwards. This was much regretted, for, besides the discomforts, we were deprived of most of the pleasure which had been anticipated from the society of the general, and the hope of listening to his reminiscences of some of the interesting scenes, and persons connected with his eventful life. My own health, which had never been perfectly restored since 1818, had become seriously impaired by a chronic affection of the liver, and consequent irritability of the stomach, which rendered me unable to do much towards the entertainment of our guest ,or to become acquainted with the officers. We arrived off Havre in October, and, upon communicating with our consul, found that no objection existed to the landing of La Fayette. This had been supposed possible, as it was known that he was even more obnoxious to the Bourbon than to the Imperial government. The éclat of his reception and treatment in the United States, it was thought, might render the government unwilling to receive him again, lest his influence should excite movements dangerous to the monarchy. Should such have been the case, and permission for him to land have been refused, I was authorized to use the ship to convey him to any other part of the world that he might select.
The morning after our arrival, the wife and children of George La Fayette, M. Lasteyrie, the son-in-law of La Fayette, and his children, came on board to meet the general and his son, and, after passing a few hours, they all returned together to the shore. Before leaving the ship the general was requested to ask for anything he might desire to take With him, when he requested the flag of the ship, under which he was received on board, and which he was about to leave. To this he subsequently added a few articles, that he might give an American dinner to the inmates of La Grange. He left the ship under a major-general's salute, and three hearty cheers from the ship's company. As the object of my command was merely to see the general to France, the command was relinquished to the first lieutenant, and I accompanied La Fayette to the shore, and for a short time became his guest, as he had been mine. Captain Read, of the Navy, who was a passenger in the ship, was also of the party.
The party dined that day with a liberal deputy to the Chambers from the city, and on the following morning partook of a dejeuner, with a large party, at the residence of the United States consul, on the heights above the town. About noon the family of General La Fayette, Captain Read, and myself, left the city for Paris, and on passing the gates we found a large party, in carriages and on horseback, who had assembled to compliment La Fayette, by escorting him for some distance on his way. At the end of a league, the escort halted, and the gentlemen composing it dismounted, as did La Fayette and his suite. An address was made in behalf of the citizens, to which he responded in his usual felicitous manner, and the parties separated after the general's carriage had been nearly filled with bouquets of flowers and immortelles, by the ladies who had joined the cavalcade in carriages.
A late dinner was taken in a small village on the way to Rouen, at which the landlord contrived a compliment to La Fayette. The dessert-plates had upon them representations of scenes in our revolutionary struggle, and he placed for the general that having for its subject the storming of the English redouts at Yorktown. The next day was passed at Rouen, where another deputy of the liberal party assembled a number of the political friends of La Fayette to meet him. Though all proper precautions were taken to avoid producing any public excitement, the street near the house where we dined was thronged with people during the evening, who at last began to cheer La Fayette, as a call for his presence in the balcony. This was delayed for some time, but finally acceded to for the purpose of thanking them and recommending their immediate separation to prevent any excuse for the interference of the police. The effect, however, was unfavorable. The cheers increased, and the mounted police, who had been prepared, and stationed near, moved down the street in a body, and compelled all to retire before them. A few persons were injured, and much excitement created, but with no other consequences. The party separated immediately as all pleasure had been destroyed.
At Saint Germain we separated. George La Fayette went to Paris, with Captain Read and myself, and the general and his family proceeded directly to La Grange, at which place we joined him about a week later.
The residence of La Fayette was a part of the estates which formerly belonged to the family of Madame La Fayette, and contains about seven hundred acres. The dwelling is an ancient structure, forming three sides of a square, with a round tower at each corner, of which about one half projects beyond the sides of the building. Although one side is open, and the entrance to the dwelling is on the inner side of one of the wings, the passage to the entrance is through the side opposite to it, and would lead to the supposition that the building formerly had all its sides closed. The walls of the building were five or six feet thick, and its whole appearance and character plain and strong, without any attempt at ornament.
The family and guests numbered about twenty-five while we were there. They assembled at breakfast at about ten, at which nearly an hour passed. They then separated, each making such arrangements as might be most agreeable till dinner, which was served at five. About an hour was passed at table, from which all went to the drawing-room, and passed the evening in conversation. At ten tea was served, after Which the guests retired at pleasure, and by eleven the rooms were vacant. At the request of La Fayette, I sat to Scheffer for a portrait, of which a copy was also made by him, and sent by the general to my wife. The likeness was completed at a single sitting of about four hours.
After a visit of three days, which was rendered very agreeable by the kindness of the family and the society of other interesting persons, we returned to Paris.
My instructions required me, after having seen La Fayette safely landed, to visit the dockyards of France and England, for the purpose of collecting any information that might be deemed useful, in forming plans for the permanent improvement of our Navy yards, or for any other branch of the naval establishment.
A few weeks were spent in Paris, visiting some of the many objects of interest which are collected there, and in forming acquaintances with, and obtaining information from, some of the officers connected with the central administration of the Navy..
Captain Read proposed to accompany me in my visits to the French ports, and we left Paris for Brest, on the 4th of November. I passed by Cherbourg, because I had already seen it in 1812, as well as an admirable plan of it, in relief, at Paris, and because the time allotted me by the Department required a very rapid examination. A fortnight at Brest, five days at Lorient and as many at Rochefort, made me tolerably well acquainted with the various establishments which they contained, their relative position and extent, their mode of obtaining and preserving materials and stores, some notion of their supplies and the source from which they were derived, the condition of their vessels, and the cost of the different classes of ships of war.
Mr. Brown, our Minister, had obtained the sanction of the Minister of Marine to our visit, and every facility was offered by the officers to our public object, and attentions to ourselves personally, except at Rochefort, where the commanding officer limited himself to an obedience of his orders in relation to us.
From Rochefort, we proceeded to Bordeaux, where we passed two days. We then crossed to Narbonne, on the Mediterranean, after stopping one day at Toulouse; thence, by the way of Montpellier, Nimes, Avignon and Marseille, to Toulon. We here spent a fortnight in visiting the dockyard and its dependencies, and every facility was afforded for the collection of the information we desired.
On our return to Marseille Capt. Read left me, to find his way to Mahon, where he was to take command of one of the ships of our squadron, and, staying only one day to look at this city, I proceeded by the way of Lyons to Paris, which I reached in December. My attention here was devoted to obtaining further information from the officers connected with the central administration of the Navy, and to the society of our Minister and of La Fayette, and the circles to which they had the kindness to introduce me.
Early in January I proceeded to Loudon by the way of Calais and Dover. Our Minister, Mr. Rufus King, readily obtained permission for me to visit the English dockyards. Before commencing the examination I visited some of the many interesting objects in and near London.
Capt. Basil Hall had called upon me, and with him I visited Mr. Rennie, under whose direction the new London bridge was then building; and who, after showing his plans for it, accompanied us to the mint, the West India docks, and the Thames tunnel, of which the horizontal shaft had just been begun. Mr. Brunel descended with us, and explained the plan, and showed us the means adopted to guard against accidents, when making the necessary excavations. The apparent, danger of excavating a tunnel under the Thames rendered it difficult for him to find workmen willing to engage in it, even among the Cornish miners. His own confidence of success appeared to be perfect. A day was given to Greenwich hospital and its schools, and to the observatory, and an evening each to the Royal and the Geological Society, and to the House of Commons. At the first there was little of interest. Dr. Buckland read an interesting. paper on the fossil bones found in England, at the second, and at the House of Commons there was an interesting debate, in which Messrs Ellis, Robinson and Huskisson were engaged, and Mr. Canning made a few remarks, and a member was coughed and " shuffled " down. A short visit was also made to Harwich, to see a railway for hauling up vessels, but there was nothing in their processes superior to what was already used in the United States.
Three or four days were devoted to each of the dockyards, at Deptford, Chatham, and Sheerness. The first is the great provision-depot, and was interesting from the variety and extent of its arrangements for preparing and preserving different kinds of provisions and stores. Chatham is remarkable for its convenient arrangements rather than for its extent. Sheerness had been recently enlarged, and its arrangements revised. A greater part of the buildings were new, and there were three new docks, and the quay walls were still under construction. This gave a favorable opportunity for collecting information relative to docks and their cost, which was very desirable for our service at the time. After another short visit to London a fortnight was passed in examining the extensive naval works at Portsmouth, where I met with attentions from several of the officers. I was obliged to take Bath on my way to Plymouth, to which several days were given. It had been my wish to visit Pembroke, but the time suggested by the Department for absence had already elapsed, and I proceeded to Liverpool with very short delays at Cheltenham and Birmingham. The extensive docks at this place (Liverpool) and a manufactory of chain cables deserved and received my attention, and my inquiries were fully answered by the politeness of the superintending engineer of the docks and the owners of the manufactory.
Among other interesting persons whom I met here, through the politeness of Maury, our Consul, was Mr. Roscoe.
In the dockyards of England I was struck with the evidences which everywhere presented themselves of their ability to equip a very large force, at very short notice; to replace promptly any losses that they might sustain in the force afloat, and the immense supplies for probable future wants. The extent, variety and perfection of laborsaving machines, and the completeness of preparation against danger from fires were also very striking.
In France their means for any, increase of force were proportionally much less than in England, but their supply of timber and other imperishable materials for the future was greater. In almost every variety of machinery they were far inferior to the English, not less in excellence than in quantity. The fact that the Navy was the first great object in England, and only secondary in France, was apparent even to a superficial observer of their naval establishments and the mode in which they were directed.
The packet in which I returned left Liverpool late in March. My health had considerably improved while in France, where I could adopt a favorable diet.
I reached Washington early in May 1826, made my report to the Department, and, on the 15th was reappointed a Navy Commissioner. Notwithstanding much inconvenience from ill health, the duties of this situation were performed with very little interruption. An act of Congress was procured by the Department authorizing plans to be made for all the yards, as had been formerly proposed by the Board, and I was appointed in 1827, with Commodores Bainbridge and Chauncey, to prepare the plans, in consultation with Mr. Loammi Baldwin, as engineer.
The confinement and labors of the office rendered all efforts to restore my health of no avail, and were constantly aggravating and increasing my complaints. I therefore resigned my situation as Navy Commissioner, and was appointed to command the Navy yard and station at Boston, on the 1st of June, 1827, and assumed charge of these duties soon after.
* * * * * The examination of the different navy yards and the preparation of plans for the distribution of the docks, store houses, workshops and other buildings, occupied some months. A very considerable enlargement of the Norfolk navy yard was recommended, after considerable difficulty in persuading Commodore Chauncey to concur, against the dissent of Commodore Bainbridge. This has since been purchased and already proves to be too large.
The recommendation for a further purchase there, and for others near Brooklyn, New York, and near the yard in Charlestown, Massachusetts, to accommodate marines, had not yet been adopted. Another, for the purpose of connecting the Navy yard at Brooklyn with the hospital grounds near it, had been made, but not until the price had been enormously enhanced, and conflicting claims had been raised to its free and 'sole use by the government.
At the Charlestown yard, the construction of some of the works proposed by the new plans, was begun. Some timber sheds, a ship house, store house and quay walls were completed during my command, and the dry dock was well advanced, and the plans for the rope-walk determined upon. It was no small gratification to me to begin the works in this yard, that I might use my influence in giving them the solidity, as well as the simplicity, which, in my opinion, national works should possess, and in the hope that the example once given would be followed in future constructions.
The duties of the yard left me considerable leisure as compared with the duties to which I had been used in the Board of Navy Commissioners. A part of this was applied to the compilation of a system of day signals for the Navy, which might compensate for the defects to which those were justly liable that I had so hastily prepared in 1813, and which had continued in use. They were laid aside at the time, and after subsequent revision they were offered, but not adopted.
In the course of reading Clerk's treatise on Naval Tactics, in 1820, I had found occasion to note in the margin a dissent from some of his conclusions. These became so numerous, at last, and many of his errors appeared so important, that I now determined on a more formal notice of them. This again led to the collection and examination of accounts of naval actions that had occurred subsequently to Clerk's publication, and finally formed a small volume. This proved to be a very useful occupation, as it led to a careful examination of the advantages and disadvantages of the particular modes of attack and defense under the peculiar circumstances of each fleet or squadron, and the ulterior objects of the respective parties. This latter consideration appears to have been entirely overlooked by Clerk. A similar work was afterward published in England, Ekins's "Naval Battles ", which corroborates many of my views of Clerk's errors, and embraces much that I had previously collected respecting other actions.
My health had improved considerably under a strict diet, and in July 1832 it was so far reestablished that was again recalled to the Board of Navy Commissioners, Mr. Woodbury being Secretary of the Navy.
After I had notified my willingness to accept this reappointment, I was surprised by a proposition from some Boston gentlemen, for me to take the general charge and superintendence of the railroad, then about to be built, from Boston to Worcester. To my remark that it was a subject on which I had no information whatever they replied that they were perfectly aware of it, and that others would be furnished to attend to all details, and these should be only such as might be acceptable to me. They wished my services as a general superintendent in whose integrity, judgment, and energy, they and the public could place confidence, and they were ready to give $5,000 a year for my services, if I would ask and obtain leave of absence from my public duties for three years.
The offer was very tempting, as the duties would give me exercise conducive to my health. On the other hand my whole life had been devoted to the Navy, and I had been conversant with the various duties of my station, and felt a confidence in my ability to perform them creditably. I had received all the consideration from the government I had any right to expect either from the length or character of my services, and in case of future opportunities for honorable employment, I might reasonably expect to be called to fill them, if I remained actively attached to the service, but might be overlooked, if I should seek for advancement in private enterprise.
The proposition was therefore declined, and I proceeded to Washington. The cholera was then raging with much violence at that place, and the family remained in lodgings at Chestertown till late in October, when it had nearly subsided. My fellow-commissioners were at first Rodgers and Stewart, but the latter left in July 1833, and was succeeded by Chauncey. Commodore Rodgers had but imperfectly recovered from an attack of cholera, and Commodore Stewart was not very regular in his attendance at the Board. These circumstances naturally threw .a large share of the labor upon me for the time.
A Board was convened early in 1833, under a law of the previous session of Congress, for the purpose of revising the laws and regulations of the Navy. This was composed of the three Navy Commissioners, the Attorney-General Taney and Commodores Hull and Ridgeley. After much debate and difference of opinion it was proposed that Commodore Stewart should prepare a draft of regulations, which should afterwards be considered by the Board. In the meantime a court of inquiry, of which I was president, had to complete its investigation of allegations made against Lieutenant Randolph of the Navy, for improper detention of public money which he had received when acting as purser.
When this was completed I went to Sackett's Harbor, in March, to ascertain and report on the condition of the ships-of-the-line, which had been begun in 1815, at that place and at Storrs' Harbor. I found the former well sheltered and sound, and recommended her preservation. The other had not been protected from the weather, and was considerably decayed. A recommendation for her sale was carried into effect.
The journey was exceedingly fatiguing, from the state of the roads and the inclemency of the weather. A short visit at my father's gave me some necessary rest, and relieved me from slight indisposition.
On my return the revision of the regulations was resumed. It may be remarked that the Attorney-General, Mr. Taney, did not and was not expected to attend the meetings of the Board, but was to examine their proceedings when completed, to see that they did not conflict with any law, and might then propose either additions or modifications.
The general arrangement, as presented by Commodore Stewart, did not meet the approval of the Board. The several articles were considered too large, and embraced too many subjects. None of the Board were familiar with their duties, but my former labor in 1823, on the same subject, gave me some advantage for the present work.
A schedule of the classification of subjects in separate chapters, and an order of arrangement which I presented were approved. It was then determined to act on these in their order, and finally that the rough drafts of the several articles should be prepared by me, and presented from day to day, for discussion and decision. This my health enabled me to perform, by the aid of my former propositions, in time to prevent any delay.
Commodore Hull was soon succeeded by Commodore Patterson, and Commodore Chauncey succeeded Commodore Stewart as Commissioner, near the close of July. Before the revision of both laws and regulations was completed Wadsworth had succeeded Rodgers and Mr. Butler had taken the place of Mr. Taney.
The several articles of law were carefully and dispassionately considered. A few were passed by only a bare majority, but the greater portion unanimously, or with a very small minority. The change of members, at different stages of the work, required a revision of all that had been clone prior to each change, that the new member might have an opportunity of offering amendments, and thus secured additional examinations.
When the regulations were completed by the Board, and sent to the Secretary of the Navy, several of the junior captains, some of the marine officers and some of the surgeons presented their objections, in writing, to parts of them which they considered unfavorable to the interests of the service, or as interfering improperly with the interests of individuals in their classes. Their objections were submitted to the Board, some modifications adopted, and reasons assigned for adherence on other points. This produced a second communication from five junior captains, which was rather deficient in argument, as well as in courtesy, to which a short dispassionate reply was given, and the subject left to the disposition of the executive, who eventually confirmed the revised proceedings of the Board.
Some important modifications were also proposed in the law for the government of the navy, and reasons were given for each change. A law for altering and increasing the pay of the Navy: for changing the titles of master commandant to commander, and sailing master to master: to authorize the enlistment of boys to serve until 21 years of age: to amend the general pension law: to create A fund, and provide pensions for the widows and orphans of officers; to alter the navy ration; and to consolidate certain special appropriations, were also submitted, and the whole sent to Congress. The recommendations were ordered to be printed, but no definite action was then had upon them. Almost all the subjects embraced in the special recommendation have since been adopted by Congress, however, and in several instances the phraseology has been copied. The old law for the government of the Navy still remains unchanged.
The health of Commodore Rodgers had been much affected by cholera in 1832. Commodore Chauncey was averse to writing and to the labor of tedious investigations. These circumstances threw a full share of the labor on my shoulders, which I was willing to bear as long as my health would allow. In February, 1835, it gave way, and a dangerous illness prevented my attention to office business until the following April.
In 1836, the proposition for an exploring expedition was renewed and received the sanction of Congress and the particular favor of the President, who selected Captain T. A. C. Jones for the command, and adopted his suggestions in relation to the force which was to be employed upon it, and the regulation of the details of its preparation. Captain Jones's original plan proposed vessels of large size and of a different character from that which had usually been employed on such duties, and a larger number than was considered necessary for the object proposed by the generality of officers. As the opinion of the Board had not been required on the subject, and they were thus exonerated from all responsibility, they gave every facility and all necessary orders to carry into effect the wishes of Captain Jones, whenever they were communicated with sufficient precision to preserve the relations which had been created by the orders of the Secretary as derived from those of the President. The Board, however, steadily declined to act on any subject where the exercise of their discretion was invoked by Captain Jones, which would release him from the responsibilities which he had courted, but always gave prompt directions for the execution of any duty, or the procurement of any supplies that he required. The Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Dickerson, who had succeeded Mr. Woodbury in 1834, found himself much embarrassed by the unusual course of business which necessarily resulted from placing the direction of the expedition, in a great degree, without and above the control of the Department.
Notwithstanding all these difficulties, the vessels to compose his squadron were at last prepared at Norfolk, and after trial off the capes, the expedition was officially commenced, under a "General Order, No. 1," by proceeding to New York, to take in supplies and stores that had been collected there. When it was recollected that these vessels were starting upon an exploring expedition, in which unusual dangers were to be expected, it excited no small surprise among officers in the Navy, to learn that pilots had been sent for to New York, and that they went with the squadron, to conduct it safely from Norfolk to that port.
Shortly after the arrival of Captain Jones at New York, he relinquished the command of the expedition on the ground of ill health. He subsequently published statements, imputing incompetency, or great neglect, on the part of the Board, as among the causes of the delay of the expedition, but he failed to give all the facts that were essential for arriving at any correct conclusion, and thus, as frequently happens, produced all the effects of a false statement upon the public mind. The Board did not deem it necessary to contradict his statements, being willing to rest their reputation on the official correspondence, which was called for and published by Congress. In January, 1838, the arrangements for the expedition, were transferred from Mr. Dickerson, the Secretary of the Navy, to Mr. Poinsett, the Secretary of War. The reason for this change was said to be the infirm state of the health of the Secretary of the Navy. Captain L. Kearney was selected for the command, and he and the Secretary of War decided to employ a sloop of war, the store ship Relief, a schooner, and a merchant ship of about four hundred tons. It appeared to be a part of the arrangement, however, that the Secretary of the Navy should give all necessary orders and thus have the apparent direction. In fact his influence was soon found to be effective, for, upon his objecting to purchase a ship, it was determined to substitute one of the brigs of war for it.
In a conference of the two Secretaries, the Commissioners, and Captain Kearney, on the 17th of January, the general outlines of the plan were agreed upon, apparently to the entire satisfaction of Captain Kearney. To our great surprise he informed us the next day that he had relinquished the command, from an apprehension of insuperable difficulties, with the numerous corps of civilians that was to be employed.
On the 25th of January the two Secretaries verbally informed the Board that it had been determined that the exploring expedition should consist of two sloops of war, the store ship Relief, and a schooner, and that these vessels should be prepared for the service, according to the judgment of the Board. Upon the request of the Board the final instructions given to Commodore Jones were communicated to them for their guidance.
It was by no means pleasant to have this responsibility thrown upon us at this late period, when a proper regard to economy would require the least change compatible with efficiency, and the retention of many arrangements that would not have been adopted as original propositions. The sloops Vincennes and Peacock were selected, and immediate orders given for their special equipment.
Immediately on the relinquishment of the command by Capt. Kearney, I wrote to Captain J. Smith, with the approbation of the Secretary of War, to ascertain whether he would take the command if it should be desired. Ho stated many objections, the chief of which was the number of the scientific corps, which he thought to be needlessly large; but still he was willing to go if ordered. In consequence of this letter the command was offered to Captain Gregory, but in such terms as led him to infer that a threat was conveyed in case he should decline, and a reward in case of acceptance. He assigned these as reasons for declining. The offer was satisfactorily explained, and an order given early in February, but on his representations, it was revoked about the 20th of February. Captain Smith was invited to visit Washington, to confer with the Secretary of War, and was introduced to him on the 28th of February. He agreed to accept the command, provided Lieutenants A. B. Parkham, Wilkes, and Blake, would willingly form a part of the officers of the expedition, and thus secure to him assistants in whom he could place full confidence. They wore accordingly ordered to Washington, but it was found impracticable to make satisfactory arrangements with some of them, and Captain Smith declined the command; but his course received the entire approbation of Mr. Poinsett. After these repeated delays it was finally determined to place the expedition in charge of Lieutenant Wilkes; but even this was near being defeated, by his wishing to make a condition that he and Lieutenant Hudson should receive appointments as acting commanders, and his own be the senior.
An entirely new organization of the scientific corps, and an equally new selection of stores and implements was made; but the arrangements were eventually completed and the expedition at last sailed, and finally accomplished objects of much general interest. The greatly protracted delay, after it was first proposed, enabled France and England to anticipate us in the sailing of similar expeditions, and deprived us of some honors to which we might have otherwise established a claim for our country.
In May 1837 Commodore Rodgers relinquished his situation, and was succeeded by Commodore Wadswoith.
Commodore T. A. C. Jones had been employed as inspector of ordnance before he was ordered to the exploring expedition, and had imbibed the idea that a large number of our cannon were so unsafe, from their want of weight, as to endanger the honor and safety of the Navy. Finding that the Board of Navy Commissioners did not coincide with him in this opinion, he induced a member of Congress to call for copies of his reports and to have them printed. This and personal representations to the President, supported by similar opinions from Captain Kearney, occasioned an order for experiments to test the soundness of their views.
The guns more particularly condemned by them were some light 24-pounder guns that had been made when I was on the Board, between 1823 and 1827, for sloops of war, and all other classes of guns that had not at least two-hundred lbs. of metal to one of their shot. In making these objections they appeared to have overlooked the facts, that the sides of a ship presented much less resistance than the walls of a fortification, and that less powder would suffice in naval gunnery, and that Great Britain had been showing practically that a much less proportion than two-hundred to one was amply sufficient to gain all her naval victories since 1793.
The light 24-pounder guns were generally believed to have been made according to my suggestions, which, though not entirely, was substantially correct. I therefore requested the Secretary that I might be designated as one of the Board, to which he acceded. Commodore Jones and Captain Kearney, who had called the safety of the guns in question, and Commodore Patterson and Captain Shubrick, who were uncommitted, were the other members.
The result of the experiments fully established the safety of the guns. Their relative efficiency, compared with carronades of greater calibre, or long guns of less calibre and equal weight, was decided favorably by a majority, Jones and Kearney dissenting. The opportunity was improved to test some other guns, of new patterns, and the use of shells in guns instead of shot. Though these experiments were very rude, from the want of necessary instruments and conveniences, the approximations that were obtained were useful by dispelling some unfounded prejudices and fears, and turning attention to subjects which had been too much neglected, and by laying a foundation for further and better investigations.
In the winter of 1836-7 Congress passed a law modifying the operations of previous laws for Navy pensions, and allowing pensions to begin from the date of disability, or of the loss that gave a claim for them. It originated in the House and was awaiting the action of the Senate. On the last day of the session, I happened to be in the lobby of the Senate, when the Chairman of the House committee came in, and urged some of the Senate committee to call it up, and advocate its Passage. It appeared not to have been considered by the Senate committee, and they refereed to me for my opinion. I had not even seen it. The House Chairman then stated, that it contained nothing new, but was intended merely to give a more equitable effect to existing laws than could now be done. Upon this statement the bill was called up and passed.
It was soon discovered that the bill gave legal effect to claims which would soon absorb the whole of the pension fund, although its amount was so large that its income had hitherto been sufficient to meet all demands upon it. As I had innocently or ignorantly given some aid in obtaining the law I felt it my duty to inform the Secretary of the facts, and of my belief that it would not have passed the Senate if its provisions had been understood; and I urged that he should suspend action until Congress should meet again, that, if they should then desire it, some modification might be made. I found no disposition in the Department to adopt this course, but, on the contrary, a willingness to expedite the admission of claims.
Finding that large sums were granted to persons whose claims were inferior to those which might be presented for my own wounds, it became a question whether I should relinquish, from a motive of delicacy, an advantage to which I was equally entitled, and which nearly all my professional brethren were willing to receive. Those whom I consulted advised the application, and I at last wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, stating the fact that I had been wounded, but, at the same time, that I had so perfectly recovered from it that I had been actually employed on duty almost without interruption since the wounds had been received. In conclusion I asked his decision whether, under these circumstances, I was entitled to a pension and the arrears from the time I was wounded, according to his construction of the law. His answer was affirmative.
Although surgeons of the Navy had certified to the character of my wound, and that it had injured me to the extent of half a total disability, I left the matter for some months. I then presented the necessary papers, and was soon after informed by the pension clerk that a pension had been ordered for me as a captain, because I had been appointed and had been recognized as a captain, from the date of the action. I waited on the Secretary and explained to him my desire that this arrangement should be changed, and the pension be predicated on my rank as a lieutenant. This I desired because I had considered, and still wished, my appointment as captain to have been given as a reward for 'my conduct as a lieutenant, which required the pension to take effect after the action, and before my promotion, which would leave me as a lieutenant when the injury was received. The Secretary was unwilling to take this view, from a doubt of its legality, but, at my request, took the decision of the President on the subject. The President assented to my request, and my certificate was granted as a lieutenant, by which I received only half the amount that would have been given if it had been made as captain.
Congress repealed this law soon after, but not before the whole of the fund had been exhausted. By subsequent laws, the receipt of pensions was properly prohibited to any person while he was in the receipt of his pay, unless the disability had prevented his promotion to a higher grade.
In preparing the ship-of-the-line Ohio for sea the Navy Commissioners arranged sleeping rooms for the officers on the orlop deck, for the purpose of keeping the gun decks always clear and ready for action, and from the belief that such an arrangement would contribute to the comfort of the officers themselves, as it would relieve them of the inconvenience of removing their clothing and other effects, whenever the ship was prepared for action. She was also provided with a poop cabin, as the commander of the squadron was to embark in her. When Commodore Hull joined the ship he preferred to mess separately from the captain. This required, in his opinion, that the poop cabin should be assigned to his exclusive use, and rendered it necessary for the captain to occupy the cabin on the main or upper gun deck. The ward-room officers had anticipated that the captain and commodore would mess together, and leave the upper gun deck cabin for their use Instead of the lower one, to which the separation of the commodore and captain assigned them. Some of' them imagined this separate accommodation to have been owing to the fact that the commodore was to take his wife and her sister with him, and on that assumption endeavored to produce an impression that the ward-room officers had been deprived of accommodations to which they were entitled of right. The Board resisted this claim, and, by their advice the separate arrangements were confirmed by the Department.
An attempt was made by some of the officers to have this decision reversed, by appeals to the public in newspaper publications, in which many facts were misstated, and much false coloring employed. As auxiliary to their main object, the sleeping arrangements were represented as connected with the other question, and these were described as not only exceedingly uncomfortable, but very dangerous to health.
The main foundation for their complaints was that when the commodore of a squadron was assigned to any vessel, no arrangements which previously existed could be changed for his accommodation, without an infringement of the absolute rights of the other officers. Carried to an extreme this would exclude the commodore from any accommodation which should not be added for his special use, as he could be placed nowhere on board, without interference with some one already established in rooms allotted by usage. The Commissioners, therefore, resisted the demands of the officers, and took the ground that the commander of a squadron was entitled to the first choice of accommodations, within the limits of usage, by his superior rank, as an extension of the general principle which regulated the assignment of accommodations to all other officers in vessels, and in fact to all officers of both Army and Navy, in all countries where quarters are provided for them. In this case I felt justified in departing from my usual course, and had an article published in one of the New York papers, and in a periodical in Washington. The arrangements were continued, and were eventually the cause of further difficulties between the commodore and some of the ward-room officers, in which the latter gained advantages by their own coolness, and by the want of it in the commodore.
At a subsequent period the same arrangements were adopted in the Delaware, and the sleeping rooms were preferred by a large majority to the old arrangements which placed them on the gun decks. The immediate effect, however, was to increase the dislike towards the Board of Navy Commissioners, which had been so industriously promoted during the preceding six or seven years.
One of the complaints urged against the Board was that without any sufficient knowledge to justify it, they had interfered with the naval constructors, and imposed upon them such restrictions as prevented them from giving us vessels with the good qualities that they ought to have possessed, and would have received, if the constructors had been left to exercise their own judgment. In proof of these charges, it was asserted, that none of the ships which had been built after the establishment of the Board were at all comparable to those which had been built before, excepting always the Ohio, ship-of-the-line. This ship, according to the complainants, was superior to any of our other ships-of-the-line, and its superiority was said to be owing to the fact that Mr. Eckford, the superintending constructor, had refused to accept any of the suggestions of the Board, and had followed his own views. Besides the general object of discrediting the Board, there was a more special object on the part of the naval constructors, which was to obtain a situation for the Chief Constructor, independent of the Board, and that the constructors of the yards should only receive their orders from the Chief Constructor. Not a few of the lieutenants exercised their pens and personal influence in giving publicity to their complaints, and amongst them one using the signature "Harry Bluff" was the most prominent, from his boldness and from the superiority of his style.
Notwithstanding these bold and long continued charges, they were entirely destitute of all just foundation, so far as the Board was concerned. In the first place, the records of the office showed conclusively that the Board had never interfered at all with the building draughts of the ships-of-the-line and frigates begun just after the close of the war, in 1815, with the single exception of the Ohio, and in this case not in a manner to affect the form of the immersed part of the hull. With respect to the ten ships or sloops authorized or begun in 1825, restrictions were imposed as to their maximum draught, the difference of draught aft and forward, and capacity required for a given arrangement and complement. With these restrictions, however, the five vessels which were built from the draughts made by the Chief Constructor, conformed to all the requirements of the Board, and were vessels of uncommonly good sailing and other qualities. This fact was a full refutation of the charge, so far as the interference of the Board was concerned; but it better suited the purposes of the complainants to refer to the vessels which were built from the draughts of other constructors, and which had not equally good qualities, and to charge these draughts boldly to the Board. It did not seem to strike the writers that it was rather absurd to assume the Ohio to be superior to the other ships-of-the-line before her qualities had over been tested, notwithstanding two of the others had been tried, and very favorable reports made upon them by those who had sailed in them.
As little atention was paid to the truth in the comparisons of the vessels built under the Board and those which were built before as in relation to the interference with the constructors. No fair and candid officer would hesitate to admit that frigates like the Brandywine, Potomac, and their class, were more powerful than the Constitution or the United States—or to give the same decision in favor of the Delaware and North Carolina, over the Franklin and Washington. With respect, to hailing qualities, the old ships-of-the-line might be slightly superior, but for working and all other qualities the new ships-of-the-line were fully equal or superior. The frigates could compete fairly in all respects, even in sailing. The Brandywine, on her first cruise, outsailed all competitors. This was sufficient to establish her capabilities, and all the other frigates of her class were built from the same moulds below the bend, and with trifling differences above. Subsequent inequalities in her sailing and that of others were fairly attributable to other causes than their forms, and had been experienced by all the older ships.
Unfavorable comparisons were also frequently made between our ships and those of other nations, but no reference was made to the fact that our vessels were designed and begun twenty years before, and had formed the models which it had been the object of other nations afterwards to equal, and if possible to surpass. Neither was any mention made of the surprise and admiration with which all these vessels were viewed by foreign officers, when they first made their appearance abroad.
Many of these attacks, the greater part perhaps, were made by persons entirely ignorant of many important facts, some, and not a few, by those who were incompetent to judge correctly upon the subjects on which they wrote, and some, again, from sinister or malicious motives.
The Board made no replies to these anonymous attacks but willingly left their reputation for intelligence, capacity, and honesty, to be determined by time, which rarely fails, sooner or later, to render something like substantial justice, when the subject matter is of sufficient importance to be remembered. When it is not of such importance an honest man may generally afford to be satisfied with his own approving conscience.