The General Situation
ON FEBRUARY 27, 1927, U.S.S. Noa, destroyer number 343, under my command, relieved U.S.S. Simpson (221), Lieutenant Commander R. J. Carstarphen, as station ship at Nanking, China. There were present in the river H.M.S. Emerald, a fine new cruiser of about 8,000 tons, Captain Hugh T. England, R.N., commanding and senior officer present; and three Japanese destroyers of the twenty-fourth squadron, H.I.J.M.S. Hinoki, Momo, and Yanagi, Commander K. Uchida, I.J.N., in command. Also there were three Chinese gunboats of the Chu class and two transports, which then belonged to the Northern or central government. These shortly left and, about a week later, went over to the Cantonese side and went up river.
The usual official and social calls were exchanged, afloat and ashore, and a very close friendship and association soon sprang up between Emerald and Noa. This was to prove invaluable later, and is one of the brightest recollections of my Asiatic cruise.
Nanking at that time was the headquarters of both Marshals Chang Chung Chang and Sun Chuan-feng. The latter’s troops, mostly Chekiang and Kiangsu men, had been badly defeated by the Southerners, directed by the Russian General Galens, some six weeks or so before—largely due to the desertion of one of his trusted generals— and his troops were in pretty general disorder with not much fight left in them. They were being gradually withdrawn across the river and sent up into northern Kiangsu to rest and recuperate. Meanwhile the Shantung-Chihli troops of Chang Chung Chang were coming south by the Tientsin-Pukow Railway and were there being ferried across to Nanking and sent on down country to relieve the withdrawing Chekiang forces. The “front” then ran from some distance above Wuhu, on the river, generally eastward toward Hangchow Bay.
The city of Nanking was, of course, filled with troops, who had commandeered practically all means of transportation and who were given to maltreating the inhabitants on almost any pretext. The Northerners had brought in large quantities of worthless Shantung paper money which they forced the local tradesmen to accept. As a result many shops were shut and such as were open displayed very little merchandise. Deliveries of provisions on contract were very irregular and uncertain and finally we had to get our supplies when, where, and how we could. (I have no doubt that various accounting offices are even now throwing fits over some of these bills, but we fed the crew, paid the bills, and did not exceed our ration allowance!)
There were then in the city a considerable number of foreigners, by far the larger part being Americans, missionaries and teachers in the many schools then located in Nanking. There were perhaps four to five hundred Americans, about a hundred British and about the same number of Japanese, also a few individuals of other nationalities, who were generally under the protection of the British or American Consulates. The British Consul General was Mr. Bertram Giles, of a distinguished China service family. His house, the nearest consulate to the river, with its hospitable hostess and two charming secretaries, was a favorite gathering place for the younger officers of the ships present. The American Consul was Mr. John Ker Davis, one of our very ablest men in China. Mrs. Davis made the Consulate a real “home from home,” most attractive to all of us. In addition there were several other British or American families there that we used to visit often, notably Mr. and Mrs. E. T. Hobart, of the Standard Oil Company, and Mr. and Mrs. T. L. Macartney of the British International Export Company, Mr. and Mrs. F. C. Jordan of the British American Tobacco Company, also a pleasant club, and a lively bachelor society.
The city of Nanking is surrounded by a high wall and is shaped somewhat like a pear, with the northern end as the stem end. This end has two gates which are about a mile or so from the river, with the commercial suburb of Hsia Kwan between the wall and the shore. A sort of canal or lagoon, passable for small junks and sampans, runs completely around Hsia Kwan. The southern end of the city of Nanking is the fat part of the pear, and contains the Chinese city proper, its farther gate, the South Gate, being perhaps eight miles from the river. About in the lower middle of the pear are located Nanking University, the largest of the mission schools, the General Hospital, and most of the other missions and schools. The Japanese Consulate is next to the University. The American and British Consulates are on the main road leading from the city to the north end of the wall and the “Middle Gate” and “New Gate” therein, and about three miles and a mile and a half, respectively, from them. Most of the area between the Japanese Consulate, opposite the famous “Drum Tower,” and the Middle Gate was open country and tilled fields. Most of the foreigners in business lived in this part of the city, notably in large houses along high ridges just inside the wall to the southwest of the New Gate (see map), that on which the Standard Oil houses were located being the now famous “Socony Hill.”
The Plan of Defense
It can be seen from the above that the problem of protecting all our nationals living in the south of the city was most difficult.
It would have been very unwise to send landing parties so far from the ships, completely beyond support from the river. This had at times been recognized and at times not, one scheme providing for sending armed guards to the University. If a hundred odd men could have been put there they might have done good, but as events turned out, I doubt it. Certainly a destroyer or river gunboat could not send enough men that far afield to be of any use whatever.
At an early conference between Captain England and myself, we decided that the defense plans then supposedly in force were entirely inadequate for the situation as it then existed and was likely to exist, and that they should be revised, or new ones prepared. After looking over the lay of the land ashore, and after a careful study of maps, we felt able to go ahead and prepare a joint plan of action which should be on general lines only, sufficiently broad to cover almost any emergency that might arise, and which should be applicable regardless of the size or number of ships of each nationality that happened to be present. This we outlined with the technical assistance of our executive and gunnery officers, and Emerald’s marine officer.
The next step was to present this plan at a meeting at which were present the British Consul General and the American Consul, both of whom gave valuable suggestions and assistance. This was notably so in the case of Consul Davis, who had long kept lists of all Americans in the district. He had all of them divided into groups according to location, each with group leader. These group leaders formed a committee, at the head of which stood Dr. A. J. Bowen of Nanking University. When Mr. Davis desired to send out any information, or to pass any word, he simply informed Dr. Bowen, who, through the various group leaders, very promptly passed on the word to all Americans in the city. This plan worked without a hitch when it came time to put it into practice.
These details having been settled to the satisfaction of the British and ourselves, the next step was to invite the concurrence and assistance of the Japanese. We were particularly anxious to obtain this, in order to present an absolutely united front should any serious action become necessary. Accordingly, Mr. Giles invited the Japanese Consul, and Captain England asked the senior Japanese naval officer, Commander K. Uchida, I.J.N., to be present at further conferences. A prior meeting of the senior naval officers was held aboard the Emerald, at which the Japanese officers accepted in principle the proposed plan, and added several important phrases to clarify it and to preserve a necessary amount of freedom of action should need for such arise. The general meeting at which were present the senior naval and consular officers of the three powers, was then held at the British Consulate, and the final draft of the plan made up. The Japanese had to get approval of it from their commander-inchief in China, which they soon did, and the plan thereupon went into effect. That it was well thought out and general enough to cover any situation, was well proven when the test came, although the actual event was perhaps the only possible one which we had not originally foreseen! With such slight modifications in detail as the event demanded, it met the situation with success.
Four eventualities were considered probable. They were:
- Withdrawal of troops—possible looting.
- Retreat of troops in disorder after actual defeat—looting certain and serious risk to foreigners’ lives.
- The city of Nanking being the field of action.
- Occupation of Nanking by Southerners and stirring up of anti-foreign feeling.
The several steps to be taken to cope with these eventualities were:
First, women and children to be evacuated before serious trouble occurred.
Second, outlying male foreigners who remained behind to be concentrated in districts where effective armed protection could be given if necessary.
Third, all nationals to be withdrawn to hulks or ships in the river.
The defense plan contained detailed information as to how these steps were to be executed.
The Advance of the Nationalists
As has been stated above, the “front” at this time ran generally east from somewhat above Wuhu on the river to the sea about in the Hangchow Bay area. This line was held firmly in places, and precariously in others. Sun Chuan-feng’s men had been badly beaten around Hangchow in January, due to one of his generals suddenly going over to the Southerners. This man had been worked around the Southern flanks and Sun was in a position to deal a heavy blow to the Nationalists. However, the latter had plenty of Russian money and bought the threatening general, with the result that Sun himself was put in a bad hole. As a result, the whole of that front below Shanghai was rather uncertain.
The Ankuochun party, headed by Chang Tso Lin, attempted to relieve the beaten troops of Sun by fresh Shantung-Chihli troops, well equipped, and (some) well disciplined. These reliefs were poured in through Shanghai by sea and down the Tientsin-Pukow Railway—generally called in China the “Tsin-Pu” line. They crossed the river to Nanking and thence proceeded part to the south and part to the southeast through Chinkiang down the Shanghai-Nan- king Railway toward Wusih and Soochow. At the same time the troops of Marshal Sun were gradually withdrawn, through Chinkiang and below mostly, whence they passed up the Grand Canal into Northern Kiangsu. Marshal Chang Chung Chang’s troops put into the Shanghai area were commanded by the Asiatic Fleet’s old friend of Tsingtau and Chefoo, Admiral-General Pi Hsou Chien; those about Nanking and to the south and west by General Chu Yu Pu, alleged to be Chang’s best general.
All this process was in full blast when we arrived in Nanking, and continued unabated until about March 20. One interesting event shortly after we arrived was the seizure by Chang Chung Chang’s forces of the Russian steamer Pamiat Lenina, bound up river for Hankow. On board her was found Mme. Borodin, wife of the chief Soviet adviser of the Southern government, then located at Hankow, and decidedly “Red” in tone. Three or four other Russians, alleged to be diplomatic couriers, were on board, trunks of documents, propaganda, plans, orders and whatnot were hidden under the coal in the bunkers. These people and their trunks were sent up to Peking where the captives were later placed on trial in a Chinese court. The seized documents undoubtedly had a great deal to do with the later raid on the Soviet embassy in Pekin, and probably also much to do with other raids on Soviet premises in other countries. The ship was kept under guard at a wharf in Pukow, and was scuttled there when the Northerners retreated. She now lies deep in the mud with the rising river lapping at the top of her stack.
To resume, almost all of Sun’s troops were out by the eighteenth and he himself left about that time, too. This surprised everyone, as it was expected that Chang would hold Sun as hostage. Altogether it was estimated that nearly 150,000 troops had been put into the Shanghai-Nanking area, including about 5,000 white Russians and two armored trains which had been ferried across the river at Nanking on junks in a most clever and interesting manner. With this force, and very well equipped, it surely seemed as though that area was safe, and, considering its importance, we all felt sure that the Northerners intended to hold on firmly.
But in China one can never tell! Early in March, the first break came. This occurred above Wuhu, in Anhwei Province, on both sides of the river, when several of the more or less loosely allied Anhwei generals, who had been Wu Pei Fu’s men and were, at first, after his fall, attached to the Ankuochun, declared their independence and shortly went over to the South. More use of the “silver bullet.”
This let the Southerners at one jump from below Wuhu to within thirty miles of Nanking on both sides of the river. To avert this sudden threat Chang Chung Chang had to organize a new front north of the river stretching out to the northward as far as Pengpu, in order to protect the railway. He went to see to this himself, leaving Chu Yu Pu to look after the Nanking side.
Some pretty stiff fighting took place along this line. At first the Southerners advanced somewhat, reaching the vicinity of Molin- kwan. They were, however, driven back again, and up to about March 19 or 20 there seemed no immediate danger from that side. The gunboats which had gone over to the South arrived from up river and helped a bit, but not much, remaining until about March 20, in the vicinity of the East Pillars, ten miles or so below Wuhu.
In the Shanghai area the Southerners advanced slowly up to the vicinity of Sun- kiang and the large Lake Tai Hu. To the westward of the lake they penetrated through the mountainous country as far as Ihing and Liyang, the latter about fifty-five miles southeast of Nanking. So far, however, they had done no particular fighting, the Northerners retiring slowly before them to reduce their front. All still seemed well.
Following their usual custom, after having held Wuhu for several days, the Southerners began to bring in Bolshevik agitators. These soon fanned up a decidedly dangerous anti-foreign feeling there. There were present in that port U.S.S. Preble (345), Commander R. B. Horner, division commander, Forty-fifth Division, and H.M.S. Wolsey, Lieutenant Commander C. J. H. Hill, R.N. As the situation appeared to require more force than was available there, H.M.S. Emerald got underway and on March 8 proceeded to Wuhu. At the same time, H.M.S. Caradoc, a light cruiser of about 4,500 tons, Captain H. C. Allen, R.N., was started from Shanghai for Nanking, arriving on the ninth. During the interval Noa charged herself with the care of British interests. On March 13, Caradoc went on up to Wuhu and took charge there, Emerald returning to Nanking early the fifteenth, Noa taking charge again during the interval. Shortly after this Preble was relieved at Wuhu by U.S.S. Wm. B. Preston, Lieutenant Commander George B. Ashe, and proceeded to Shanghai.
That we did not then consider the situation as unduly alarming may be judged from the fact that the officers of the Noa had promoted and fully prepared a “badger fight” for the Emerald’s officers! This was arranged for Thursday, March 24, at the Nanking Club. There was plenty of fighting that day, but not exactly a “badger fight!”
Beginning about March 19, the situation changed rapidly. On this date the Southerners succeeeded in crumbling—or, rather, buying—the front near Sunkiang— alleged price 60,000 taels paid to Pi Hsou Chien. The Northerners in that area retreated rapidly and in terror and absolutely without fighting, through Soochow and Shanghai. Propaganda, the Southerners’ second best weapon, had done its work thoroughly. The Cantonese forces then proceeded rapidly up the railway, occupying Wusih and Changchow, at the same time coming up to the westward of the Lake Tai Hu. Nanking was now cut off from Shanghai, and on the twentieth all sorts of rumors began to spread.
The nineteenth also saw a new attack launched to the south of Nanking along the Anhwei-Kiangsu border, this time supported by the gunboats in the river. They advanced again up to and somewhat beyond Molinkwan but were being stoutly resisted, and, until the debacle of Wednesday, March 23, did not get much beyond this point.
In Nanking we knew from missionaries coming in from the outlying districts that the Southerners were advancing. But it was not until the twentieth that we got any news of the Northerners’ rout around Sunkiang and Shanghai. That night, Sunday, we heard the first rumors, which were stronger and more authoritative the next morning. The last Shanghai-Nanking train got in Sunday night, having left Shanghai early Saturday before the rout. It was delayed all along the line by troop movements. From a missionary who had returned in that train we got some useful information, but not much, as naturally he had not particularly observed the things we most wished to know. On Sunday night, March 20, we also heard for the first time heavy firing to the south, apparently from the gunboats in the river.
On Monday morning a meeting was held at the British Consulate to discuss the situation. It was fairly obvious that something would happen soon, but we figured a week or more, at least, because of the number of troops in the district. The Cantonese would require at least that time, we thought, to push their way, even without fighting, through the crowds of Northerners filling every road in the vicinity. However, it was decided to issue the first general stand-by warning. I accordingly sent a radio requesting river transportation for the expected refugees. None appeared to be available, but late that night U.S.S. Win. B. Preston was ordered to proceed early Tuesday morning from Wuhu to Nanking, the situation at Wuhu having calmed somewhat. H.M.S. Caradoc kindly took over care of our interests there.
Preparations for Evacuation
This, then, was the situation at noon on Monday, March 21—everything very tense, the Chinese full of rumors and leaving town as they could, but no bother done to foreigners at all. There were left in the city about 300 Americans, largely, and most unfortunately, women and children, the greater part of whom lived in the south of the city, five or six miles from the river. About 150 had already left, taking the advice of Consul Davis, who, as early as March 10, had advised all who could conveniently do so to leave then while the going was good.
By the middle of the afternoon it became more and more evident that what amounted to a serious defeat had been suffered by the Northern forces. The Southerners were making rapid advances on the east, and pushing more slowly but just as surely, up from the south. Machine guns and artillery fire began to be audible from the south end of the city, and heavy gun fire more and more frequently from the river. Everything indicated the fall of the city, or its siege, in a few days. Either necessitated the previous withdrawal of all foreigners, and, accordingly, the British and American consular authorities issued the warning to evacuate the next morning, beginning about 6:00 a.m. This decision was at once communicated to the naval authorities in the river and also to the Japanese Consul. Captain England informed the senior Japanese naval officer of our plans.
The Japanese Consul was at this time quite sick in bed, and his assistants either could not issue a similar order, or did not think it necessary. They did not evacuate the next day, but apparently concentrated at the Consulate, where a naval guard had been landed. Their consulate suffered later the same fate as the others, but, due to the larger number of people, very much more distressing scenes seem to have occurred there.
At the same time, of course, our defense plans began to work, and a small guard was landed to go to the consulate. This consisted of ten men under Ensign Woodward Phelps, U. S. Navy; also a signalman, Wilson, J. D., SMic, U. S. Navy, was sent to the house of Mr. E. T. Hobart on Standard Oil Hill, where a signal station had been established.
At the consulate were stored some twenty- four rifles with plenty of ammunition, so, for ease in getting through the gate, the men were armed only with automatic pistols which they wore under their peacoats. They carried packs and full equipment otherwise. At the same time Emerald landed the full marine guard, fifty men and an officer, fully armed, to serve as consular guard at the. British Consulate General.
I anticipated difficulty in getting the men through the gates, as it had been increasingly difficult to get through for the last few days. The mail orderly had been stopped, and only could get through in the consulate car, or in a car driven by a known American resident there. I accordingly signaled the consul, who was at the time at the Socony house, asking him to provide cars for the guard. He was able to get three to the landing by the time the guard got ashore, at about 6130 p.m. Packs and equipment were stowed in the bottom of the cars and the men climbed in and started off, going by the two gates in the north end, and not all at once. They were thus able to pass through without any difficulty, and got to the consulate and settled down there.
The British guard did not fare so well. The company marched up the main street toward the “Middle Gate,” which they found closed against them, and admission denied. Arguments were of no avail. The city was Chinese territory and they were going to allow no armed body of foreign troops to enter it. After fruitless argument the matter was reported to the Consul General and he and Captain England spent hours chasing through the town trying to locate the city commander. They never did see him, but were politely assured by staff officers that the marines could not be granted entrance. So, after staying up about all night, they had to return to the ship. The next day, however, taking a leaf from my book, they got in nineteen men and two officers in civilian clothes.
After the landing party had left and we had word of their safe arrival, we settled to work to get ready for the refugees. A destroyer is a small ship, but they can care for, and not uncomfortably, nearly one hundred refugees—for a short while. To do this the deck force has to be moved out of the forward crew’s compartment, and shifted aft, or into the dead fireroom, or anywhere that a mattress can be spread. The chief petty officers must also give up their quarters, as theirs contain the only toilet and washroom suitable for use by the refugees. It is, of course, awkward if one has to handle both men and women, but in this case—at first—we had only women and children.
During the night I was anxiously awaiting news as to what, if any, transportation was to be sent me. We knew that we should get approximately 200 people out, and I didn’t know what I could do with that number, particularly as I could not leave the station to take them to Shanghai. However, a message soon came through ordering the U.S.S. Preston down from Wuhu, and I felt better. We would thus have more room for the refugees, and also, most important, more force available.
Gunfire from up river became very clear this night, and flashes could be seen. By sound ranging we figured the firing to be between twelve and thirteen miles away. Getting closer! Also the consular guard reported firing plainly heard from the consulate. Very satisfactory communication was maintained all night from the ships to the Socony Hill and thence by telephone and blinker to both consulates.
Caring for the Refugees
The morning of Tuesday, March 22, dawned bright and clear. The weather previously had not been very good, but this important day was beautiful, soft and warm with a clear sun and no wind to make boating bad. Considering the heavy loads our boats had to carry this was most fortunate.
At 6:00 a.m. Emerald landed a strong guard at the Butterfield and Swire hulk, where their nationals were to embark. The bund opposite the pontoon was also occupied to prevent any interference, or crowding around of Chinese. British citizens started to arrive on the bund about 6:30. Most of them lived fairly close up in the north end of town and got down early. All told they evacuated about fifty women and twenty- seven children from Nanking and Pukow together. There were no Americans in Pukow. Their evacuation was completed about noon and the people remained aboard ship until the evening when S.S. Poyang came down river and took them all on board, en route to Shanghai.
Noa’s beach guard was put ashore about 6:3o, as Americans living five or more miles from the bund were not expected to begin arriving there until seven o’clock. About the same time a radio was received from Preston announcing her departure from Wuhu. I replied directing her to have her landing force ready to go ashore upon arrival, and to be prepared to care for refugees to capacity. This gave them notice that something was going on in Nanking!
The first American refugees began arriving on the bund about 7:30, and were promptly evacuated to the ship by ship’s boats and one shore launch lent us by Emerald. We had taken the custom’s landing as our point of embarkation, located between the Butterfield and Swire and N.K.K. (Japanese) hulks. Our guard hooked up with the British guard and kept the whole bund in that area clear for passage. The men not actually on sentry duty laid aside their packs, stacked arms and turned-to, helping their unfortunate compatriots with their baggage and children. Their spirit, energy and helpfulness were exemplary.
The refugees were brought to the dock in motor cars owned and driven by various American citizens, business men and mission heads. These men drove steadily back and forth all morning, and it is not too much to say that without their help the evacuation would have been infinitely more difficult.
As it was, the word had been passed as planned. Dr. Bowen had notified the heads of the various groups, and the groups assembled with their baggage at the appointed places where they were picked up by cars as rapidly as possible and brought to the bund. The boats available were just about able to keep up with the first rush and there was little or no congestion and no confusion at all on the dock.
It should be noted here, to correct a rather general misunderstanding, that in this first evacuation men were not ordered out. This was for the purpose of getting the women and children out in accordance with Step 1 of our defense plan. There were perhaps forty women with some twenty children, who, for one reason or another, refused to go out on this date, some of these because of illness or for other good family or other reasons, and some simply out of pure bull- headedness. Many of those who refused to go out were of the staff of Ginling Women’s College. Their Chinese girl students had not been sent home due to the disturbed state of the country, and the head and staff felt it their duty to remain with them. This feeling can be readily understood, but I doubt that it helped the girls any, and certainly did not help the staff. Of this, more later.
The evacuation continued rapidly, by nine o’clock eighty having been sent off to the Noa. At this time Preston arrived, with her landing force fully equipped and in ranks on the forecastle. She was most welcome. Her boat was put in the water and at once started in bringing off refugees. The stream of people coming out was now diverted to her until those already aboard Noa could be shaken down somewhat. When Preston had received about sixty we began to divide them up again and by noon practically all were out who came this day. A total of 175 had been taken off, of which 73 were aboard Preston and 102 aboard Noa. Of these, thirty from Noa, mostly aged or sick persons, were that evening put aboard S.S. Poyang for passage to Shanghai. This left the two ships with about the same number to care for.
After dinner Preston relieved our guard on the landing and our men returned for their dinners. I had Ashe send a squad of men under a reliable petty officer, and two signalmen, to Mr. Hobart’s house on Socony Hill, as the British were not able, at the last, to take over that duty. They maintained contact with their consulate by telephone to the hulk and by signal across to Emerald. We maintained ours by signal to the hill and thence by telephone or visual signal if necessary.
What to do with the refugees was now a problem. That number of women and children could not be kept cooped up on board the ships for long, and future river transportation was uncertain. Available ships were expected to be filled to capacity anyway as Hankow was being practically evacuated at the same time. In this emergency Mr. T. L. Macartney, manager of the large International Export Company’s Nanking plant, came nobly to the front. He offered to fix up temporary quarters in one of his buildings, where all the refugees could be placed and where they could be guarded. There were already some British men centered there, and our men still ashore could communicate with and supply their families with food and clothing as needed.
Accordingly Mr. Macartney set his staff about preparing these quarters. The weather turned bad next day (Wednesday) so that the people could not be sent down. This was just as well for when the trouble broke on Thursday the plant was heavily fired upon and the guard that the Emerald had placed there had to be evacuated. It would have been awkward to have had 150- odd women and children there, too.
This first lot of refugees was finally gotten off by two river steamers on Thursday evening, those that could not get aboard being taken down to Shanghai aboard the Preston which escorted the steamers down. But this is getting ahead of our story.
The Rout of the Northern Troops
The night of Tuesday, March 22, passed quietly, with the exception that gun fire was growing continuously nearer to the south and along the river. The guard in the Consulate did not have to set a watch, and communications were freely maintained by telephone and by signal lamps.
In the morning I took Ashe on a tour of inspection of our people ashore. We called at the Consulate where I introduced him to the Consul and inspected the guard. They were then sitting around a stove playing cards and “living the life of Riley.” Ensign Phelps and the Consul did not want the guard to be too conspicuous so they could not go outside for drill. They did, however, get considerable rifle instruction, etc., indoors—and played with the Davis’s two children.
After this we went, through the rain, up to Socony Hill to have a look at Preston’s guard up there. These were also found in good shape except that they had no rifles with them. I got Mr. Simms of the Standard Oil Company to drive to the Consulate in his car and get enough rifles and ammunition there from the Consular stock to arm the guard. This he did just after noon, and a good thing, too.
At the Consulate, Phelps, backed by the Consul, had asked for a machine gun in case of serious rioting, as it would enable a better tactical defense plan to be worked out. While not wholly agreeing with their view of the advisability of sending one, nevertheless, when I returned to the ship I ordered one sent ashore, dismounted and well wrapped. Phelps came to the dock in a car to get this. As it turned out, it was unfortunate that we did land this gun, as it was later lost. This was not the fault of Phelps or the guard, however, and the gun would have been very useful on the Hill.
The weather got quite bad by mid-after- noon, and it was decided not to send the refugees to the International Export Company’s plant. They remained on board ship, very uncomfortably, I fear. Beginning about two or three o’clock, desultory firing became audible throughout the city. Northern soldiers, apparently in full retreat, began swarming down to the shore and seizing anything that would float in an endeavor to get across the river. Those already across in some cases even fired on later ones coming over; a sorry spectacle. There was some looting of shops in Hsia Kwan, but not a great deal as the troops appeared in too great a hurry.
When this firing started, our small guard ashore was put into the Butterfield and Swire hulk along with the British guard, and the gates locked. About four o’clock I went ashore to the hulk, along with Ashe, to see what was going on. We found Captain England and several of his officers there, too. While we were standing on the pontoons a heavy fire suddenly broke out a little way down stream from a Chinese river steamer that had been used as a ferry to Pukow. Soldiers all along the bund began firing indiscriminately up and down, a machine gun rat-tatted, and a Stokes mortar fired a couple of shots. These went off with a sort of dry cough and landed a hundred yards or so up the main street, making a great hole in the roadway. We decided that the open pontoon was no place for the men, nor ourselves either, so, after shooing the unwilling guards, both British and American, into the hulk, whose heavy iron sides were good protection, Ashe and myself returned on board our ships.
We learned later what had happened. General Chu Yu Pu, the Northern commander, had entered the city in retreat about three o’clock and had come down to the river with his body guard and boarded the steamer. Seeing her about to shove off, the wild mob of soldiers on the beach tried to storm her to cross over themselves. As the ship would very likely have been swamped by them if this had been permitted, the body guard opened fire on the crowd, keeping them clear. After this trip, however, the steamer, with several others, was used rapidly all night, and perhaps 70,000 troops were reported to have been put back into Pukow by 6:00 a.m., March 24.
The explanation of the sudden retreat has been given, and, considering Chinese warfare, seems a reasonable one: it appears that the general had had the southern gates closed, and orders given to admit no one. The front was ten or twelve miles away, and quite heavy fighting going on there with the Northerners holding their own well enough. The general with most of his reserves was in the rear, and the whole plain was crawling with troops. About noon a staff officer was wounded at the front and carried to the rear where the general gave the order to open the gate to let him in. The crowd near the gate, seeing these haggard men from the front carrying a high officer, at once became panicky, supposing defeat, and rushed to the gate when it was opened. This alarm spread itself outward like wild fire, and the whole country full of soldiers tried to rush through. Chu Yu Pu tried to stem the torrent, hut was unable to do so, and about three o’clock gave up and retreated through the gates himself. The flight from the back areas communicated itself to the front, and by dark the whole army was retreating in disorder. Men who could, rushed into and through the city; others hid in the city; still others dispersed all over the hills to the eastward, where they tangled up the troops on that side, and brought them to like rout. An army of about 100,000 men had simply ceased to exist.
Events in the city became chaotic. Ensign Phelps, at the Consulate, can best describe the scenes he witnessed there during Wednesday afternoon and night.
“Wednesday, March 23. On this day, many rumors kept coming in to the effect that the Cantonese were up to the city wall and that the Northern forces were retreating. Considering the possibility of mob looting by routed Northern soldiers, I thought it advisable to smuggle a machine gun in the Consulate. No one thought it at all probable that the Nationalists (Southerners) would harm foreigners or their property. Accordingly I signaled for a Lewis gun in addition to more provisions. In the Consulate car, I went to the dock to get the gun, which was well disguised by wrapping in canvas, and with little difficulty got through the city gate on the return trip. While this was going on, a Chinese from the telephone company repaired the Consul’s phone, which had been out of order. With the phone in commission I had the visual signaling stopped, since too much attention would be attracted to the Consulate.
“At 1500 the commander of the Northern forces, General Chu Yu Pu, entered the south gate in full retreat. Towards evening hundreds of soldiers poured past the Consulate gate with no formation whatever, in what looked like a general rout. A good many wounded were observed among them. In view of the situation, I set an armed watch over the Consulate compound at 1900. The house and compound next door was also under our protection since it belonged to the Consul’s landlord and was occupied by members of the Consul’s Chinese staff, Mr. Wu, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Sze, who rendered invaluable assistance interpreting. The first watch set comprised three men in the Consulate ground, one at the gate and one in the compound next door. They were armed with rifles and fixed bayonets, and had instructions to keep unauthorized persons out of the compounds. If shot at, to shoot first in the air and next to kill, if necessary. With darkness, the retreating soldiers fired their rifles indiscriminately, so that all night rifle shots could be heard in the vicinity. All places of access to the compound except the front gate had been well barricaded, and at the gate, boxes filled with dirt had been arranged to afford protection for sentries there should they be fired on from the road. Fortunately, power had not been taken off the city, so that the telephone was still in commission. With so much random shooting going on, I wanted to avoid exposing the signalman as much as possible, so cut out all visual signaling.
“At about 2000, a Chinese officer (Northern) was wounded and robbed at the back gate, where he later died. Since this indicated that the retreating soldiers were robbing as they went, I doubled the sentries at the front gate and in the next compound. This necessitated an almost continual watch, the men getting from fifteen to thirty minutes rest every hour. Around 2200 fresh troops were observed marching towards Nanking City so that it appeared that the Northerners were going to make a stand. Reports from Nanking University and Socony Hill indicated that everything was calm at those places.
“During the night Chinese had tried to get over the wall on three occasions, but were frightened off by the sentries. Each time the whole guard was turned out since I had given instruction to call the guard at the slightest provocation. Three Chinese were executed outside of the Consulate gate early in the morning, but whether they were Kuomintang sympathizers or deserters could not be ascertained. When daylight came at 0600 I had the men, except one, turn in to get some rest, since they had been up the entire night.”
The affair of the wounded Northern officer came about as follows. It was most regrettable but could not have been handled otherwise. As stated, he had been wounded and robbed at the back gate of the Consulate compound. The sentry there heard some one calling out and opened the gate. The man almost crawled in, so the sentry called the guard and he was helped in. He was badly wounded, but could have been saved with care. His wounds were dressed.
The Chinese staff at once urged Mr. Davis not to keep him in the Consulate, as any other Chinese, Southerners particularly, finding him there would at once declare that the foreigners had wounded and killed him, and serious riot with great danger to everyone would result. As this was thoroughly in keeping with usual Chinese practice, the danger was recognized as real, and, although it seemed inhumane, the man was put outside again. He was taken down the back road to the vicinity of some Chinese houses and left there. The people in the houses, hiding, would not open to him, nor have anything to do with him, and he crawled back to the Consulate back gate where he was found dead in the morning. A very illuminating incident.
On board ship the night of Wednesday was one of tenseness in the extreme. We made hourly signals to the Standard Oil house, and so knew that things were all right there and at the Consulate. Desultory firing continued all night along the bund and throughout Hsia Kwan. Some looting was carried out, and several fires were seen. One large one consumed a compradore’s shop. The ship had various contracts with this man and had a sizable bill coming due there at the end of the month. As yet, however, no one has appeared to claim payment, and all attempts to find the man have been fruitless. We can but assume that he perished in the flames of his store.
No one got much sleep that night, an hour or so snatched as and when possible. Gun fire from the river was now quite close, and heavy firing could be heard from back of the city where Cantonese forces pursued the routed Northerners. About midnight a report reached Socony Hill that the Cantonese had actually entered the city. The Hill also reported that large bodies of soldiers were filling the valley beyond the hill, all silently and hurriedly marching north and out of the gates. The following signals were exchanged between ships and hill this night:
“0145-Z-Socony V D43 (Noa). Do you know how much of the city the Cantonese have occupied? Sig Capt.”
“0200-Z-D43 V Socony. We hear heavy rifle fire in city but everything here O.K.” “0215-Z-D43 V Socony. We don’t know for sure just how much of city is occupied by Cantonese, but there seem to be large bodies of soldiers still entering city.”
At 0300, and 0400 all was reported well at both hill and Consulate.
The Capture of Nanking and the Retreat from the Consulate
Early in the morning of March 24 it became evident that the Southerners had entered the city and were rapidly occupying all of it. We were still without word of any alarming incidents, however. The firing of rifles on the bund was desultory with occasionally a more violent burst. It could not be made out clearly at first, whether Northern or Southern troops were doing this firing, probably both.
About 0600 there seemed no further use in maintaining men in the Butterfield and Swire hulk, so I signaled Preston, who had the guard that night to withdraw them. I went in my boat, unmolested, by the hulk to see them all right, and then aboard Emerald to talk things over with Captain England. At this time there did not seem to be anything much we could do except stand by and await developments. We had our landing forces ready and the main battery made ready, machine guns mounted, etc. As we had been “standing by” below for several days, we did not need to raise steam, but prepared to get up anchor, or slip, in a hurry if necessary. Both Captain England and myself, of course, kept our respective seniors fully informed as to what was going on ashore, in my case Rear Admiral H. H. Hough, U. S. Navy, commander Yangtze Patrol, and Admiral C. S. Williams, the commander-in-chief, who was in Shanghai. After my return to Noa about 0700 we had a message from the Consul:
“0715-Z-D43 V Socony. From Consul. Southerners surrounding city from Hansi gate on west to gate on east. Chu Yu Pu started to Pukow and is on a car there. He is attempting to make a stand fat Pukow) but has no hope at present of any reenforcements from the north.”
Still nothing to worry unduly about, although a stand at Pukow would put the ships in the river between the fire of the two sides. Not so good. Also about this time the Cantonese gunboats appeared about five miles upstream and began to shell Pukow. They fired only occasional shots, all of which landed in an open field far short of the town. They were accompanied by a number of junks carrying troops.
But shortly the picture changed! Signal from Socony Hill:
“0715-D45 V Socony. From Consul. The Southern troops in city came to American Church Mission, entered house to look for Northern soldiers. Broke open trunks of Americans and robbed Chinese. American Christian Mission reports same treatment.”
Things now assumed a different and more threatening aspect. I hope never again to feel as helpless in an emergency as I did then. There was nothing to do save wait and hope for the best. Also at about this time Southern troops began arriving on the bund in small parties, and commenced firing at the ships with rifles. One man on the Emerald was hit in the head and killed by this fire, and all ships were hit countless times during the course of the morning. One bullet hit Noa’s bridge wing just over my head as I was trying to locate the points from which this fire was coming. Noa now carries, as a souvenir of this morning, a large hole in No. 3 stack, made by a dumdum bullet.
Nor were our anxieties lessened by the seventy-three women and children refugees on board. These were of course ordered below and told to remain there. They disliked this, many wanting to come up to see what was going on. But after a few bullets had pinged on the ship’s side near their quarters, and we had the battle ports on that side closed, they seemed to realize the seriousness of the situation, and stayed put. Up to this time many had felt only annoyance at the evacuation, but they changed their minds now, and were very, very glad to be where they were. And I must say that their attitude, one and all, was most exemplary all through their trying ordeal of three days.
About eight o’clock the Consulate learned of the attack on the Japanese Consulate, in which the Consul, who was sick in bed, was twice shot at by Cantonese soldiers and only saved by his devoted wife throwing herself on him to shield him with her body. The Consulate was thoroughly looted and personal violence done to male and female refugees there. The small naval guard, acting under orders from the Consul, did not resist with arms, which would only have assured the death of everyone. Later the Japanese officer in command, Lieutenant Araki, I.J.N., committed suicide in real Bushido spirit because of the insults put upon the Japanese, which he was powerless to prevent or avenge.
At the same time armed uniformed bands of Southern soldiers were led by officers and by local Kuomintang communists to all foreign property, schools, hospitals and missions, and systematically looted them and maltreated the foreigners there found. In one case Dr. Williams, vice-president of Nanking University, was robbed and then deliberately shot and killed by a Cantonese soldier. That these outrages were perpetrated by Southern troops is not open to question. Missionaries and others perfectly acquainted with Chinese languages and dialects recognized the distinctive dialects of the Southern provinces, Hunan, Yunnan, and Kwangtung, whence most of the Southern armies are recruited. The efforts of Chinese and propagandists at home and elsewhere to show these outrages to have been perpetrated by Northerners are wholly useless in face of plain facts. Their statements are all false and in most cases knowingly so. It is, however, quite likely that this was a Communist plot, and that the Communist wing of the Kuomintang, and not the more moderate element led by Chiang Kai Shek, was responsible. But untellable outrages were perpetrated by these Nationalist troops, and, so far, they remain unpunished.
The unfortunate missionaries fled and hid before the storm. The one bright spot was the behavior of many servants and Chinese friends of the foreigners, who secured clothes and, at great personal danger to themselves, hid their masters or friends, and so saved many lives.
In the Ginling Women’s College all the girls and the foreign staff gathered in one large building. All the other buildings were looted and looters were approaching the main building. The inmates retreated to the upper floors and tried to hide; faggots were piled around the building and fire had just been set when a Cantonese officer, who happened to have a sister in the school, arrived with his own men, chased off the looters, put the fire out and rescued the inmates. Countless other similar tales were told, showing that where desire to prevent looting existed, it was prevented!
At the British Consulate similar scenes were repeated, the Consul General and an intelligence officer, Captain Speare, Indian Army, being wounded, a Dr. Smith and the harbor master killed outright, robbed and stripped of their clothing. The personnel of the Consulate, including Mrs. Giles and a young lady secretary, got into the gate keeper’s small lodge where they remained for thirty hours, until Friday afternoon. Some of the marines got out of the Consulate somehow and back to the dock and ship. Their stories were harrowing. The marine officer, Captain Heathcote, R.M.L.I., and Lieutenant Oliver-Bellases, R.N., happened to be outside when the Consulate was rushed. They could not get back in, and, with several British civilians, were finally forced to take refuge in the Standard Oil house where already several other people, American and British, living in the vicinity, had congregated.
It is not my intention in this article to go deeply into events like these ashore, as my knowledge is not first hand, but comes only from refugees who were brought out on Friday. The details are harrowing; I could fill books with what was told me, but cui bono?
To go back to our Consulate. When news of the attack on the Japanese Consulate was received, the following message was sent me by Mr. Hobart from the Standard Oil house:
“0820-Z-D43 V Socony. Consul advises that if Southern troops enter Consulate he will disarm guard and conceal arms. Will do the same here. Apparently Southern troops advancing rapidly through city and firing near Consulate.”
While this signal was being sent we could see the signalman on the roof of the Socony house duck, now and then. He was being fired at by snipers. From now on every time a signal was sent the signalmen were fired at heavily and consistently. By the grace of the Lord, none were hit. They were at last driven inside and signaled from windows, but even then were shot at. Also on board ship men getting up to signal the house or the other ships were shot at from shore. These men deserve the highest praise for their behavior in this crisis and I have recommended them all for Navy Crosses.
I hope they get them. Their names should be remembered, for they did their jobs regardless, in the true Navy spirit, and when the hill was evacuated they were the last out over the wall, maintaining communications to the last. The men: Horn, Charles W., C.Q.M., U.S.S. Noa, did most of the ship end of the signaling; Wilson, J. D., SMic, U.S.S. Noa; Taylor, D, SMic, U.S.S. Wm. B. Preston, and Warren, H. O., QM3C, U.S.S. Wm. B. Preston, the last three on the hill.1
1 Editor’s Note: These men have recently been awarded Navy Crosses.
At 0850 another signal, “Consul orders cease all signals.” This because the men were exposing themselves too much. But there was too much going on for this to be done. Between 9:15 and 10:30 the following signals were received from the hill:
“0915-Z-Emerald V Socony. Party of officers from British Consulate have been cut off from Consulate and have taken refuge on Socony Hill.”
“0930-Z-Emerald V Socony. Unable to approach British Consulate because of looting.”
“1000-Z-Emerald V Socony. British Consulate has been evacuated. All Consular officers are on Socony Hill.” (This message is in error somewhere, as only the two above mentioned officers were on the hill. I cannot find out who sent it, nor how the mistake occurred.)
Hearing the above signals about the British Consulate and party, and thinking from them that the Consul General had reached Socony safely, we were very much worried about our own people, from whom we had not heard for about an hour and a half. So the following was sent to the hill, and answered :
“1015-Z-Socony V D43. Are you in communication with American Consulate?” “1016-Z-D43 V Socony. American Consul at Socony Hill.”
“1025-Z-Socony V D43. Where is Ensign Phelps and his guard?”
“1027-Z-D43 V Socony. Mr. Phelps and guard at Socony Hill.”
Just before this we had seen parties of four or five bluejackets running along the hills and into the house. These later came out again and ran back the way they had come. Later again they returned to the house, though unseen by us. We didn’t know what to make of this; hence the above signals. My mind was much more at ease, now that our people that we could get, were safe under our eyes where, if worst came to worst, they could be protected by our main battery.
Our people in the Consulate had a very hectic time. Again I will let Ensign Phelps tell this story in his own words:
“At 0715 we heard that the Cantonese were in the city, but did not hear of looting until later. A good deal of rifle and machine gun shooting continued everywhere, and it did not look as though the Cantonese meant any good. About 0800 word was received that the Japanese Consul had been killed and his Consulate had been looted. At the same time some few Cantonese soldiers passed the gate, where the Consul spoke to their officers. We had hoisted a large American flag over the gate, in addition to the one on the flagpole, but these officers said it was unnecessary to have it there as the Consulate would be quite safe. They all appeared quite agreeable and gave assurances that the Consul and Consulate would not be harmed. Advised by the Consul, I had the men stow their arms away, so that if any Cantonese officers should enter the house, they would not be antagonized at the sight of an armed guard. At this time, the situation was very tense.
“At about 0915, we heard that the British Consul General had been killed and the British Consulate looted. Also word of general looting among the missions came in, and that one American, Dr. Williams, had been wantonly murdered by a Cantonese soldier. When we heard that the British Consulate with its guard of nineteen marines was looted, the Consul and I decided to evacuate to Mr. Hobart’s house on Socony Hill. They were telephoned of our coming. I turned the men out, had them arm themselves, leaving behind packs, blankets, etc. In the meantime, five missionaries had come in, whom I had carry the machine gun in parts, and an American flag. At 0930 we set out with Mrs. Davis, her two young children, and a coolie carrying her two suitcases. I knew we would be fired at, but I gave the men orders to shoot only if one of us were hit. Since we had about a mile and a quarter of open and hilly country to traverse, I expected we would have to open fire before arriving at our destination. Our only hope was that no large body of soldiers would be met. We had walked in single file, hardly 200 yards, when an armed soldier was met. The Consul spoke with him explaining that he was the American Consul and we Americans. The soldier smiled and motioned for us to pass on. The last man in our column had not gotten fifty yards past him when this soldier deliberately took aim and fired at us. From that time on we were pursued and potted at by from one to three or four soldiers who kept in the rear of us. We soon reached the hills where I feared an ambush. Fortunately we encountered none, nor were we attacked by anyone ahead. The going was hard, particularly on Mrs. Davis and the children, but they bore up well. The missionaries had become frightened and threw away some parts of the machine gun, probably considering that they hindered their progress. Also one of them lost six full pans of ammunition we had brought along. About three quarters of the way to Socony Hill, Plum- ley, Ray D., F3C, was grazed in the back by a bullet. Then we fired on our pursuers, killing or wounding two. This apparently frightened the remainder, who in the meantime killed the coolie and stole the suitcases. Plumley took refuge in a nearby house and was later brought to Socony Hill by some Chinese servants.
“At 1030 (according to signals about 1015) we arrived at Mr. Hobart’s house to find there about thirty men and Mrs. Hobart. They had been annoyed by a few looters earlier in the morning but Mr. Hobart had successfully diverted them. After a light lunch, we settled down to watchful waiting. All arms had been stowed on the second floor and men in uniforms were told to keep out of sight. I wore a jersey in place of uniform coat and cap, which I hid in order to be free to circulate over the house when necessary.”
Trouble on Socony Hill
The events of this day divide themselves into three or four natural periods according to time and the final event each time which terminated that phase. Thus the terminal phase of the mid-morning period was the arrival of the consular party at Socony Hill. From then on signals sent to and from the Hill and certain radio messages sent by Noa to Commander Yangtze Patrol with appropriate comment will probably best serve to tell the story, and at the same time bring out the atmosphere of the situation. Thus:
“1030-Z-D43 V Socony. Tell Emerald regret to report British Consul General killed while disarming looters. British around Consulate are remaining here.”
This at once put a new and infinitely more serious aspect on the situation. Some drastic action now appeared inevitable, but what steps were possible and what not? While we aboard Noa were still seeking the path, and while Emerald was in a fever of activity another message came:
“1045-Z-Emerald V Socony. Further reports British Consul wounded in leg, not killed!”
This eased the situation somewhat in my mind, but almost immediately a message from Emerald to Noa: “I am landing immediately with every available man. Should like to see you on board for conference if you would care to come over.” I was very much opposed to this step myself, and while I would have landed had Emerald done so, I felt that I could not take a step, in my opinion fraught with such infinite possibilities of disaster, without notifying my seniors. Accordingly the following radio was sent:
“Noa to Comyangpat, Priority. 1024. Looting by Southerners all throughout city. Reported foreigners are being killed, communications cut off. H.M.S. Emerald landing in force. I think to do this will only result in losing the whole landing force. I have force ready to land. Request instructions. 1109.”
Rear Admiral Hough answered, telling me to use my own discretion but recommended not sending landing force out of support of ship’s guns. Which, of course, was what would have been necessary had we landed then. However, we did not.
I got into my boat and went over to Emerald, where I found that Captain England had already changed his mind about the landing. We came to the conclusion to sit tight a little longer while Davis ashore was trying to get into touch with some responsible Cantonese official to whom he and Captain England, as senior naval officer present, could protest concerning the outrages and make demands for proper protection of foreigners and their property. We also decided that if the Standard Oil house was rushed we would use our main batteries to clear out the soldiers, or to cover the escape of the inmates, also considering the question of a landing force to get them out in this emergency—or before night in any case. This was communicated to the Hill with the following result.
“1100-Z-Emerald V Socony. American Consul is getting in touch with Cantonese officials. No immediate danger. Do not open fire unless specially requested. Will keep you informed.”
“1130-Z-D43 V Socony. Further reports British Consul wounded in leg not seriously. Please tell Emerald to keep glass on us.”
All this time, because of the erroneous signal quoted earlier regarding the evacuation of the British Consulate General, both Emerald and Noa thought that the Consul General was at the Socony house along with the Americans. Accordingly, about two o’clock I sent the following to the Commander Yangtze Patrol.
“Noa to Comyangpat. (Priority). 1024. Both Consulates evacuated. British Consulate looted and Consul wounded. American Consul and his personnel including naval guard are on Standard Oil Hill where all foreigners are concentrating. Emerald not landing yet, but we are ready to fire shrapnel over Hill if Socony house is rushed. A combined landing to take out foreigners over city wall may be practicable. Situation most serious and strongly anti- foreign. 1400.”
At this time we began to be greatly perturbed as to how we were going to get these people out of that house, fifty-two all told, before night. We felt that if we did not get them out by nightfall they would all be killed. We should have probably been forced, from our end, to the course we actually took, even had the situation ashore not developed as rapidly as it did. We could scarcely have sent the landing force ashore without a preliminary shelling of the Hill area and a clearing of the fore shore in the place we wanted to land.
What the situation in the south end of the city was like, we had no means of knowing. But we didn’t like to think about it— knowing what had happened to the Consulates and knowing that we could do nothing about it anyway.
All this time the ships continued to be fired upon from shore, being hit regularly. When I went to Emerald about eleven o’clock my boat was fired at going and returning, and at about 2:00 p.m., having sent Ensign T. C. Ritchie to give certain orders to the Standard Oil Company’s steamer, Mei An, his boat was quite heavily fired at also. In no case was this fire returned, although we were able to locate most of the places where it was coming from, and to give them due attention later.
Affairs in the Socony house were moving. They continued steadily from bad to worse all day. But again I shall let Ensign Phelps tell about his share in the day’s events, in all of which he and his guard earned the praise and gratitude of all with whom they came in contact:
“At 1300 we heard what we feared was coming; that the other houses on the surrounding hill were being thoroughly looted. Soon soldiers in twos and threes were seen in the vicinity and those coming to the house were argued with by Mr. Hobart, Mr. Davis and Mr. Paxton, whose lives were continually in jeopardy. The first looters were bribed to leave. It was deemed inadvisable to fire on any of them since they could easily gather a mob to overwhelm us. It was hoped that we could get in touch with responsible Kuomintang officials who would afford an escort to take us to the bund unharmed. Snipers were continually shooting at the house and it is a wonder that no one was injured. At about 1500 a so called relief party of unarmed men, members of the Kuomintang secret service, arrived, having been procured by a missionary in Hsia Kwan, Mr. John Magee. At this time there were seven soldiers at the front door demanding money. After staying about ten minutes this relief party left, apparently unable to negotiate with the soldiers. More soldiers kept coming to the house, until we were surrounded by anywhere from thirty to fifty Chinese. All the men had been gathered together in one room on the second floor in order to deceive the Cantonese as to how many foreigners were in the house. The women and children were in another room. It was known by this time that the aim of these soldiers was to kill all foreigners. The Consul quoted one of these soldiers as saying, ‘We are Bolshevists, we are proud of being Bolshevists, and we are going to act like Bolshevists.’ The Consul then came upstairs and said, ‘It’s no use, get your arms.’ With that, all hands armed themselves, except some missionaries who were too frightened to move. It was a great relief to everyone that we could at last fire on these looters. We should have done it long before.”
During all the morning and early afternoon on the Hill, Mr. Hobart and Consul Davis had been arguing with these looters, most of the time with rifles, bayonets or pistols leveled in their faces or breasts. For the greater part of the time they kept these brutes out of the house. They gave up all the money they had and practically all that everyone else had, hoping to hold the men off untiftpeople outside could get into touch with responsible Cantonese officials to end the disorder. But these officials did not wish to be got in touch with, and apparently did not wish to end the disorder—as not the slightest effort was made anywhere to end it until the ships opened fire. Then it ended as if by magic!
It would appear, in the light of events, that a show of force on the Hill might have calmed these looters. Personally I believe it would have done so, although they would unquestionably have been sniped at. But all three Consuls advised separately the same course and all three were men long in China service who, of all men, knew what was best done in the case. All had been through somewhat similar experiences before, in which responsible authority, once located, had ended the looting and restored the loot as well as order and protection to foreigners. But this case was evidently intended to be different from the others.
As more and more looting soldiers kept appearing, their demands grew wilder and wilder. They began sniping continuously at anyone who showed in a window, or got up to signal. The Kuomintang partisans who were brought up by Mr. Magee (who then and thereafter was of very great usefulness to us) were treated with utmost contumely, and in fact were soon robbed and chased off themselves. But, instead of trying to find someone to stop all this looting, they then went home and hid.
Finally it was obvious that nothing more could be done. The last expedient had been used, the Southern troops were bent on loot and murder and had worked themselves into the necessary rage and frenzy for both. The time had come to fight, and, reluctantly, Mr. Davis gave the order.
Commence Firing
The signal electrified us in the ship: “1532-Z-D43 and Emerald V Socony. Open fire over our heads, commence firing.” But scarcely had we got the guns manned and trained out when that signal was canceled, negative was made. We hurriedly repeated it to Preston and to Emerald, who trained her guns fore and aft again. A tense minute of waiting for further information. Had new hope showed? Had some responsible official arrived ? Had the looters been called off? We could not tell.
We were not long in doubt however. “1534-Z-D43 and Emerald V Socony. Commence firing, fire over our heads” followed by “SOS,” “SOS.”
We at once ran up the signal to commence firing—(George Ashe says that we left the previous negative still flying and he couldn’t make out what it was about until we opened fire. As a matter of fact the halyard had got adrift on that flag and was blowing just out of reach.)
I held the order for an appreciable moment waiting to give Emerald, as senior officer present, the first salvo. But they had to man their stations and get the guns trained out again, whereas Noa and Preston had remained at quarters. Finally I couldn’t wait any longer, thinking of what might be going on in the house on the Hill, and I gave the order to fire. Noa thus got off the first salvo, two guns. Nos. 1 and 2, using flat nosed projectile. It landed right where it did the most good, one slightly to the left of the house on top of the Hill, and the other just over the crest, going down into the valley behind, whence most of the Chinese fire on the house was coming. The people in the house greeted it with a mighty cheer! At the same time a stiff machine gun fire was opened on the spots on the bund and fore shore opposite us from which we had been fired upon all morning. This effectively stilled any fire from those places, and also cleared the beach all along the river. Before we fired there were crowds of Chinese, soldiers and civilians, along the bund. After the first shot scarce a one was to be seen. Also at our first shot the Chinese gunboats which had been leisurely bombarding Pukow, turned tail and with their junks of troops vanished up river. They were helped on their way by H.M.S. Wolsey cocking her forward gun in their direction.
Wolsey had arrived on the scene about ten minutes before we opened fire. She was trying to find out from Emerald what was up, but could get no answer—when our guns went off. Her captain commented, “Well, there those blooming Yanks have got the wind up again,” when Emerald let loose a five gun salvo of 6-inch guns! He didn’t know what was up then and could get no answer to his request for a target designation, so stuck around waiting to see what would turn up, later going in close to the beach to cover the landing party and the embarkation of the refugees.
The three Japanese destroyers were just up stream above us. They were absolutely out of touch with the shore, and we scarcely had time to tell them what we were doing. As a matter of fact no Japanese were on the Hill, so they were not directly concerned anyway. When our first guns went off, their crews rushed aft and stood on the fan- tails, giving us “Banzais” with each shot! It was a real moment! At the same time I sent the following signal to Commander Yangtze Patrol:
"Noa to Comyangpat. 1024. The Standard Oil house refuge of foreigners is being attacked. It is necessary to open fire with main battery. 1538.”
Thereafter we continued firing until about 1545 when nineteen rounds had been fired. Preston ceased fire about the same time, having fired fifteen rounds. Emerald continued firing. All firing was slow and deliberate, and except for the first few salvos, single shots were fired. At 1545 we could see men coming out of the house and throwing things out of the window. A mattress with white cover fell flat on the hillside below the house and I took this as a signal to cease fire, which I did. We watched the people come out with long ropes made of bed sheets, linen, blankets, anything they could find to tear up into lengths to knot together to serve as ropes to lower themselves over- the sixty-foot wall below the house. There had been a rope there, with a boatswain’s chair, left by U.S.S. Penguin, but the Cantonese had stolen that.
Seeing all this I at once called away my landing party and signaled Ashe in the Preston to do the same. Also told Emerald what I was doing and invited their concurrence, which was at once forthcoming. All parties got away in very short order, Noa’s (we being nearer the chosen landing place) getting ashore first, followed by Preston and Emerald. Emerald’s party was commanded by her executive officer, Commander A. Maitland-Dougall, R.N., and he being senior, our two commanders, Lieutenant B. F. Staud, Noa, and Lieutenant J. A. Ouellet, Preston, reported to him, and he took command of the whole party, about 250 men, which he led up to the wall.
At the same time I sent the following radio:
“Noa to Comyangpat. 1024. Emerald, Noa, and Preston have shelled area around Standard Oil Hill and are now sending landing force to try to evacuate foreigners there. I555.”
Also a signal from the Hill: “1555-Z-D433 V Socony. We are now trying to go over the wall below us, please send help.”
We had already done so, and answered: “Socony V D43—Come over wall and come straight down toward beach to meet landing party.”
Back again now to the party in the house, continuing Ensign Phelps’ account of the actual firing and their escape over the wall.
“At this time, 1530, I found out that a signal had been arranged for shellfire from men-of-war in the river. Had I known that earlier I would have strongly recommended signaling for it at the first approach of the soldiers. It wasn’t three minutes after our first signal to commence firing that the first salvo from Noa landed. The gunfire was most effective and undoubtedly saved all of our lives. Missionaries in the interior who were being looted stated that all looting ceased when the bombardment commenced. At Socony Hill, the soldiers ran like scared rabbits, but not until we had killed three or four of them ourselves. When the soldiers left, we made three ropes out of sheets, in order to get over the city wall at the base of the hill. A landing party from the ships had been sent for to meet us at the bund. Taking all necessary precautions, we made our way to the foot of the hill, stationing patrols to cover our evacuation from above. Armed men were first lowered over the city wall (about sixty feet high) to prevent any soldiers from getting at us from the foot. Then came the women and children followed by some unarmed missionaries. The last to leave were the signalmen, who maintained communication with the ships until the last. We still had about a mile of open country and one canal to cross before reaching the shore. All who were armed were ready to fire at the first sign of opposition on the part of any soldiers. Our worst fear was that we might be sniped at from the numerous thatched huts we had to pass. However, the shellfire had so completely frightened the Cantonese that not a single armed soldier was encountered. At the canal we commandeered three large sampans and were ferried across to the other side. About 100 yards from the shore we were met by British bluejackets, members of their landing party, and it was only a few minutes before boats came to take us off, a total of forty-eight men, two women, and two children. We all escaped uninjured except Mr. Hobart, who broke his ankle when the rope broke with him in his descent of the wall. Had it not been for the shell fire, we would undoubtedly have all been massacred, since our ammunition could not have lasted long, and the number of Cantonese soldiers around the house was increasing every minute.
“Especial credit is due Mr. Davis and Mr. Hobart for risking their lives time and again. They continually negotiated unarmed with these soldiers with the muzzle of a rifle at their chests, until they gave up all hope. Especial credit is also due the three signalmen at Socony Hill who so efficiently maintained communication with Noa and Emerald, exposing themselves to sniping all the day. The men in the Consulate guard behaved admirably under fire, the only trouble being that they were too anxious to shoot back. While at the Consulate they stood the difficult watches without a murmur and it was a pleasure to be in charge of such men in such dangerous situations as were encountered.
“It is regretted that such government property as the machine gun, the men’s packs, and possibly other equipment was necessarily abandoned, but at all times it was a question of the safety of the women and children, and the consul, that received first consideration. It would have been impossible to hold the consulate, as we heard that ten minutes after our evacuation, Thursday morning, a mob of forty or fifty armed men thoroughly looted the house and wrecked the Consular cars, disregarding entirely the United States seal over the gate, and the large American flag flying over the compound. These colors were later hauled down by the Cantonese but their flag was not hoisted.”
The party from the Hill got down to the shore about 4:45 p.m., having met no opposition. They missed the landing party, due to its having gone another way, but were picked up by the rear guards and pickets left behind. They were at once evacuated to H.M.S. Wolsey, which had stood over close to the dock to protect the force ashore or the embarkation. Our guard from the consulate, with one man wounded (Plumley) and another hurt in getting over the wall (Wilson) returned in the ship’s boat, and we certainly were glad to see them! As they reached the ship they set up a loud and very heart-felt cheer for the ship. We responded equally feelingly with three cheers for Mr. Phelps and his guard and then some one in the boat, Wilson I think, sang out: “And again, all together boys, three cheers for the old Noa. Hip Hip Hurray!” It was a great moment!
The Results
There remains but little more to add; I had almost put “unfortunately,” and what there is can be told quite briefly. To continue : when the combined landing party got to the wall and found that the people were already over and out, Commander Maitland- Dougall sent up a signal for Emerald to cease fire, she having continued slow fire, seventy-six shots in all, over the house in order to keep the area clear. They picked up two or three foreigners who had not been in the house and who had had quite harrowing experiences, and returned to the landing where they were returned to the ship in ship’s boats, getting back on board about six o’clock.
The entire operation beginning with the first salvo of the bombardment up to the return of the landing parties was a most signal success, the end sought being achieved with not even one man wounded. Not only were all those who were beseiged in the Standard Oil house gotten safely out, but from all reports of other refugees who came out next day, all looting throughout the city stopped at the first shot as if by magic. Bugles and whistles were blown frantically to recall looters, and all ran off as fast as they could, leaving much already gathered loot and in many cases throwing away rifles and other equipment in their precipitate flight.
It is the consensus of opinion among all refugees that only the opportune opening of fire by the ships saved the lives of all foreigners in Nanking.
The amount of damage done by the firing has been an object of some interest and of exaggeration by the Chinese propagandists. The area back of the Socony Hill is largely open country, cultivated where possible. There are a few isolated small Chinese houses scattered about, but it is not until one reaches the American Consulate that any appreciable number of buildings are found. There are foreign houses on the ridge immediately back of the Socony Hill, and one of these, the British-American Tobacco Company’s residence, was hit by Emerald. Some, perhaps two, “overs” also went quite a way up the town and two Chinese women were killed by one of them. They were engaged in looting at the time and the Chinese themselves admit that it served them right! For the rest, the only people then in that area around the foreign houses were people who had no business there, soldiers and looters. There were some few of them killed by the shell fire and by rifle fire from the house. The total of Chinese civilian casualties as given by General Chiang Kai Shek himself amounts to just six. It is not known how many soldiers were killed, probably few, and these all looters. Quite different from the wild rumors spread about by the propagandists which put the loss even as high as 200,000!
But to continue with the sequence of events. Mr. Davis, the Consul, came out in Preston’s boat. Mr. Hobart having broken his ankle by the breaking of one of the improvised ropes was taken at once aboard Emerald, where the ankle was set. The Consul came alongside Noa and asked me to go with him to Emerald. As we went over we noticed a large delegation of important looking Chinese standing on the bund with large flags of the “Red Swastika” society— a Chinese philanthropical society somewhat similar to our Red Cross. When we got aboard the Emerald it was decided to send in for these people to see what they had to say. Emerald’s boats were all off somewhere, so a British armed guard under a lieutenant R.N. went in Preston’s boat to get them. And I think this typified absolutely the close union and cooperation that existed between British and American services.
When the delegation came out it appeared that they had been urged by some under general to come out to see what could be done about things. Captain England and myself drew up a set of demands and presented them to the leader with instructions that he should deliver them to the commanding general in Nanking. They required protection for all foreign life and property —there were some ninety American men, forty women and twenty children still left ashore—the bringing safely to the bund of all remaining foreigners on the next day, and that the general whose troops had first entered should himself appear on board Emerald to receive any further demands we might care to make. The delegation then went ashore.
About as they left, U.S.S. Isabel, flying the flag of Rear Admiral Henry H. Hough, Commander Yangtze Patrol, came down river and anchored near by, and my functions as senior American naval officer ceased. I immediately went over to see the admiral, accompanied by Captain England. The admiral seemed very pleased at what we had done and felt that it was exactly what the situation called for. His firm backing was a great relief to my mind.
About midnight the delegates returned, having only just then gotten into touch with the commanding general. He sent out a rather insolent and evasive reply, saying that having just entered a conquered city, we must understand he was too busy to come out to visit foreign ships in the river. He had, however, already provided protection for foreign life and property, and accepted the demand that foreigners should be brought out in the morning. After a very unsatisfactory session which lasted until about 4:00 a.m., it appeared that these delegates had no authority to negotiate or do anything at all, so they were sent back with another demand for the presence of a responsible officer by noon, Friday.
Noon came and no delegation, but about r:00 o’clock, as I recollect, some other Chinese came out, among them an officer who appeared to be some sort of an aide-de- camp to the general and who was very young and junior in rank. Admiral Hough refused to see him but sent word through him that if our demands were not complied with we would take such action as he thought warranted.
The most welcome news brought out was that all Americans, except Dr. Williams, whom we knew to have been killed, were safe, although they knew nothing of the British Consul General. We were able to send a message to the University telling our people to accept the offered escort and to come to the bund. They were to be delivered there by sundown, and would be taken off to the ships.
The first lot of refugees had been transferred Thursday night to two river steamers, and some to the Preston, and at about 4:00 a.m., sailed for Shanghai escorted by H.M.S. Wolsey and U.S.S. Preston. While passing Chinkiang, Preston was fired on by the forts at Silver Island Pass and got a three-inch shell through her upper bridge. Fortunately no one was hit. She replied with machine guns and her bow gun and silenced the fire, then proceeded on her way.
On Friday morning our friends the Japanese had landed a party on the bund and unarmed, accompanied by four or five men, Commander Uchida had most gallantly gone up to his Consulate. He found there the terrible conditions already described, and at once secured escorts and started bringing out his nationals. This occupied most of the afternoon. Meanwhile the party on the bund had had one seaman killed by a sniper. They were a pretty mad lot, I can tell you, when they finally got their people out, and next day when we were debating further proceedings, were more anxious for action than any of us, Commander Uchida, who knew little English, exclaiming from time to time, “I wish to fire! I will shoot!” He proved himself a most gallant officer, and I hope his government rewarded him as it should have.
The afternoon drew on slowly and no refugees appeared. We had practically decided to continue the bombardment, firing at certain definite military areas, in fact were getting ready to leave the Isabel to return to our ships for this purpose, when word was brought in that Mr. Giles and his party were on the bund and that the American refugees had started down. At this welcome news a tremendous load lifted from our minds. I shall never forget the feelings of relief then experienced. Admiral Hough at once said that we would not fire that night. We returned to our ships and proceeded with work of getting off the refugees. This time Noa took on board ninety-three. These were all sent down river the next day.
To the last one they were unanimous in saying that only the opportune firing by the ships had saved their lives. Affidavits to this effect were at once secured by the Consul and Vice Consul Paxton, which were later forwarded to the State Department. I understand that some of these people, under pressure from the home organizations have since repudiated these affidavits, but the best of them have not, and have indeed issued more formal and stronger declarations to the same effect.
On Saturday morning a further conference was held aboard Isabel, attended by Americans, British and Japanese. We had not yet seen any responsible Chinese authority, and were determined to exact apology and reparation, at the mouths of our guns if necessary. But by now the home governments, far from the scene, had stepped in and we each received orders to take no further drastic action. So the affair ended.
In conclusion I should like to quote the closing paragraphs of my official report on the Nanking incident:
“I cannot close this report without speaking in the highest possible terms of the invaluable services to his country and to all foreigners rendered by our devoted and able Consul at Nanking, Mr. John Ker Davis. For two days he was the only consular authority functioning at all, and he operated in the larger interests of humanity fully as much as in the narrower sphere of service to his own countrymen.
“And particularly do I wish to express deepest appreciation and admiration for the splendid courtesy and cooperation shown me at all times by Captain Hugh T. England, R.N., commanding H.M.S. Emerald, and to the splendid officers and men of his command. We worked together at all times a3 one force, considerations of nationality being laid aside in the more pressing need of doing our job best for the best of all foreigners in Nanking. In my opinion, the present safety of Americans who were in Nanking is very largely due to his foresight and energy, and I should like to recommend that suitable recognition be made by the Navy Department of the services of H.M.S. Emerald in helping in the evacuation of Americans from the besieged Hill.
“In conclusion I desire to express my deep pride in the behavior of the officers and enlisted men under my command during this trying period, particularly that of the men ashore and their commander, Ensign W. Phelps, U. S. Navy. Alike in action and in the very difficult situation brought about by the presence on board of a total during the five days, Tuesday to Saturday, of 190 refugees, mostly women and children, they did not for an instant fail to uphold the highest ideals and traditions of the United States Navy.”