MEETING AT CASABLANCA
Conferences on War Plans.—The conferences at Casablanca, Morocco, between President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, with their military, naval, and air chiefs of staff, extended over a period of ten days, from January 15 to January 24. One of the immediate results of the meeting was that the French leaders General Giraud and General de Gaulle were brought together and reached agreement on military and economic if not political collaboration. Premier Stalin was urged to attend but declined on the ground that the aggressive campaign of his armies made his presence necessary at home. It was thought that the neutrality pact with Japan may have influenced his decision. Both the Soviet and the Chinese Governments were kept fully informed of conference actions.
At the close of the meetings it was announced that the President, the Premier, and their staffs had “completed their plans for the offensive campaigns in 1943,” and it appeared later that these included definite decisions regarding the time and place for an invasion of Europe, whether “in the soft under-belly of the Axis,” as Mr. Churchill expressed it, or elsewhere, time would reveal. Plans were also made for the war in China and in the Pacific. “The entire field of war was surveyed theater by theater throughout the world, and all resources were martialed for a more intense prosecution of the war by sea, land, and air.” According to the statement of President Roosevelt, the 1943 offensive aimed at the “unconditional surrender of the Axis powers.”
French Generals Seek Agreement. —The Casablanca Conferences brought about a meeting between General Henri Giraud, civil and military Commander in Chief in the French African provinces, and General Charles de Gaulle, leader of the Fighting French. The results of their meeting were summed up in General Giraud’s statement that there was complete agreement on war aims and military and economic liaison between the two groups, but that political issues were not settled and could be put aside while the fighting was going on. Clearly there was still strong opposition on the part of the Fighting French to the Vichy background of many of the politicians associated with Darlan and later with General Giraud. The Fighting French called for a “clean sweep” of Vichy men from all official posts. It was stated that General de Gaulle was not consulted in the appointment of Marcel Peyrouton as Governor General of Algeria, on January 19, replacing Yves Chatel, and that he would not have approved the choice. Whether there could be full military cooperation without closer approach to agreement on political issues remained to be seen.
General Giraud’s Reforms.—Early in February General Giraud changed his own title from High Commissioner to “Civil and Military Commander-in-Chief” and that of his Imperial Council to a “War Committee,” apparently offering an opportunity to include De Gaullist members. In early February also, General Georges Catroux, De Gaullist Governor of Syria, stopped over in Algiers and was said to be considering a post in the African administration. Other reforms moved slowly, partly because of Arab-Jewish friction, partly because of anti-Liberal slants among French officials still hooked up with the new regime. Up to February 6 about 900 political prisoners were released, but many of pro-United Nations views were still in confinement or under police surveillance. General Giraud was obviously a military man first and last, not interested in politics, newspapers, or public opinion. The radical trend of the Fighting French was suggested by their acceptance in January of a union with the French Communist Party, responsible for much of the underground resistance within France, though later the London Committee insisted that it welcomed and included all shades of political opinion except those favoring collaboration with Vichy.
LATIN AMERICA
Meeting at Natal.—On January 30, homeward bound from Casablanca, President Roosevelt halted at Natal for extended conferences with President Vargas of Brazil, aboard a U. S. destroyer in the harbor. In attendance also at the conference were Rear Admiral Jonas Ingram, Commander of the Allied naval forces in the South Atlantic, Brigadier General Robert Walsh, chief of the South Atlantic wing of the Air Transport Command, Ambassador Jefferson Caffery, and prominent Brazilian naval and military officers. The joint statement indicated that the two Presidents had discussed “the continuing submarine danger from the Caribbean to the South Atlantic,” and that President Vargas had announced “greatly increased efforts on the part of his country to meet this menace.” It was agreed that the coast of West Africa and Dakar should never again become an invasion threat against the two Americas, though how this was to be accomplished was not revealed. The “very significant results” of the Casablanca Conference were discussed and the part that Brazil and the other American republics might be called upon to take in guaranteeing the future safety of all the Americas, in which, in the view of the two Presidents, “each of the Republics is interested in an equal degree.” Significantly, the statement spoke of the “almost unanimous help that our neighbors are giving. . . .” After leaving Brazil President Roosevelt halted at Trinidad for inspection of the army and naval forces and bases at that point.
Brazil on February 6 subscribed to the Atlantic Charter and joined the United Nations as a full partner against Germany and Italy. With Japan diplomatic relations remain severed, but there is no state of war.
Chile Breaks with Axis.—After long hesitation, Chile on January 20 joined the other American republics, with the single exception of Argentina, by breaking off diplomatic relations with the Axis powers. Such action had previously been approved in the Chilean Senate by a vote of 30 to 10, which fairly represented popular sentiment on the question. Chilean copper, nitrate and coal-mining areas, as well as important ports and cities, were declared emergency zones. The break was preceded by a visit to Washington made by the Secretary of the Interior, Dr. Raul Morales Beltrami, and presumably by assurances from the United States regarding trade and markets. The Brazilian Ambassador expressed approval by declaring that “this decision places Chile in the democratic front.”
Argentine Isolation.—The isolation of Argentina in its policy of continued friendly relations with the Axis powers was further accentuated by the action of Chile in January. In the weeks immediately preceding, however, the Argentine Government had shown an increased effort to suppress unneutral activities of Axis agents within its territory. Of 33 suspected spies arrested in December, six were indicted, and when Germany refused to waive diplomatic immunity in the case of the naval attaché, Captain Dietrich Niebuhr, the Argentine Foreign Office on January 11 requested his recall.
On the same date the United Nations lost a powerful advocate in Argentina by the death of ex-President Augustin P. Justo, who though a member of President Castillo’s Right Wing party, has long supported a policy of close co-operation with the other American republics. His death ended any prospect that Castillo might lose control of the government and of foreign policy in the elections of next November—if these elections are actually held. Castillo became acting President in the autumn of 1940, and succeeded regularly to the office upon the death of President Ortiz last summer.
Better Relations with Russia.— Foreign Minister Alberto Guani of Uraguay, en route to Washington in the last week of January, expressed the view that Uruguay and other Latin American republics would do well to follow Mexico and Cuba’s example by renewing diplomatic relations with the Soviet Republic. It was understood that Colombia and Venezuela, as well as Uruguay, were considering such action, thus breaking down the barriers that had hitherto separated them from the powerful Soviet member of the United Nations coalition.
AXIS AND CENTRAL EUROPE
Italian Cabinet Upset.—On February 5 Premier Mussolini in a sweeping cabinet reorganization ousted his son-in-law Count Ciano from the Foreign Ministry and dropped ten other ministers. He himself took over the Foreign Office, and appointed new men to the other posts. Only the Minister of African Affairs remained unchanged, since that office was now without duties. Crown Prince Humbert was at the same time sent to command Italian forces still in Russia. Various explanations of the change were given, such as violent disputes in the old cabinet over domestic policies, or pressure from Germany to get rid of Ciano. In Italy it was explained as a routine move to inject new blood. Count Ciano was later appointed Ambassador to the Holy See in Rome and was given a three-year seat in the Fascist Grand Council.
Pressure on France.—Later reports of the meeting at Berlin last December, at which Pierre Laval was summoned before Herr Hitler and Count Ciano, revealed that Laval had been subjected to typical rough treatment by the Axis leaders. His ability to win French collaboration was declared exaggerated, as in truth it was. He was told there would be no further concessions, and, in effect, that France would be squeezed to the limit. Otto Abetz’ mission to France was ended; Geissler, a Gestapo man, was to take his place. The French army was to be disbanded. Any negotiations with Italy were to be under German supervision. Laval was reported to have agreed to furnish Germany with 400,000 workers and complete control of French industry, finance, and agriculture. Five destroyers were to be turned over, presumably from ships not badly damaged at Toulon.
No Danish Elections.—Werne Best, Reich representative in Denmark, informed the Danish Government in January that under no conditions would the Reich tolerate the holding of elections in Denmark on a democratic pattern. The elections for the Folkthing, or Lower House, scheduled for early spring, would have to be called off, though the campaign was already under way.
Dull Anniversary.—January 30, 1943, the tenth anniversary of Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor, was celebrated quietly in Berlin, aside from an R.A.F. daylight bombardment which delayed Herr Goering’s speech for about an hour. The speech itself offered the usual promises of a spring offensive and ultimate victory, but was more concerned with an account of the surprising strength of Russia, with “the most powerful armaments ever made by any nation.” Propaganda Minister Goebbels read a message from the Fuehrer emphasizing the “menace of Bolshevism.” In the preceding week the German Government called for the compulsory registration of all men from 16 to 65 and women from 17 to 45. The chief object was apparently to transfer more married women to factories, since most other possible sources of labor have already been exhausted.
Finns Seek Help.—It was announced in Stockholm at the close of January that Finland was sounding out the Swedish Government as to the possibility of a protective pact with Sweden, apparently for support against German economic or military reprisals in case Finland should reach a peace agreement with Russia. “Greater Finland” talk had subsided at Helsinki, and it was stated that Finnish troops had been entirely withdrawn from Soviet territory in the Karelian peninsula, south of Lake Ladoga.
In Sweden Premier Hansson at the opening of the Riksdag on January 18 declared that Sweden would fight to the end to resist invasion. Orders had been issued to all local authorities to continue fighting, despite any break in communications with the central authority or orders to the contrary, which would be false. These instructions probably had in view a possible campaign of the United Nations in Northern Norway or Finland, which would lead the Germans to demand safe passage of troops across Swedish territory.
BALKANS AND MIDDLE EAST
Iraq Joins Against Axis.—The kingdom of Iraq, leader and strongest nation of the Arab peoples, on January 16 declared war on Germany, Italy, and Japan, and in a note to Secretary Hull conveyed its decision to support the Declaration of the United Nations of January 1, 1942. The grounds given for the action were that Germany had “interfered most openly and in every way with the domestic affairs of Iraq” and had been “responsible for the instigation and promotion of downright rebellion.” Italy and Japan had connived and assisted in these acts and were held jointly responsible. The decision of Iraq showed the swing of opinion among the Mohammedan peoples following the United Nations victories in Russia and Africa, and appeared likely to strengthen Turkish policy in resistance to Axis aggression. Iraq has a Moslem population of over 3,000,000, as compared with 77 million in India, 17 million in Turkey, and 14 million in Egypt. There are also 15 million Moslems in Iran and 21 million in Oceania.
Churchill in Turkey.—After the Casablanca conferences Prime Minister Churchill flew almost directly to Turkey and at the close of January engaged in a two-day series of conferences with President Ismet Inonu, Premier Saracoglu, and other high Turkish officials. The conferences took place at Adana, near the Syrian frontier, and in view of the large number of military and naval officers present they took on the appearance of a series of staff talks. No doubt they served to put Anglo-Turkish relations on a firmer basis, to stiffen Turkish resistance to any Axis push toward the Straits, and to give Turkey assurance of further assistance in war materials and trade. Like other European and Middle Eastern neutrals, Turkey had already sensed a significant shift in the trend of events, but was in no way pressed to take an active part in the war.
Following the conferences, the Prime Minister flew from Cairo to Cyprus, where at Nicosia he addressed a gathering of island leaders. Later he reviewed British troops in the conquered city of Tripoli, and on February 7 he was back in London ready for a report to Parliament on the results of his journey and the progress of the war.
Yugoslav Cleavage.—Efforts were made in London during January to iron out the unfortunate strife between the Soviet-supported Partisan bands in Yugoslavia and the followers of General Mikhailovitch, who has had the backing of the Government in Exile in London and also of the British Government. The roots of the difficulty lay in the political factions within the country. Mikhailovitch was suspected of anti-communist if not pro-fascist sympathies, and collaboration could be brought about, apparently, only by strong pressure on the Partisans’ Soviet backers. Writing from the United States, the Yugoslav-American author Louis Adamic saw in the split the beginnings of a wider cleavage among the United Nations, and urged that support be withdrawn from King Peter and the General as reactionaries. He suggested that an American-British-Soviet joint commission be sent to deal with the problem on the spot.
FAR EAST
Extraterritoriality Ended.—In accordance with promises made in the preceding month, treaties were signed by the United States and China and by the British Government and China ending the special privileges of extraterritoriality and placing relations with China on a basis of complete equality. The British treaty, however, left for future settlement the status of the Kowloon leased territory at Hongkong, now in the hands of Japan. China accords to American and British nationals the right to travel, reside, and carry on commerce throughout China. The stationing of troops in China, under the Boxer Protocol of 1901, and the patrol of Chinese rivers by American and British gunboats both go by the board. China and the United States will negotiate a new and comprehensive modern treaty of friendship, commerce, navigation, and consular rights.
More Power for Tojo.—Before the Japanese Diet, which convened on January 28 after a New Year recess, Premier Tojo in early February presented a new “wartime imperial ordnance bill” which gave to the Premier and his ministers practically unlimited power to govern by decree and control Japanese industry and production. There was little doubt that the measure would be approved. In his speech the Premier “disavowed territorial aims in either the United States or South America.” In an earlier address at the opening of the Diet the Premier had already boasted of Japan’s strengthened position by virtue of the “establishment of outlying bases and the acquisition of vast natural resources,” even though it would take “great efforts to make these resources demonstrate their real wealth and power.” In these circumstances Japan evidently would be content if what she had taken could be held in the future.