FROM OCTOBER 10 TO NOVEMBER 10
AMERICA AND THE WAR
Break with France.—Following the entry of American troops into North Africa, the Vichy Government declared diplomatic relations with the United States severed, and diplomatic representatives of both nations were recalled. French forces in Africa were ordered to resist, but neither side made an immediate move toward a formal declaration of war. The American government took the justified view that Vichy spoke “the language prescribed by Hitler” and that the American action was welcomed by the great majority of the French people, as, in the language of the President, a move for their rescue “from enslavement and a permanent loss of their liberties and free institutions.” General Giraud was reported as having arrived in Algeria “to organize the French army again to take up the fight” against the Axis. On the eve of the American landing, President Roosevelt issued by radio a pledge and an appeal to the French people, concluding:
Americans, with the assistance of the United Nations, are striving for their own safe future as well as the restoration of the ideals, the liberties, and the democracy of all those who have lived under the tricolor.
We come among you to repulse the cruel invaders who would remove forever your rights of self-government, your rights to religious freedom and your rights to live your own lives in peace and security. We come among you solely to defeat and rout your enemies. Have faith in our words. We do not want to cause you any harm. We assure you that once the menace of Germany and Italy is removed from you, we shall quit your territory at once. I am appealing to your realism, to your self-interest and national ideals.
Message to Tunis.—In anticipation of an American advance eastward in Africa, President Roosevelt on November 9 sent a message to the Bey of Tunis asking approval of the passage of American troops through Tunisian Territory. The American forces, according to the President, had
no other aim than the early destruction of our common enemies. They and their allies hope for the great privilege of passing through Tunisia, thus enabling them to accomplish their mission— the elimination of the forces of evil from North Africa.
The Willkie Report.—Arriving on October 12 at Edmonton in Western Canada on the final stage of his aircraft flight from China via Siberia, Mr. Wendell Willkie shortly thereafter ended his trip at Washington and hastened to an immediate conference with the President. His report to the nation of his tour of United Nations capitals and battle areas was broadcast on the evening of October 27. In this speech Mr. Willkie again emphasized the need of a second front in Europe to relieve Russia, and of a second front in Burma to relieve China, pointing out that in round numbers “five million Russians and five million Chinese had already given their lives in the struggle.”
He spoke of a “gigantic reservoir of good will toward the American people” built up in the past, but warned that this reservoir is “leaking through steadily spreading cracks and holes” due to the fact that as yet our performance has not equalled our promises. While avoiding a definite statement of his views in regard to India, he remarked that “when the aspiration of India for freedom was put aside for a future date, it was not Great Britain that suffered in public esteem in the Far East; it was the United States.” He added that “freedom means the orderly but scheduled abolition of the colonial system. I am not,” he said, “talking about the British Commonwealth of Free Nations. I am talking about the colonial system wherever it exists under whatever nation.” In Britain, Canada, and also from Dutch spokesmen there was some criticism of the widespread view, thus expressed by Mr. Willkie, that the colonial system is bankrupt and that it can be thrown rapidly into the discard. In many areas of the world, according to their view, self-government must come slowly, and for it the British colonial system prepares the way.
Forces in Liberia.—The movement of British and American forces into French Africa in November was anticipated several months earlier on a smaller scale by the dispatch of American troops to Liberia. This, though long rumored, was confirmed by a Washington statement in early November that troops had been stationed in the Negro republic since last July and that air-base facilities had been established at this strategic point on the West African coast. Liberia is about 750 miles southeast of the Vichy controlled port of Dakar.
LATIN AMERICA
Axis Moves in South America.—Notable repercussions followed the statement of Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles in Boston on October 8 in which he spoke of the continued activities of Nazi agents in Chile and Argentina and expressed the belief that these nations would not long continue to permit their sister nations to be “stabbed in the back by Axis emissaries.” There was every assurance that this statement of the cautious Under Secretary had been carefully considered, and that it was intended to remove the impression that the projected visit of the Chilean President to this country signified approval of Chilean present policy, the fact being quite opposite. Assertions were made to the effect that radio messages from Chile to Japan had been on the increase, and that when the private companies were about to put a check on them, the government took over control and the messages continued. It was well known also that commercial messages to embassies and consulates in Chile and Argentina had contained secret matter in code which was later transmitted to the Axis governments.
The Welles speech resulted in protests from both Buenos Aires and Santiago and President Juan Antonio Rios of Chile postponed his trip to Washington. President Roosevelt expressed the hope that it was merely postponed and might be made later. In Chile the question of Axis relations was the primary factor leading to the cabinet reorganization which took place in the third week of October. The chief change in the new ministry, sworn in on October 21, was the appointment of a new Foreign Minister, German Ruesco, who as compared with his predecessor, Ernesto Barros Jarpa, was regarded as more favorable to common action with the 19 other republics. Secretary of State Hull later spoke favorably of the vigorous measures taken by the new Chilean government to break up Axis espionage activities within its borders. Up to November 6 eleven Germans and an Italian were expelled from the country and several others were placed under arrest.
Strife in Argentina.—The protest of Argentina over the Welles speech was followed by a statement that Argentina had “absolutely no intention of severing relations with the Axis in the near future,” and with assurances from the Foreign Office that relations with the United States and with the other American republics were “as cordial as ever.” However, a sharp conflict developed in October between the Foreign Ministry and the special committee of the Chamber of Deputies which is still engaged in investigating subversive activities within the country. The committee asserted that Hermann Metzger, a civil attach^ of the German Embassy and in control of German schools, had been using his office for political purposes, and further that Foreign Minister Enrique Ruiz Guinazu had failed to take action after being presented with proof of these charges. The Government reply accused the committee of irregular procedures, and stated that rules would be laid down to control future relations between the two governmental branches.
BRITAIN AND THE WAR
Madagascar Surrendered.—On November 5 French forces in Madagascar signed an armistice ending their resistance to British occupation of the strategic island. The armistice came just six months after the first British landing at Diego Suarez, and two months after the opening of the later campaign to complete the occupation. The armistice was requested by Governor General Armand and Major General Guillemet, who led the defending forces, and according to instructions from Vichy, it was to be on a military basis, excluding political arrangements. About 3,000 French were captured during the fighting, and toward the end there were large scale shifts of French and colonial troops to the United Nations side. According to alleged Japanese information at Ankara, Japan had received from Hitler an appeal for naval aid in support of the French, but for lack of available forces was unable to comply.
Resistance in India.—It appeared likely that United Nations successes in Africa, together with the trend of military developments elsewhere, would tend to weaken organized resistance in India, which according to reports in late October had shifted from mass riots to individual acts of sabotage.
General Smuts in England.—Speaking in London on October 21, Trafalgar Day, before a joint meeting of the House of Lords and House of Commons, Marshal Jan Smuts, Prime Minister of South Africa, declared that the phase of defensive United Nations strategy in the war had ended and that of offensive war was at hand. He added that “the appalling blood letting which is necessary to Hitler’s ultimate defeat” was being administered by the Russians and that they alone could do it. It was, however, the urgent duty of the Allies to supply the fullest aid to Russia with the utmost speed. General Smuts’ presence in London was undoubtedly utilized in the final arrangements for the United Nations action in North Africa.
EUROPEAN CONTINENT
Turmoil in Occupied Lands.—Seething unrest in the occupied countries of Europe was revealed in October and November by increased execution of hostages and arrests in Czechoslovakia, Greece, France, and other subjugated nations. At Prague there were reports of 18 more Czechs shot for black market operations, sabotage, and other offenses. Twenty Greek hostages were put to death in reprisal for an explosion in September which wrecked the Nazi party headquarters in Athens. At Lille in France 30 hostages were seized for a hand grenade attack on October 21. In the Netherlands the restricted zone for Hollanders was extended to most of the coast line. In Italy Heinrich Himmler in mid-October made a 3-day inspection of “German services” in Italian cities, a visit which was followed by the sending of several hundred more Gestapo men to aid in police work and censorship. October 25, the 20th anniversary of the Fascist revolution, passed without the usual public appearance of the Fascist chief of state, though a “congratulatory message” from the Führer was received.
Axis Pressure on Vichy.—As a result of strenuous resistance in France, the German government was reported to have extended till November 30 the period in which Vichy might continue non-violent methods of securing the 150,000 laborers called for by Germany. While M. Laval was demanding volunteers as the only alternative to forced requisitions, General de Gaulle from London was issuing radio calls for resistance. As another evidence of increased Axis pressure in Vichy, it was reported from London in early November that France had begun to turn over 35 vessels formerly owned or chartered by the Franco-British partnership. These vessels totaled 120,000 tons and included 4 tankers. Three ships, it was said, were already in Axis hands at Genoa, to be used as replacements for lost Axis shipping in the Mediterranean.
Darlan’s African Tour.—Vichy and German fears of a United Nations move in North Africa were indicated by Admiral Darlan’s inspection of the African colonial defenses, from which he returned on October 30 after visiting Algiers, Casablanca, and Dakar. The gist of his report was that the colonies would be defended and the forces, adequate or not, would put up a stiff resistance. No doubt as an outcome of Darlan’s prodding, Governor Boisson at Dakar and Governor Chatel in Algeria issued statements affirming full unity of French Africa and the home government. Reports from Vichy suggested that Germany might soon oust Laval in favor of Darlan. Later Darlan was reported a prisoner in Africa.
Soviet Post-War Claims.—Confidence in Russia over the outcome of the war was indicated by the announcement on November 4 that the government had appointed a commission of eight prominent writers and scientific leaders to investigate German crimes in occupied territories, destruction of property, looting of foodstuffs, and a host of other offenses. No doubt the monetary bill of damages would be immense, and the Soviet authorities were apparently not discouraged by the results of efforts to collect large reparations after the First World War. It was noteworthy that “destruction of places of religious worship” was included among the offenses to be investigated.
Turkey Nearer War.—In an address at the opening of the National Assembly on November 1 President Inonu of Turkey declared that his country was now in greater danger of being drawn into the war than ever before, since the struggle was becoming more desperate. He added that Turkey would remain loyal to her alliances, indicating presumably that she was still resolved to resist any violation of her territory by the Axis. The approaching return to Ankara of Soviet Ambassador Vinogradoff, who had been absent since last June, was taken as an indication of improved relations with Russia. The increased flow of U. S. lease-lend aid to Turkey was evident in the military parade on Republic Day, October 28, in which appeared many American trucks, cars, and 37-mm. anti-tank guns.
FAR EAST
Extraterritoriality Ended.—On October 9, eve of the 31st anniversary of the establishment of the present Chinese government, Acting Secretary of State Sumner Welles announced that both Great Britain and the United States had decided to negotiate with China at once for the “relinquishment of the extraterritorial and related rights and privileges,” granted to these powers in Chinese territory. A draft treaty was to be submitted as a basis for negotiations. This immediate action apparently came as a welcome surprise to the government at Chungking, though it was a foregone conclusion that all such checks on China’s complete sovereignty would be swept aside by a victory of the United Nations. The move was especially timely as a contrast to Japan’s policy in the creation of the new Greater East Asia Ministry, and her evident purpose to exploit the resources of occupied territory and reduce China and the puppet government at Nanking to a merely colonial status.
Extraterritorial privileges for Great Britain, the United States, France, and other powers have been granted by China for about a century, since they were first secured at the close of the Opium War in 1842. Today, Chungking officials state that the Chinese courts are capable of taking over the extended jurisdiction. The British Foreign Office made it clear that the surrender of extraterritoriality had no bearing on the future status of Hongkong, a British possession now occupied by Japan.
Japanese Government Reorganized.—What was described as an “epoch making reorganization of the Japanese government to strengthen Japanese fighting power” was announced by Premier Tojo at the end of October. The changes involved the abolition or concentration of 31 bureaus and 12 departments, and provided in particular for taking control of affairs in the occupied territories entirely out of the hands of the Foreign Office. Instead, this control was centered in a newly established “Ministry for Greater East Asia,” the first head of which was to be Kazuo Aoki, described as a minor bureaucrat and yes- man of the Army. The change was chiefly significant as showing that Japan is now bent on squeezing the last drop of support from conquered territories in the way of materials for war, and that in so doing native interests, and also the interests of Japanese capitalists, would be ruthlessly swept aside. A liaison committee with the Army and Navy was at once set up within the Greater East Asia Ministry. The control of the new cabinet office would extend over occupied China, Malaya, and the Dutch Indies, as well as other occupied territories; but Formosa, Sakhalin, and Korea were placed with Japan proper under the direct supervision of the Home Ministry.
Emperor and Japanese Navy.—The journal Amerasia in its autumn issue for 1942 prints a translation in part of a chapter from The Imperial Navy, a book prepared by a Japanese naval writer and published in Japan in 1939. The passage explains the relation of the Emperor as supreme commander of the armed forces, and suggests the means by which, on the basis of this relationship, the Japanese military services have been able to escape parliamentary restraints and even dominate cabinet organization and governmental policy. The extract concludes as follows:
In any case, the Imperial Navy, which has the honor of being commanded by the sacred and inviolable Emperor, certainly cannot tolerate orders or interference by the Government or the Diet. In peace or war, the only person who can command and direct the Imperial Navy is he who possesses the Imperial prerogative. Naval operations can permit of no other interference. Since all military commands, from the Fleet Admiral to the apprentice seaman, have the Supreme Authority of the Emperor as their source, the power of Command which inheres in every member of the Army and Navy, in accordance with rank and responsibility, is thus an absolute and sacred power which is a part of the Emperor’s prerogative of Supreme Command. It goes without saying that this organization of the Imperial Navy, which, as has been shown, moves only in accordance with the command of the Emperor, is a special characteristic of our country, and is not found in any other country in the world.