GENERAL ARRANGEMENT
1. DIPLOMATIC NOTES.
2. NAVAL NOTES.
3. MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
(Details of Land Operations are not included.)
[Events of international significance will be briefly chronicled in large type. Notes and comments bearing upon these events will be interspersed in smaller type. Addenda will be published in future issues to correct and complete this compilation.]
DIPLOMATIC NOTES
On June 28 Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir apparent of Austria-Hungary, and his wife were assassinated in an automobile on a public street of Serajevo, the capital of Bosnia, a province taken by Austria from Turkey in 1909.
The history of Austria's acquisition of Bosnia and Herzegovina is as follows:
Bosnia, previous to 1878 the northwesternmost portion of the Turkish Empire, is now (190), with Herzegovina, virtually a province of Austria-Hungary. . . . The facts of Turkish misgovernment were recognized at the Congress of Berlin (1878), and Austria-Hungary was authorized to occupy and administer Bosnia and Herzegovina, though the Sultan retained the nominal, suzerainty over them. The Austro-Hungarian occupation was effected in 1878, but only after a desperate resistance on the part of the Mohammedan inhabitants. . . . Bosnia has made great strides under Austro-Hungarian rule, its prosperity being in great measure due to the wise and vigorous administration of Baron Kallay. The proclamation by the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria formally announcing the practical annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was made public in the fall of 1908. This proclamation extended the rights of succession and sovereignty over the provinces and granted them a constitution and special Diet. On January 12, 1909, Turkey accepted from Austria $10,800,000 as indemnity for the annexation. In addition Austria abandoned her rights in Novi-Bazar, agreed to the suppression of Austrian post-offices in Turkish territory and made other concessions.—Army and Navy Journal.
Russia made diplomatic protest against this transfer, but Germany threw her vast military strength behind Austria, and owing to the fact that Russia was in no condition for war she was forced to submit, though the affair has always rankled.
*Acknowledgment is made to A. F. Westcott, Ph. D., Instructor U. S. Naval Academy, for help given in making this compilation.
Following a secret investigation, the Austrian Government declared that the evidence showed the murder to be the result of an elaborate plot hatched in Belgrade, the capital of Servia. Consequently, on July 23, the Austro-Hungarian Minister at Belgrade presented a Note to the Servian Government reciting instances of Servian disaffection and demanding with stringent provisions that Servian propaganda against Austria-Hungary should cease, and that Austrian officials should be permitted to take prominent part in the investigation of the plots resulting in the assassination of the heir apparent and to assist in bringing the criminals to justice.
The Austrian Note is in the following terms:
"On March 31, 1908, the Royal Servian Minister in Vienna, on the instructions of the Servian Government, made the following statements to the Imperial and Royal Government:
"'Servia recognizes that the fait accompli regarding Bosnia has not affected her rights, and consequently she will conform to the decisions that the powers will take in conformity with Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin. At the same time that Servia submits to the advice of the powers, she undertakes to renounce the attitude of protest and opposition which she has adopted since October last. She undertakes, on the other hand, to modify the direction of her policy with regard to Austria-Hungary and to live in future on good neighborly terms with the latter.'
"The history of recent years, and in particular the painful events of June 28 last, have shown the existence in Servia of a subversive movement with the object of detaching a part of Austria-Hungary from the Monarchy. The movement, which had its birth under the eyes of the Servian Government, has had consequences on both sides of the Servian frontier in the shape of acts of terrorism, and a series of outrages and murders.
"Far from carrying out the formal undertakings contained in the declaration of March 31, 1909, the Royal Servian Government has done nothing to repress these movements. It has permitted the criminal machinations of various societies and associations and has tolerated unrestrained language on the part of the press, apologies for the perpetrators of outrages and the participation of officers and functionaries in subversive agitation. It has permitted an unwholesome propaganda in public instruction. In short, it has permitted all the manifestations which have incited the Servian population to hatred of the Monarchy and contempt of its institutions.
"This culpable tolerance of the Royal Servian Government had not ceased at the moment when the events of June 28 last proved its fatal consequences to the whole world.
"It results from the depositions and confessions of the criminal perpetrators of the outrage of June 28 that the Serajevo assassinations were hatched in Belgrade, that the arms and explosives with which the murderers were provided had been given to them by Servian officers and functionaries belonging to the Narodna Obrana, and finally that the passage into Bosnia of the criminals and their arms was organized and effected by the chiefs of the Servian frontier service.
"The above-mentioned results of the magisterial investigations do not permit the Austro-Hungarian Government to pursue any longer the attitude of expected forbearance which it has maintained for years in face of the machinations hatched in Belgrade and thence propagated in the territories of the Monarchy.
"The results, on the contrary, impose on it the duty of putting an end to the intrigues which form a perpetual menace to the tranquillity of the Monarchy.
"To achieve this end the Imperial Royal Government sees itself compelled to demand from the Royal Servian Government a formal assurance that it condemns these dangerous propaganda against the Monarchy, the aim of which is to detach from the Monarchy territories belonging to it, and that it undertakes to suppress by every means this criminal and terrorist propaganda.
"In order to give a formal character to this undertaking the Royal Servian Government shall publish on the front page of its Official Journal for July 26 the following declaration:
"'The Royal Government of Servia condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, i. e., the ensemble of tendencies of which the final aim is to detach from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy territories belonging to it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequences of these criminal proceedings. The Royal Government regrets that Servian officers and functionaries participated in the above-mentioned propaganda and thus compromised the good neighborly relations to which the Royal Government was solemnly pledged by its declaration of March 31, 1909. The Royal Government, which disapproves and repudiates all idea of interfering or attempting to interfere with the destinies of the inhabitants of any part whatsoever of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty formally to warn officers and functionaries, and the whole population of the Kingdom, that henceforward it will proceed with the utmost rigor against persons who may be guilty of such machinations, which it will use all its efforts to anticipate and suppress. This declaration shall simultaneously be communicated to the Royal Army as an Order of the Day by His Majesty the King and shall be published in the Official Bulletin of the army.
“‘Points of Redress.—The Royal Servian Government further undertakes (1) to suppress any publication which incites to hatred and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the general tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity; (2) to dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna Obrana, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to proceed in the same manner against other societies and their branches in Servia which are addicted to propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Royal Government shall take the necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved from continuing their activity under another name and form; (3) to eliminate without delay from public instruction in Servia, not only as regards the teaching body, but also as regards the methods of instruction, everything that serves, or might serve, to foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary; (4) to remove from the military service, and from the administration in general, all officers and functionaries guilty of propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy whose names and deeds the Austro-Hungarian Government reserves to itself the right of communicating to the Royal Government; (5) to accept the collaboration in Servia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity of the Monarchy; (6) to take judicial proceedings against accessories to the plot of June 28 who are on Servian territory. Delegates of the Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investigation relating thereto; (7) to proceed without delay to the arrest of Major Voija Tankcasitch and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a Servian State employee, who have been compromised by the results of the magisterial inquiry at Serajevo; (8) to prevent by effective measures the co-operation of the Servian authorities in the illicit traffic in arms and explosives across the frontier, to dismiss and punish severely officials of the frontier service at Schabatz and Loznica guilty of having assisted the perpetrators of the Serajevo crime by facilitating the passage of the frontier for them; (9) to furnish the Austro-Hungarian Government with explanations regarding the unjustifiable utterances of high Servian officials, both in Servia and abroad, who, notwithstanding their official position, did not hesitate after the crime of June 28 to express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility to the Austro-Hungarian Government, and, finally (10) to notify the Austro-Hungarian Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the preceding heads. The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the Servian Government at the latest by 6 o'clock on Saturday evening, the 25th of July.'"
On July 24 Servia presented the following reply to the Austrian Note, apparently agreeing to a majority of Austria's demands, and proposing arbitration on those not accepted:
The Royal Servian Government has received the communication of the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government of the 10th of this month, and it is persuaded that its reply will remove all misunderstanding tending to threaten or to prejudice the friendly and neighborly relations between the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Servia.
The Royal Government is aware that the protests made both at the tribune of the National Skupshtina and in the declarations and the acts of responsible representatives of the State—protests which were cut short by the declaration of the Servian Government made on March 18—have not been renewed towards the great neighboring Monarchy on any occasion, and that since this time, both on the part of the Royal Governments which have followed on one another, and on the part of their organs, no attempt has been made with the purpose of changing the political and juridical state of things in this respect.
The Imperial and Royal Government has made no representations save concerning a scholastic book regarding which the Imperial and Royal Government has received an entirely satisfactory explanation. Servia has repeatedly given proofs of her pacific and moderate policy during the Balkan crises, and it is, thanks to Servia and the sacrifice she made, exclusively in the interest of the peace of Europe that this peace has been preserved. The Royal Government cannot be held responsible for manifestations of a private nature such as newspaper articles and the peaceful work of societies—manifestations which occur in almost all countries as a matter of course, and which as a general rule escape official control—all the less in that the Royal Government, when solving a whole series of questions which came up between Servia and Austria-Hungary, has displayed a great readiness to treat (prevenance), and in this way succeeded in settling the greater number to the advantage of the progress of the two neighboring countries.
It is for this reason that the Royal Government has been painfully surprised by the statements according to which persons of the Kingdom of Servia are said to have taken part in the preparation of the outrage committed at Serajevo. It expected that it would be invited to collaborate in the investigation of everything bearing on this crime, and it was ready to prove by its actions its entire correctness to take steps against all persons with regard to whom communications had been made to it, thus acquiescing in the desire of the Imperial and Royal Government.
Points of Compliance.—The Royal Government is disposed to hand over to the courts any Servian subject, without regard to his situation and rank, for whose complicity in the crime of Serajevo it shall have been furnished with proofs, and especially it engages itself to have published on the front page of the Official Journal of July 13-26 the following announcement:
"The Royal Servian Government condemns all propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, all tendencies as a whole of which the ultimate object is to detach from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy territories which form part of it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequence of these criminal actions. The Royal Government regrets that Servian officers and officials should, according to the communication of the Imperial and Royal Government, have participated in the above-mentioned propaganda, thereby compromising the good neighborly relations to which the Royal Government solemnly pledged itself by its declaration of the 31st of March, 1909. The Government, which disapproves and repudiates any idea or attempt to interfere in the destinies of the inhabitants of any part of Austria-Hungary whatsoever, considers it its duty to utter a formal warning to the officers, the officials, and the whole population of the kingdom that henceforth it will proceed with the utmost rigor against persons who render themselves guilty of such actions, which it will use all its efforts to prevent and repress."
This announcement shall be brought to the cognizance of the Royal Army by an Order of the Day issued in the name of His Majesty the King by H. R. H. the Crown Prince Alexander, and shall be published in the next official bulletin of the army.
(1) The Royal Government engages itself furthermore to lay before the next regular meeting of the Skupshtina an amendment to the Press Law punishing in the severest manner incitements to hate and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monachy, and also all publications of which the general tendency is directed against the territorial integrity of the Monarchy. It undertakes at the forthcoming revision of the Constitution to introduce in Article XXII of the Constitution an amendment whereby the above publications may be confiscated, which is at present categorically forbidden by the terms of Article XXII of the Constitution.
(2) The government does not possess any proof, nor does the Note of the Imperial and Royal Government furnish such, that the society Narodna Obrana and other similar societies have up to the present committed any criminal acts of this kind through the instrumentality of one of their members. Nevertheless the Royal Government will accept the demand of the Imperial and Royal Government and will dissolve the Narodna Obrana Society and any other society which shall agitate against Austria-Hungary.
(3) The Royal Servian Government engages itself to eliminate without delay from public instruction in Servia everything which aids or might aid in fomenting the propaganda against Austria-Hungary when the Imperial and Royal Government furnishes facts and proofs of this propaganda.
(4) The Royal Government also agrees to remove from the military service (all persons) whom the judicial inquiry proves to have been guilty of acts directed against the integrity of the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and it expects the Imperial and Royal Government to communicate at an ulterior date the names and the deeds of these officers and officials for the purposes of the proceedings which will have to be taken.
Austrian Col1aboration.—(5) The Royal Government must confess that it is not quite clear as to the sense and object of the demands of the Imperial and Royal Government that Servia should undertake to accept on her territory the collaboration of delegates of the Imperial and Royal Government, but it declares that it will admit whatever collaboration which may be in accord with the principles of international law and criminal procedure, as well as with good neighborly relations.
(6) The Royal Government, as goes without saying, considers it to be its duty to open an inquiry against all those wino are or shall eventually prove to have been involved in the plot of June 28, and who are in Servian territory. As to the participation at this investigation of agents of the Austro-Hungarian authorities delegated for this purpose by the Imperial and Royal Government, the Royal Government cannot accept this demand, for it would be a violation of the Constitution and of the law of criminal procedure. Nevertheless, in concrete cases it might be found possible to communicate the results of the investigation in question to the Austro-Hungarian representatives.
(7) On the very evening that the Note was handed in the Royal Government arrested Major Voislav Tankositch. As for Milan Ciganowitch, who is a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and who, until June 15, was employed as a beginner in the administration of the railways, it has not yet been possible to (arrest) him. In view of the ultimate inquiry the Imperial and Royal Government is requested to have the goodness to communicate in the usual form as soon as possible the presumptions of guilt as well as the eventual proofs of guilt against those persons who have been collected up to the present in the investigations at Serajevo.
(8) The Servian Government will strengthen and extend the measures taken to prevent the illicit traffic of arms and explosives across the frontier. It goes without saying that it will immediately order an investigation, and will severely punish the frontier officials along the line Schabatz-Losnitza who have been lacking in their duties and who allowed the authors of the crime of Serajevo to pass.
(9) The Royal Government will willingly give explanations regarding the remarks made in interviews by its officials both in Servia and abroad after the attempt, and which, according to the statement of the Imperial and Royal Government, were hostile towards the Monarchy, as soon as the Imperial and Royal Government has (forwarded) it the passages in question of these remarks and as soon as it has shown that the remarks made were in reality made by the officials regarding whom the Royal Government itself will see about collecting proofs.
(10) The Royal Government will inform the Imperial and Royal Government of the execution of the measures comprised in the preceding points, in as far as that has not already been done by the present Note, as soon as each measure has been ordered and executed.
In the event of the Imperial and Royal Government not being satisfied with this reply the Royal Servian Government, considering that it is to the common interest not to precipitate the solution of this question, is ready as always to accept a pacific understanding either by referring this question to the decision of The Hague International Tribunal or to the Great Powers which took part in the drawing up of the declaration made by the Servian Government on March 18-31, 1909.
The Austrian Minister, after brief consideration, informed the Servian Government that the reply was considered unsatisfactory, and on July 25 he abruptly left Servia, thus breaking diplomatic relations. The same day Austria handed the Servian Minister his passports and began to mass troops on the Servian frontier.
The following communiqué embodies the Austro-Hungarian semi-official view of the attitude adopted by Servia:
"Baron Giesl, the Austro-Hungarian Minister in Belgrade, presented the Servian Note in reply to our claim to the Minister of Foreign Affairs on his arrival in Vienna yesterday. The object of this Note is to create the false impression that the Servian Government is prepared in a great measure to comply with our demands. As a matter of fact, however, the Note is filled with the spirit of dishonesty which clearly lets it be seen that the Servian Government is not seriously determined to put an end to the culpable tolerance it has hitherto extended to the intrigues against the Monarchy.
"The Servian Note contains such far-reaching reservations and limitations, not only in regard to the general principles of our démarche, but also in regard to the individual claims which we have put forward, that the concessions actually made become insignificant. In particular our demand for the participation of the Austro-Hungarian authorities in the investigations to detect the accomplices in the conspiracy on Servian territory has been rejected. Our request that measures should be taken against that section of the press which is hostile to Austro-Hungary has been declined, and, our wish that the Servian Government should take the necessary measures to prevent the dissolved Austrophobe associations from continuing their activity under another name and in another form has not even been considered at all.
"Since the claims contained in the Austrian Note of July 23, regard being had to the attitude hitherto adopted by Servia, represent the minimum which is necessary for the establishment of a permanent peace in the South-Eastern Monarchy, the Servian answer must be regarded as unsatisfactory. That the Servian Government itself was conscious that its Note was not acceptable to us is proved by the circumstance that it proposes to us at the end of the Note to submit the dispute to arbitration, an invitation which is thrown into its proper light by the circumstance that three hours before the handing in of the Note, a few minutes before the expiry of the period, the mobilization of the Servian Army took place."
The London Times of July 27 gave the following summary of the Austro-Hungarian Note and the Servian reply:
(1) That the Servian Government give a formal assurance that it condemns Serb propaganda against the Monarchy; ACCEPTED.
(2) That a declaration expressing this condemnation be published on the front page of the Servian Official Journal of Sunday next; ACCEPTED.
(3) That the declaration shall also express regret that Servian officers and officials participated in the anti-Austrian propaganda; ACCEPTED.
(4) That the Servian Government promises to proceed with the utmost rigor against all who may be guilty of such machinations; ACCEPTED.
(5) That this declaration be simultaneously communicated by the King of .Servia to his army as an order of the day, and be published in the Official Bulletin of the army; ACCEPTED.
(6) That all Servian publications which incite to hatred and contempt of Austria-Hungary be suppressed; ACCEPTED.
(7) That a society styled the Narodna Obrana (National Union) be dissolved and its means of propaganda confiscated; ACCEPTED.
(8) That teachers and methods of education in Servia which tend to foment feeling against Austria-Hungary be eliminated; ACCEPTED.
(9) That all officers and officials guilty of propaganda against Austria-Hungary be dismissed from the service, the Austro-Hungarian Government reserving itself the right to communicate to Servia the names and doings of such officers and officials; ACCEPTED
SUBJECT TO PROOF.
(10) That representatives of Austria-Hungary shall assist Servia in suppressing in Servia the movement directed against the territorial integrity of the Dual Monarchy and take part in the judicial proceedings on Servian territory against persons accessory to the Serajevo crime;
REJECTED CONDITIONALLY.
(11) That Servia furnish the Austro-Hungarian Government with explanations in regard to the utterances of high Servian officials in Servia and abroad who ventured to speak ill of the Austro-Hungarian Government after the Serajevo crime; ACCEPTED CONDITIONALLY.
If the reply be deemed unsatisfactory arbitration or mediation is proposed.
At this crisis Russia requested Germany to use her influence in restraining Austria, and Sir Edward Grey on behalf of Great Britain addressed diplomatic notes to the Powers urging that Great Britain, Germany, France, and Italy unite in conference to adjust Austria-Servian difficulties. France and Italy agreed to this proposition, but Germany did not give her complete assent. No further steps toward peaceful adjustment in this way could be taken since the co-operation of all four powers was essential.
Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons explained the attitude of Great Britain in the Austro-Servian crisis as follows:
"Last Friday morning I received from the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador the text of the communication made by the Austro-Hungarian Government to the powers, which has appeared in the press, and which included textually the demand made by the Austro-Hungarian Government upon Servia.
"In the afternoon I saw other Ambassadors, and expressed the view that as long as the dispute was one between Austria-Hungary and Servia alone I felt that we had no title to interfere, but that if the relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia became threatening, the question would then be one of the peace of Europe—a matter that concerned us all.
"I did not then know what view the Russian Government had taken of the situation, and without knowing how things were likely to develop I could not make any immediate proposition; but I said that if relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia did become threatening, the only chance of peace appeared to me to be that the four powers—Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain—who were not directly interested in the Servian question, should work together both in St. Petersburg and Vienna simultaneously to get both Austria-Hungary and Russia to suspend military operations while the four powers endeavored to arrange a settlement.
"After I had heard that Austria-Hungary had broken off diplomatic relations with Servia I made by telegraph yesterday afternoon the following proposal, as a practical method of applying the views that I had already expressed:
"I instructed His Majesty's Ambassadors in Paris, Berlin, and Rome to ask the governments to which they were accredited whether they would be willing to arrange that the French, German, and Italian Ambassadors in London should meet me in a conference to be held in London immediately to endeavor to find a means of arranging the present difficulties. At the same time I instructed His Majesty's Ambassadors to ask those governments to authorize their representatives in Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Belgrade to inform the governments there of the proposed conference and to ask them to suspend all active military operations pending the result of the conference.
"To that I have not yet received complete replies, and it is of course a proposal in which the co-operation of all four powers is essential. In a crisis so grave as this the efforts of one power alone to preserve the peace must be quite ineffective.”
"In reply to a question by Mr. Harry Lawson, Sir Edward Grey said he understood that the German Government were in favor of the idea of mediation in principle as between Austria-Hungary and Russia. He had not, however, yet received the reply of the German Government to the particular proposal of applying the principle by means of a conference.—London Times
On July 27 Austria formally declared war against Servia and opened hostilities.
The following official announcement was made in Vienna about 7.30 p. m. July 25:
The Servian Prime Minister, M. Pashitch, visited the Imperial and Royal Legation in Belgrade a few minutes before 6 o'clock and gave an inadequate answer to our Notes. Baron Giesl (the Austro-Hungarian Minister) thereupon notified him that diplomatic relations had been broken off, and left Belgrade with the staff of the Legation at 6.30. The Servian Government had at 3 o'clock in the afternoon ordered the mobilization of the whole army. The court, the government, and the troops are leaving Belgrade. The government is to be transferred to Kraguievatz."
The Austro-Hungarian Government's declaration of war against Servia is worded as follows:
"The Royal Government of Servia not having given a satisfactory reply to the Note presented to it by the Austro-Hungarian Minister in Belgrade on July 23, 1914, the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary finds it necessary itself to safeguard its rights and interests and to have recourse for this purpose to force of arms. Austria-Hungary therefore considers itself from this moment in a state of war with Servia."
The Ministry for Foreign Affairs addressed to the foreign representatives in Vienna a verbal Note informing them of the formal declaration of war against Servia, and declaring that Austria-Hungary would on the assumption of similar observance on the part of Servia, adhere to the provisions of The Hague Convention of October 18, 1908, and those of the Declaration of London of February 26, 1909.—Reuter.
Slavic sentiment bent Russian sympathy toward Servia, and on July 28 an Imperial Ukase to mobilize Russian troops was received with popular enthusiasm. Other European powers principally interested, while endeavoring to localize the conflict, took precautionary naval and military measures: the British fleet assembled off Portland and sailed under sealed orders; Germany and France prepared to mobilize their respective armies.
On July 29 the Austrian Army bombarded Belgrade and invaded Servia, whereupon Russia began to mass troops on the German and Austrian frontiers.
On July 30 Germany demanded that Russia stop mobilizing and declare her intentions.
On July 31 the Tsar sent to the Kaiser the following telegram:
"I thank thee from my heart for thy mediation, which leaves a gleam of hope that even now all may end peacefully. It is technically impossible to discontinue our military operations, which are rendered necessary by Austria's mobilization. We are far from wishing for war, and so long as the negotiations with Austria regarding Servia continue, my troops will not undertake any provocative action. I give thee my word upon it. I trust with all my strength in God's grace, and I hope for the success of thy mediation at Vienna and for the welfare of our countries and the peace of Europe.—Thy most devoted NICHOLAS.
To this the Emperor replied:
"In answer to thy appeal to my friendship and thy prayer for my help I undertook mediatory action between the Austro-Hungarian Government and thine. While this action was in progress thy troops were mobilized against my ally, Austria-Hungary, in consequence of which, as I have already informed thee, my mediation was rendered nearly illusory. Nevertheless I have continued it. Now, however, I receive trustworthy news of your serious preparations for war, even on my Eastern frontier. The responsibility for the safety of my kingdom compels me to take definite retaliatory measures. My efforts to maintain the peace of the world have now reached their utmost possible limit. It will not be I who am responsible for the calamity which threatens the whole civilized world. Even at this moment it lies in thy power to avert it. Nobody threatens the honor and power of Russia, which could well have waited for the result of my mediation. The friendship which I inherited from my grandfather on his deathbed for thee and thy kingdom has always been holy to me. I have remained true to Russia whenever she has been in sore straits, and especially during her last war. The peace of Europe can still be maintained by thee if Russia decides to cease her military measures, which threaten Germany and Austria-Hungary."
Following is an interchange of personal telegrams between King George of England and the Russian Emperor.
The first communication from King George is dated August 1.
"My government has received the following statement from the German Government:
"'On July 29 the Russian Emperor requested the German Emperor by telegraph to mediate between Russia and Austria. The Emperor immediately declared his readiness to do so. He informed the Russian Emperor of this by telegraph, and took the required action at Vienna. Without waiting for the result of this action Russia mobilized against Austria. By telegraph the German Emperor pointed out to the Russian Emperor that hereby his attempt at mediation would be rendered illusory. The Emperor further asked the Russian Emperor to suspend the military operations against Austria. This, however, did not happen. In spite of this the German Government continued its mediation in Vienna. In this matter the German Government has gone to the furthest limit of what can be suggested to a sovereign State which is the ally of Germany. The proposals made by the German Government in Vienna were conceived entirely on the lines suggested by Great Britain, and the German Government recommended them in Vienna for their serious consideration. They were taken into consideration in Vienna this morning. During the deliberations of the (? Austrian) cabinet, and before they were concluded, the German Ambassador in St. Petersburg reported the mobilization of the entire Russian Army and fleet. Owing to this action on the part of Russia, the Austrian answer to the German proposals for mediation, which were still under consideration, was not given. This action on the part of Russia is also directed against Germany—that is to say, the power whose mediation had been invoked by the Russian Emperor. We were bound to reply with serious counter measures to this action, which we were obliged to consider as hostile, unless we were prepared to endanger the safety of our country. We are unable to remain inactive in face of the Russian mobilization on our frontier. We have therefore informed Russia that, unless she were prepared to suspend within 12 hours the war-like measures against Germany and Austria, we should be obliged to mobilize, and this would mean war. We have asked France if she would remain neutral during a German-Russian war.
"I cannot help thinking that some misunderstanding has produced this deadlock. I am most anxious not to miss any possibility of avoiding the terrible calamity which at present threatens the whole world. I therefore make a personal appeal to you to remove the misapprehension which I feel must have occurred, and to leave still open grounds for negotialtion and possible peace. If you think I can in any way contribute to that all-important purpose I will do everything in my power to assist in reopening the interrupted conversations between the powers concerned. I feel confident that you are as anxious as I am that all that is possible should be done to secure the peace of the world."
Reply of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia to His Majesty King George:
"I would gladly have accepted your proposals had not the German Ambassador this afternoon presented a note to my government declaring war. Ever since presentation of the ultimatum at Belgrade, Russia has devoted all her efforts to finding some pacific solution of the question raised by Austria's action. Object of that action was to crush Servia and make her a vassal of Austria. Effect of this would have been to upset balance of power in Balkans, which is of such vital interest to my empire. Every proposal, including that of your government, was rejected by Germany and Austria, and it was only when favorable moment for bringing pressure to bear on Austria had passed that Germany showed any disposition to mediate. Even then she did not put forward any precise proposal. Austria's declaration of war on Servia forced me to order a partial mobilization, though, in view of threatening situation, my military advisers strongly advised general mobilization owing to quickness with which Germany can mobilize in comparison with Russia. I was eventually compelled to take this course in consequence of complete Austrian mobilization, of the bombardment of Belgrade, of concentration of Austrian troops in Galicia, and of secret military preparations being made in Germany. That I was justified in doing so is proved by Germany's sudden declaration of war, which was quite unexpected by me, as I had given most categorical assurances to the Emperor William that my troops would not move so long as mediation negotiations continued.
"In this solemn hour I wish to assure you once more that I have done all in my power to avert war. Now that it has been forced on me, I trust your country will not fail to support France and Russia. God bless and protect you."—Boston Transcript.
Russia's reply stating that it was technically impossible to stop mobilization was not satisfactory to the German Government and the Kaiser proclaimed martial law, declaring that a state of war existed in Germany.
On August 1 Germany declared war on Russia, whereupon France prepared for war and began the mobilization of her army.
On August 2 Germany not being satisfied as to France's intentions, invaded the neutral state of Luxembourg and requested Belgium to permit the passage of German troops. Belgium replied that she would resist the infringement of her neutrality with the force of arms.
The French Premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Viviani, addressed to the Ministry of the Republic in Luxembourg the following telegram:
"Please declare to the President of the Council that, in accordance with the Treaty of London of 1867, the Government of the Republic intended to respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, as it has shown by its attitude. The violation of this neutrality by Germany is, however, of a nature which compels France to take henceforth the measures in this respect required by her defence and interests."
The Prime Minister of Luxembourg has protested to the German Government, and has brought this protest to the notice of the German Embassy in Paris, stating the following facts:
On Sunday, August 2, early in the morning, the Germans entered Luxembourg territory by the bridges of Wasserbourg (?) and Remich, proceeding towards the south of the country and Luxembourg, its capital. They have also brought towards this point armored trains, with troops and munitions of war. Further, the special French Commissioner at Petitcroix has announced to the Sûreté Génerale that the Germans have just opened fire on the frontier station of Delle-Petitcroix. Two German cavalry officers have just been killed at Roncray and Boxson, 10 kilometers on our side of the frontier.—London Times.
On August 2 German forces invaded Belgium, whereupon Belgium appealed to England and France for support and prepared to resist the German advance.
This was followed (August 3) by declarations of war which were interchanged between Germany on one side and France and England on the other. Up to the last moment diplomatic efforts were made to preserve peace and to shift responsibility for war-like moves.
OFFICIAL RECORD.—One of the most important collections of diplomatic correspondence ever made public was issued by the British Foreign Office in the form of a Blue-book [No. 6 (1914)].
Austria and Servia.—On July 25 an important dispatch was received from the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg summarizing a conversation with the Russian Foreign Minister. M. Sazonoff expressed the belief that Austrian action was in reality directed against Russia. He did not believe that Germany really wanted war, but her attitude would be decided by that of England. If England took her stand firmly with France and Russia there would be no war. Otherwise rivers of blood would flow, and England would in the end be dragged to war. The British Ambassador argued that England could mediate more effectively as a friend who, if her counsels of moderation were disregarded, might be converted into an ally, than if she were to declare herself Russia's ally at once. M. Sazonoff replied "that, unfortunately, Germany was convinced that she could count upon British neutrality."
On July 26 the British Ambassador in Vienna reported the confident belief of the German Ambassador, Herr von Tschirschky, that Russia would keep quiet during the chastisement of Servia, "because Russia would not be so imprudent as to take a step which would probably result in questions such as the Swedish, Polish, Ruthene, Roumanian, and Persian questions being brought into the melting pot. France, too, was not at all in a condition for facing a war."
On July 27 the British Ambassador in Vienna reported his impression, after conversation with all the Ambassadors of the great powers, "that the Austro-Hungarian Note to Servia was so drawn up as to make war inevitable, and that the Austro-Hungarian Government are fully resolved to have war with Servia."
During this time the British Ambassadors in various capitals were discussing with the governments to which they were accredited Sir Edward Grey's proposal for mediation by the four powers. The German Foreign Secretary replied that the suggested meeting of Ambassadors in London would practically amount to a court of arbitration, and could not be called together except at the request of Austria-Hungary and Russia. He could not therefore fall in with the suggestion, however much he might wish to work for the maintenance of peace. On the same day the German Ambassador, nevertheless, informed Sir Edward Grey that the German Government would accept "in principle" mediation by the four powers, "reserveing, of course, the right of Germany to help Austria in case of attack." Sir Edward Grey answered that the Servian reply to the Austrian ultimatum went farther than could have been expected to meet the Austrian demands, that Russia had evidently exercised conciliatory influence at Belgrade, and that "it was really at Vienna that moderating influence was now required."
On the same day, July 27, Sir Edward Grey urged upon Count Mensdorff that the consequences of Austrian action might be incalculable, and pointed out that the British Government "had felt unable" to let the fleet disperse.
On July 28 the Russian Ambassador informed the Foreign Office that if direct explanations between St. Petersburg and Vienna were to prove impossible, Russia would accept the British proposal, or any other proposal of a kind that would bring about a favorable solution of the conflict. A warning had been conveyed to Austria-Hungary on the previous day by the Russian Ambassador in Vienna, that if war should break out with Servia it would be impossible to localize it, "for Russia was not prepared to give way again, as she had done on previous occasions, especially during the annexation crisis of 1909." Nevertheless Austria-Hungary declared war. Germany had temporized and declined to preach moderation at Vienna, while professing readiness to work for the prevention of war between the great powers. The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in Berlin assured the British Ambassador that "a general war was most unlikely, as Russia neither wanted nor was in a position to make war." "I think," added Sir Edward Goschen significantly, in his report to Sir Edward Grey, that "that opinion is shared by many people" in Berlin.
Acting in this belief, Austria-Hungary declined on July 26 a Russian suggestion that the conflict should be settled directly between the Russian Foreign Minister and the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg. Russia then expressed the view that a conference of the less interested powers in London would be the only means of averting an extension of the conflict. Austria-Hungary, however, declined this suggestion on the plea that "events had marched too rapidly." On July 29 Sir Edward Grey took an opportunity to speak his mind to the German Ambassador in London. If Germany became involved in war, and then France, said Sir Edward Grey, the issue might be so great that it would involve all European interests; and he did not wish the friendly tone of the conversation to mislead the Ambassador into thinking that England would stand aside.
Waning Hope.—Hope of preventing a general war was rapidly waning. The German belief that England would or could be induced to remain neutral dominated the situation. Its persistence in spite of Sir Edward Grey's warnings is explained by the proposal addressed to Great Britain by the German Imperial Chancellor through the British Ambassador in Berlin on July 29.
No. 85.
Sir E. Goschen to Sir Edward Grey.—(Received July 29.)
(Telegraphic.) BERLIN, July 29, 1914.
I was asked to call upon the Chancellor to-night. His Excellency had just returned from Potsdam.
He said that should Austria be attacked by Russia, a European conflagration might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Germany's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of his continued efforts to maintain peace. He then proceeded to make the following strong bid for British neutrality. He said that it was clear, so far as he was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be. That, however, was not the object at which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imperial Government aimed at no territorial acquisitions at the expense of France should they prove victorious in any war that might ensue.
I questioned his Excellency about the French colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a similar undertaking in that respect. As regards Holland, however, his Excellency said that, so long as Germany's adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give His Majesty's Government an assurance that she would do likewise. It depended upon the action of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war was over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had not sided against Germany.
His Excellency ended by saying that ever since he had been Chancellor the object of his policy had been, as you were aware, to bring about an understanding with England; he trusted that these assurances might form the basis of that understanding which he so much desired. He had in mind a general neutrality agreement between England and Germany, though it was of course at the present moment too early to discuss details, and an assurance of British neutrality in the conflict which present crisis might possibly produce, would enable him to look forward to realization of his desire.
In reply to his Excellency's enquiry how I thought his request would appeal to you, I said that I did not think it probable that at this stage of events you would care to bind yourself to any course of action and that I was of opinion that you would desire to retain full liberty.
Our conversation upon this subject having come to an end, I communicated the contents of your telegram of to-day to his Excellency, who expressed his best thanks to you.
The German Government had not long to wait for Sir Edward Grey's reply. It was an unconditional rejection, though it still expressed the readiness of His Majesty's Government to continue to work with Germany to preserve the peace of Europe.
No. 101.
Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen.
(Telegraphic.) FOREIGN OFFICE, July 30, 1914.
Your telegram of 29th July.
His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to neutrality on such terms.
What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the colonies.
From the material point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a great power, and become subordinate to German policy.
Altogether, apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover.
The Chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away whatever obligation or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. We could not entertain that bargain either.
Having said so much, it is unnecessary to examine whether the prospect of a future general neutrality agreement between England and Germany offered positive advantages sufficient to compensate us for tying our hands now. We must preserve our full freedom to act as circumstances may seem to us to require in any such unfavorable and regrettable development of the present crisis as the Chancellor contemplates.
You should speak to the Chancellor in the above sense, and add most earnestly that the one way of maintaining the good relations between England and Germany is that they should continue to work together to preserve the peace of Europe; if we succeed in this object, the mutual relations of Germany and England will, I believe, be ipso facto improved and strengthened. For that object His Majesty's Government will work with all sincerity and good-will.
And I will say this: If the peace of Europe can be preserved, and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to promote some arrangement to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by France, Russia, and ourselves, jointly or separately. I have desired this and worked for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan crisis, and, Germany having a corresponding object, our relations sensibly improved. The idea has hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much more acute than any that Europe has gone through for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that the relief and reaction which will follow may make possible some more definite rapprochement between the powers than has been possible hitherto.
The German Imperial Chancellor received this communication "without comment," and remarked only that he would like to reflect upon it before giving an answer. Meanwhile the German Ambassador in London informed Sir Edward Grey that as a result of suggestions by the German Government a conversation had taken place at Vienna between the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister and the Russian Ambassador, and that the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at St. Petersburg had been instructed to converse with the Russian Foreign Minister. In a dispatch to the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg Sir Edward Grey expressed his great satisfaction at the resumption of these discussions, and instructed the Ambassador to tell M. Sazonoff that England earnestly hoped he would encourage them.
An Extreme Proposal.—Following up this dispatch, Sir Edward Grey sent the following telegram to the British Ambassador at Berlin. It showed the extreme lengths to which England was prepared to go for the sake of peace—even to the length of cutting herself loose from Russia and France in case those powers should prove intractable. The telegram ran:
No. 111.
Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen.
(Telegraphic.) FOREIGN OFFICE, July 31, 1914.
I hope that the conversations which are now proceeding between Austria and Russia may lead to a satisfactory result. The stumbling-block hitherto has been Austrian mistrust of Servian assurances and Russian mistrust of Austrian intentions with regard to the independence and integrity of Servia. It has occurred to me that, in the event of this mistrust preventing a solution being found by Vienna and St. Petersburg, Germany might sound Vienna, and I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be possible for the four disinterested powers to offer to Austria that they would undertake to see that she obtained full satisfaction of her demands on Servia, provided that they did not impair Servian sovereignty and the integrity of Servian territory. As your Excellency is aware, Austria has already declared her willingness to respect them. Russia might be informed by the four powers that they would undertake to prevent Austrian demands going the length of impairing Servian sovereignty and integrity. All powers would of course suspend further military operations or preparations.
You may sound the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs about this proposal.
I said to German Ambassador this morning that if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany and Austria were striving to preserve European peace, and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburg and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia and France would not accept it His Majesty's Government would have nothing more to do with the consequences; but, otherwise, I told German Ambassador that if France became involved we should be drawn in.
You can add this when sounding Chancellor or Minister for Foreign Affairs as to proposal above.
The German reply to this appeal is contained in a dispatch from Sir Edward Goschen on July 31. The German Secretary of State declared that it was impossible for the Imperial Government to consider any proposal until they had received an answer from Russia to the German ultimatum. Russia, as was inevitable, rejected the ultimatum, and Germany declared war.
Among the concluding documents of the Blue-book is a telegram on August 4 from Sir Edward Grey to the British Minister at Brussels, instructing him to inform the Belgian Government "that if pressure is applied to them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, His Majesty's Government expect that they will resist by any means in their power, and that His Majesty's Government will support them in offering such resistance, and that His Majesty's Government in this event are prepared to join Russia and France, if desired, in offering to the Belgian Government at once common action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany against them, and a guarantee to maintain their independence and integrity in future years."—London Times.
Blame on Sir Edward Grey.—Haniel von Haimhausen, Charge d'Affaires of the German Embassy, issued a statement in New York in which he declared that Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, sought to impose intolerable conditions upon Germany as the price of British neutrality. He said:
"It is erroneous to assume that the English declaration of war was exclusively caused by Germany's invading Belgium. Negotiations in London had preceded the German attack on Liege.
"During these negotiations Sir Edward Grey promised that England would remain neutral only under the following conditions:
"'First, Germany is not allowed to commit any act of hostility against the French coasts in the North Sea.
"‘Second, German troops are not allowed to pass through Belgian territory.
"'Third, the German Navy is not allowed to attack Russia from the Baltic Sea.'
"To the question put up by the German Government whether Great Britain would undertake to respect Belgian neutrality during the whole war no answer was given.
"Sir Edward tried to impose conditions which would have secured to Great Britain, without running any risks, all the benefits which it could have obtained by a successful naval war.
"The acceptance of these conditions would have led to the bottling up of the whole German fleet, forcing it to absolute inactivity.
"Knowing, on the other hand, that a great number of French officers had crossed the Belgian frontier in about 50 motor cars, rushing up to Liege, which was a flagrant violation of Belgian neutrality; knowing further that Antwerp was ready to open its most important harbor to the British fleet and landing corps, Germany was reluctantly compelled to refuse compliance with the British conditions."—New York Sun.
Norman Angell's Views.—Norman Angell raised thousands of dollars and set himself for the first time to do political work and organize a neutrality league. He published in various papers a full-paged paid advertisement in large black type, from which I quote certain pregnant passages that some day may go into the records of the needless war, though now too late to serve in preventing it.
"Why Should We Go to War?
"The war party say we must maintain the balance of power, because if Germany were to annex Holland or Belgium, she would be so powerful as to threaten us; or because we are bound by treaty to fight for the neutrality of Belgium, or because we are bound by our agreements with France to fight for her.
"All These Reasons Are False.
"The War Party Does Not Tell the Truth.
"The facts are these:
"1. If we took sides with Russia and France the balance of power would be upset as it has never been before. It would make the military Russian Empire of 160,000,000 the dominant power of Europe. You know the kind of country Russia: is.
"2. We are not bound to join in a general European war to defend the neutrality of Belgium. Our treaties expressly stipulate that our obligations under them shall not compel us to take part in a general European war in order to fulfill them. And if we are to fight for the neutrality of Belgium, we must be prepared to fight France as well as Germany.
"3. The Prime Minister and Sir Edward Grey have both emphatically and solemnly declared in the House of Commons that we have no undertaking whatever, written or spoken, to go to war for France. We discharged our obligations in the Morocco affair.
"4. If Germany did attempt to annex any part of Belgium, Holland or Normandy—and there is no reason to suppose that she would attempt such a thing—she would be weaker than she is now, for she would have to use all her forces for holding her conquests down. She would have so many difficulties like those arising out of Alsace that she would have to leave other nations alone as much as possible. But we do not know in the least that she would do these things. It would be monstrous to drag this country into war on so vague a suspicion."—L. A. Mead.
Views of Professors Francke and Münsterberg.—Most spokesmen for Germany reject efforts to distinguish between the rulers and the nation, and reiterate, in a series of letters and statements to the press, their view of the war as one forced on Germany or as a necessary conflict between Slav and Teuton, the latter, of course, standing for civilization. They agree with the Kaiser that the war is "the result of existing for years against the strength and prosperity of the German Empire." Who are the real aggressors? Asks Professor Kuno Francke. Can William II, who has devoted his whole life to bringing Germany to the front in all the arts of peace, all the higher domains of civilization, "reasonably be supposed to have been carried away by the suicidal mania of destroying everything that his life has stood for?" Can Germany be reasonably thought to have wilfully brought on a conflict which, even if she wins, "can add nothing to her present greatness, and which may wreck her whole national existence?" Finally:
"Is there any reasonable doubt that Germany's three chief competitors, Russia, France, and England, have each her own incentive for an aggressive policy against Germany? England, the incentive of crippling German commerce; France, the incentive of reconquering Alsace-Lorraine; Russia, the incentive of undermining German commercial influence in the Near East and of supplanting Austria in the Balkans.”
"Similar statements are made by Professor Hugo Münsterberg in a widely quoted letter to the Boston Herald.
"This war of Germany is a war of defence. The Slavic attack which was signalized by the Russian mobilization threatened to become crushing, inasmuch as Russia was able to rely on the willingness of France to take revenge. As soon as it was evident that both felt ready to risk the long-delayed blow against Germany it was the duty of the Emperor to save the country from certain defeat by making the first movement quickly and by declaring war before the slow-moving Russian troops were assembled.
"Now, it is entirely possible that the Emperor was mistaken in believing that Russia really meant war this time and not only bluff. But it is certain that this perhaps mistaken judgment was shared by the overwhelming majority of the nation. In the last few days, as travelers have returned and letters and papers have come in, we know better than a week ago. In every home and wherever two Germans met lived the one conviction: Russia wants war; France is ready, too; if Germany waits some weeks more, its best chance will be lost; the quick declaration of war is unavoidable if the nation is not to be thrown to the ground. The fiction that the true nation wanted peace and the government war is a bold construction which is utterly refuted by the evident facts. The cultured people and the Emperor alike wanted and worked for peace as long as there seemed any hope, but all of them demanded war when they felt convinced that it was the only possible protection against a Slavic onrush.
"This inner unity of people and imperial government in matters of militarism was not confined to this hour of danger after the murder of the Austrian archduke, but it has been the backbone of German politics for the last 40 years. Those men who have achieved the marvelous progress of German civilization have done it in the conviction that the military spirit is a splendid training for cultural efficiency, and that anyhow Germany, in its geographical position between rivals, has no other way open but to prepare for fight. The German university professors whom you praise have always been the most enthusiastic defenders of the system. You hear nowhere in Germany more sneering at the peace and disarmament movements than among the university professors. And are they really disloyal to the Fichte and Kant and the rest? Was the need of Germany's armor ever more passionately proclaimed than in Fichte's 'Orations to the German Nation'? If Germany had been made a republic 20 years ago, and the lawyers and captains of industry, the farmers and the workingmen and, as would be probable, the professors had the say, not one soldier and not one cannon less would stand to-day at the French and Russian border. Yes, it is a fact that repeatedly in the Emperor's reign of 25 years the people would have pushed toward war if the government had not kept a restraining influence. It may be said even of the whole of Europe that the governments have been cooler and more pacific than the peoples.
"The historic state forms have hardly any influence on this war spirit. Has America forgotten how quickly the troops began firing in Vera Cruz and how suddenly a large part of the people wanted to fight until the whole of Mexico was conquered? And yet the ‘crime' of Tampico was hardly the assassination of Serajevo. No;.the fighting spirit is the same the world over under presidents as under emperors. And if Europe turned republican, the United States of Europe would have to prepare the greater battle with the United States of Asia or all the Americas. But at present it hardly looks as if Europe would go republican. It seems to me that there is more chance that the only great republic will become monarchical. I was in Paris at the Boulanger time. Paris clamors to make the victorious war hero King. Hence those who are overanxious for the area of republicanism may be on the safer side if they pray for the victory of the German Army."
On August 6 Austria declared war on Russia. The President of the United States, acting under Article Three of The Hague Convention, tendered an offer of mediation to the warring nations.
On August 7 Montenegro declared war on Austria, and on August 12, war on Germany.
On August 10 and 12, respectively, France and Great Britain officially declared war against Austria.
As a result of conversations between the British and French Governments, the British Government has agreed that a state of war between Great Britain and Austria-Hungary will begin as from 12 p. m. last night. (August 13.)
An Admiralty message to begin hostilities has been dispatched.
The following notice was published in supplement to The London Gazette:
"Diplomatic relations between France and Austria being broken off, the French Government have requested His Majesty's Government to communicate to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in London the following Declaration:
“‘Après avoir déclaré la guerre à la Serbie et pris ainsi la première initiative des hostilités en Europe, le Gouvernement austro-hongrois s'est mis, sans aucune provocation du Gouvernement de la République Française, en état de guerre avec la France;
"1. Après que l'Allemagne avait successivement déclaré la guerre à la Russie et à la France, il est intervenu dans cc conflit en déclarant la guerre à la Russie qui combattait déjà aux côtés de la France.
"'D'après de nombreuses informations dignes de foi, l'Autriche a envoyé des troupes sur la frontière allemande, dans des conditions qui constituent une menace directe à l'égard de la France.
"'En présence de cet ensemble de faits, le Gouvernement français se voit obligeé de déclarer au Gouvernement austro-hongrois qu'il va prendre toutes les mesures qui lui permettront de répondre à ces actes et à ces menaces.'
“In communicating this Declaration accordingly to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, His Majesty's Government have declared to His Excellency that the rupture with France having been brought about in this way, they feel themselves obliged to announce that a state of war exists between Great Britain and Austria-Hungary as from midnight."
On August 15 Japan, acting with the advice and consent of Great Britain, sent an ultimatum to Germany demanding the immediate withdrawal of German warships from the Orient and the surrender to Japan of the leased territory of Kiauchau.
THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY.—The treaty under which Japan comes into the affair and makes the conflict truly a world's war follows:
Agreement of Alliance Between the United Kingdom of Japan, Signed at
London, July 13, 1911
PREAMBLE
The Government of Great Britain and the Government of Japan, having in view the important changes which have taken place in the situation since the conclusion of the Anglo-Japanese agreement of the twelfth of August, 1905, and believing that a revision of that agreement responding to such changes would contribute to general stability and repose, have agreed upon the following stipulations to replace the agreement above mentioned, such stipulations having the same object as the said agreement, namely:
(a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and India.
(b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations in China.
(c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the contracting parties in the regions of Eastern Asia and India, and the defence of their special interests in the said regions.
Article I. It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, any of the rights and interests referred to in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly and will consider in common the measures which should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.
Article 2. If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action, wherever arising on the part of any power or powers, either high contracting party should be involved in war in defence of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in the preamble of this agreement, the other high contracting party will at once come to the assistance of its ally, and will conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement with it.
Article 3. The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another power to the prejudice of the objects described in the preamble of this agreement.
Article 4. Should either high contracting party conclude a treaty of general arbitration with a third power, it is agreed that nothing in this agreement shall entail upon such contracting party an obligation to go to war with the power with whom such treaty of arbitration is in force.
Article 5. The condition under which armed assistance shall be afforded by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in the present agreement and the means by which such assistance is to be made available will be arranged by the naval and military authorities of the high contracting parties, who will from time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all questions of mutual interest.
Article 6. The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for 10 years from that date.
In case neither of the high contracting parties should have notified 12 months before the expiration of the said 10 years, the intention of terminating it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is concluded.
(Signed) E. GREY,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, etc.
TAKAAKI KATO,
Ambassador Extraordinary.
TOKYO, August 16.
The following is the text of the ultimatum:
"We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbance of the peace in the Far East and to safeguard general interests as contemplated in the agreement of alliance between Japan and Great Britain. In order to secure firm and enduring peace in Eastern Asia the establishment of which is the aim of the said agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believe it to be its duty to give advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:
“(1) To withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters the German men-of-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which cannot be withdrawn.
"(2) To deliver on a date not later than September 15 to the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiauchau with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China.
"The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that, in the event of its not receiving by noon of August 23 an answer from the Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will be compelled to take such action as it may deem necessary to meet the situation.”
ABOUT KIAUCHAU.—Kiauchau Bay, over which the Japanese have declared war on Germany, is a clamshell-shaped indentation on the south coast of Shantung. From Cape Yatou southward the high, black cliffs of the coast line become more jagged and irregular. A gap occurs in the hills. From the Yellow Sea the tide creeps through a tortuous passage into a land-locked bay extending inward about 50 miles. When the Germans first acquired Kiauchau it was said that they "secured 200 square miles of mud surrounding an equal area of silt laden water too shallow to use."
Established at Kiauchau the Germans labored hard to develop the harbor. They dredged and dredged and dredged. They cleaned out the channel so that the largest ships afloat could come into port at Tsingtau. They excavated at an expense exceeding $7,000,000 an outer and an inner harbor. They erected great granite piers, so arranged that ships alongside could receive cargo direct from railway trains. The docks and railway terminals at Tsingtau are models of convenience. Millions were spent to provide special facilities for ocean commerce. Some six miles back from the sea a typical German city was built. The scale on which things were done may be shown by the fact that the casino at Tsingtau cost more than $1,500,000. Included in the improvements undertaken is the extensive afforestation of the erstwhile treeless hills.
From an official point of view at Kiauchau commerce is a secondary consideration. First and foremost the intention is that Tsingtau shall be the Kaiser's stronghold in the Far East. From the beginning the Germans have been fortifying and building more fortifications. Utilizing every natural advantage, the Kaiser's engineers have done their utmost to provide defences for Kiauchau. No outsider knows how many big guns have been placed on the heights commanding the entrance to the bay. It is notable though that 12 forts have been erected for the protection of Tsingtau. The barracks built in 1905 provide quarters for 5000 men. The steel floating dock is capable of accommodating the largest dreadnought. In addition to the regular garrison of artillerymen and marines, some years ago the authorities at Kiauchau maintained two regiments of Chinese infantry recruited from the native population of the leased territory. Officered and trained by Germans, these Chinese made fairly good soldiers. The native reserves of the colony now number about 3000.
Exclusive of Chinese and not counting the crews of the warships in Kiauchau Bay, the Tsingtau garrison, strengthened by the German and the Austrian Legation guards withdrawn from Pekin, is about 8000 men. To this force may be added IocK3 reservists, for every able-bodied German civilian in the colony will be called upon to perform military duty.
In Kiauchau the German naval force consists of two armored cruisers, four light cruisers, seven gunboats and two destroyers. In the harbor at Tsingtau also are three Austrian warships, an armored cruiser, a light cruiser and a gunboat. Because of the configuration of the coast and the frequency of fogs blockading Kiauchau is likely to be a perilous, unsatisfactory undertaking.—Boston Herald.
On August 24, Germany having failed to reply within the time limit of the ultimatum, Japan proceeded to declare war and despatched forces for the blockade and capture of Kiauchau.
The following is the text of the Imperial Rescript declaring war on 'Germany:
"We, by the Grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, on the throne occupied by the same Dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make the following proclamation to all Our loyal and brave subjects:
"We, hereby, declare war against Germany and We command Our Army and Navy to carry on hostilities against that Empire with all their strength, and We also command all Our competent authorities to make every effort in pursuance of their respective duties to attain the national aim within the limit of the law of nations.
"Since the outbreak of the present war in Europe, the calamitous effect of which We view with grave concern, We, on our part, have entertained hopes of preserving the peace of the Far East by the maintenance of strict neutrality, but the action of Germany has at length compelled Great Britain, Our Ally, to open hostilities against that country, and Germany is at Kiauchau, its leased territory in China, bus), with warlike preparations, while her armed vessels, cruising the seas of Eastern Asia, are threatening Our commerce and that of our Ally. The peace of the Far East is thus in jeopardy.
"Accordingly, Our Government, and that of his Britannic Majesty, after a full and frank communication with each other, agreed to take such measures as may be necessary for the protection of the general interests contemplated in the Agreement of Alliance, and We on Our part, being desirous to attain that object by peaceful means, commanded Our Government to offer, with sincerity, an advice to the Imperial German Government. By the last day appointed for the purpose, however, Our Government failed to receive an answer accepting their advice.
"It is with profound regret that We, in spite of Our ardent devotion to the cause of peace, are thus compelled to declare war, especially at this early period of Our reign, and while we are still in mourning for Our lamented Mother.
"It is Our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valour of Our faithful subjects, peace may soon be restored and the glory of the Empire be enhanced.”
Danger to England and China seen in Japan's Action.—The London Daily News and Leader, in its issue of August 12, has an article anticipating aggressive action by Japan against Germany and characterizing it as a "danger to England and China."
After saying that the then possible, and now actual, Japanese movement against Kiauchow is looked upon in some quarters as a valuable assistance by Japan to her ally, Great Britain, the newspaper says that it is desirable to look further and ask, first, what right entitles, or what obligation compels, Japan to attack Kiauchow and, second, what are likely to be the consequences for both Great Britain and China if Japan establishes herself in Germany's place. Few powers, it is pointed out, have more reason to desire China's integrity and independence than Great Britain.
The writer points out that up to that time no attack has been made on British territory or shipping in the Far East,' and added that if the Germans were wise they would do nothing that would give Japan an excuse to intervene against them "with her overwhelming power, especially since they could in no case do serious injury to British interests in the Far East."
He adds that since it is England who is at war with Germany, it is England who ought to oust Germany from Kiauchow if any foreign power is to do it, and says that "Japan's assistance will be dearly bought, if, under the pretext of aid, which is not necessary, she seizes the important position to which, if Germany loses it and China does not recover it (as she ought), only England is entitled."
The writer concludes:
"From the time of her Chinese war in 1893-4 onward Japan has aimed at increasing her territorial interests in China. As a result of that war she secured Formosa; by defeating the Russians she secured Corea, the Port Arthur peninsula and southern Manchuria, thus threatening Pekin from the north. If now she obtains possession of Kiauchow she will Be in a much stronger position to act against Pekin both by land and sea.
"The interest of England is to keep China united, peaceful, undisturbed by foreign encroachments and open to the commerce of all nations on equal terms. We cannot say with any confidence that these are the objects of the policy of the Japanese Government, and it is quite certain that they would not be served by the Japanese occupation of Kiauchow."
(To be continued.)
NAVAL DEVELOPMENTS
Naval developments in the following strategic areas will be considered separately and in turn:
1. NORTH AND BALTIC SEAS.
2. MEDITERRANEAN AND BLACK SEAS. .
3. THE FAR EAST.
4. THE PACIFIC.
5. THE ATLANTIC.
THE FLEETS OF THE NAVAL POWERS.—In the comparative tables (see page 1562) of the British, friendly and enemy ships of war, only vessels in commission are taken into account, or those which are very near completion, such as in the case of England, the battleships Emperor of India (Vickers, Ltd.), Benbow (Beardmore & Co.), and the battle cruiser Tiger (John Brown & Co.). To the British total is also added the two Turkish battleships, Sultan Osman I (Armstrong, Whitworth & Co.) and Reshadieh (Vickers, Ltd.), taken over by the British Government and renamed Agincourt and Erin respectively. It is interesting to note here that the Agincourt was originally laid down to the order of Brazil and bore the name Rio de Janeiro, but was bought by the Turks while under construction. Two scout destroyers, built for the Chilian Government by Messrs. J. Samuel White & Co., have also been taken over by England and named Faulkner and Broke. These are also included in the tables to the credit of the British ships. The Faulkner and Broke are the heaviest destroyers in the world. Australian, New Zealand and Canadian ships are included under British.—Marine Engineer and Naval Architect.
ESTIMATE OF AIR NAVIES.—Five thousand military aeroplanes and one hundred and nine military dirigibles, many armored and equipped with aerial guns, bomb-dropping and other death-dealing devices, are distributed among the belligerent nations of Europe, according to the estimate of Henry Woodhouse in an article in Flying. The progress of aerial development has been carefully hidden by the different nations, and the only official reports published are of the year 1912. But from reliable official but unpublished reports and knowledge of conditions and aeronautical plans of the nations, this writer believes the strength of the nations in aircraft may be estimated as follows:
France: Aeroplanes, 1200 military, 500 added since by acquisition of private machines and output of factories. Dirigibles, 12 of close to 400 feet in length; 14 of less than 300 feet in length; five privately owned, or 31 altogether.
Germany: Aeroplanes, 600 military, 400 added since by acquisition and output of factories. Dirigibles, 12 Zeppelins of from 350 to 490 feet long; 23 dirigibles of other types, including those privately owned.
Russia: Aeroplanes, 800 military, 150 added since. Dirigibles, 16 of different types, but mostly under 250 feet in length.
England: 200 seaplanes; 300 army aeroplanes; 300 added since. Dirigibles, 15, mostly new, up-to-date machines acquired in the past twelve months.
(Full-page chart not replicated here.)
Austria: Aeroplanes, 350, of which all but 100 have been acquired since the beginning of hostilities. Dirigibles, 10, mostly under 300 feet in length.
Belgium: Aeroplanes, 40, and 40 acquired since the beginning of hostilities. Dirigibles, two, one medium size, and one small.
Servia: Aeroplanes, 40; dirigibles, none.
ORGANIZATION OF BRITISH FLEET
HOME WATERS
A. First Fleet (except 4th Cruiser Squadron).
(1) First Battle Squadron.
8 dreadnoughts.
1 carries 10 13.5-in. guns.
7 carry to 12-in. guns.
(2) Second Battle Squadron.
8 dreadnoughts.
All carry 13.5-in. guns.
(3) Third Battle Squadron.
8 pre-dreadnoughts.
King Edward type, carrying 4 12-in guns.
(4) Fourth Battle Squadron.
3 dreadnoughts.
Carrying 12-in. guns.
1 pre-dreadnought.
(5) First Battle Cruiser Squadron.
4 battle cruisers.
(6) Second Cruiser Squadron.
4 armored cruisers.
(7) Third Cruiser Squadron.
4 armored cruisers.
(8) First Light Cruiser Squadron.
4 light cruisers.
B. Second Fleet.
(1) Fifth Battle Squadron.
(Composed of pre-dreadnoughts, Bulwark type.)
(2) Sixth Battle Squadron.
(Composed of pre-dreadnoughts, Duncan type.)
(3) Fifth Cruiser Squadron.
(Composed of County class.)
(4) Sixth Cruiser Squadron.
(Composed of Drake class.)
C. Third Fleet.
(1) Seventh Battle Squadron.
(Composed of pre-dreadnoughts, Majestic type).
(2) Eighth Battle Squadron.
(3) Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth Cruiser.
Squadrons.
(Composed of cruisers of all sorts.)
D. Mediterranean Fleet.
(1) Second Battle Cruiser Squadron.
3 battle cruisers.
(2) First Cruiser Squadron.
4 armored cruisers.
(3) Second Light Cruiser Squadron.
4 light cruisers.
ORGANIZATION OF GERMAN FLEET
GERMAN HIGH SEA FLEET
PERMANENTLY IN FULL COMMISSION
Fleet Flagship: Friedrich der Grosse (Dreadnought)
First Second Third
Squadron Squadron Squadron
(Eight Dreadnoughts) (Eight Pre-Dreadnoughts) (Four Dreadnoughts)
(Wilhelmshaven) (Kiel) (Kiel)
Ostfriesland. Preussen. Kaiser.
Thuringen. Schleswig-Holstein. Kaiserin.
Helgoland. Pommern. König Albert.
Oldenburg. Hannover. Prinzregent Luitpold.
Nassau. Hessen.
Rheinland. Schlesien.
Posen. Lothringen.
Westfalen. Deutschland.
Total.—21 battleships, including 13 dreadnoughts.
CRUISER SQUADRON
(Wilhelmshaven)
Four Battle Cruisers Eight Light Cruisers
Seydlitz. Eight vessels, Rostock, Magdeburg,
*Goeben. and Kolberg types.
Von der Tann.
Moltke.
Total.—42 cruisers, including four dreadnoughts
DESTROYER FLOTILLAS
Seven flotillas each of II destroyers, fully manned.
First.—555 tons, 32½ knots.
Second.—555 tons, 32½ knots.
Third.—640 tons, 32½knots.
Fourth.-640 tons, 32½knots.
Fifth.—616 tons; 30 knots.
Sixth.—670 tons, 30 knots.
Seventh.—530 tons, 30 knots.
Total.—77 vessels, with seven (one for each flotilla) in reserve.
SUBMARINE FLOTILLAS
Three flotillas each of seven submarines, fully manned.
First.—800 tons; three tubes; 17 knots.
Second.—295 tons; two tubes; 12 knots.
Third.—240 tons; two tubes; 12 knots.
Total.-21 vessels, or three-fourths of completed submarines.
RESERVE FLEET
(ONE QUARTER PERMANENTLY IN FULL COMMISSION)
Fourth Squadron Fifth Squadron
†Elsass. Wettin.
†Braunschweig. Kaiser Barbarossa.
†Wittelsbach. Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse.
†Zühringen. Kaiser Wilhelm II.
±Schwaben. Kaiser Friedrich III.
Mecklenburg.
Total.—Twelve pre-dreadnought battleships.
Two other battleships (1891) and eight small coast defence battleships are still on the list.
* Mediterranean.
† In full commission. ± Gunnery and torpedo training ships.
CRUISER SQUADRON
Six Armored Cruisers About 16 Light Cruisers
±Blucher. Konigsberg, Hamburg, and smaller
Yorck. types.
Roon.
±Friedrich Carl.
±Prinz Adalbert.
±Prinz Heinrich.
TORPEDO FLOTILLA
About 48 destroyers and 48 torpedo boats.
TRAINING SQUADRON
Light cruisers Freya, Hansa, Hertha and Victoria Luise.
ORDNANCE
The heaviest caliber of gun mounted in the German Navy at present is the 12-in., which is carried only in nine battleships, the fleet flagship, the first four ships of the first squadron, and the four of the third squadron. For the rest of the fully-commissioned battleships and battle cruisers the 11-in. gun is the main piece, but the oldest battleships in the reserve have only the 9.4-in. gun.
NORTH AND BALTIC SEAS
BRITISH SHIPS IN HOME WATERS
13 super-dreadnought battleships. 22 light cruisers.
(3 were due for completion 44 protected cruisers.
this year and are probably 198 destroyers.
now in commission.) 89 torpedo-boats.
11 dreadnought battleships. 72 submarines.
7 dreadnought battle cruisers. 7 mine layers.
38 pre-dreadnought battleships. 3 repair ships.
30 armored cruisers.
GERMAN SHIPS IN HOME WATERS
16 dreadnoughts. 33 light cruisers.
4 battle cruisers. 151 destroyers.
24 pre-dreadnoughts. 47 torpedo-boats.
9 armored cruisers. 38 submarines.
± Gunnery and torpedo training ships.
The following ships are sufficiently advanced to be made ready for service at short notice: Battleships König, Grosser Kurfürst, and Markgraf; battle cruiser Derfflinger.
In torpedo craft, both destroyers and submarines, Germany will probably be able to strengthen her fleet materially and rapidly. There were in hand at least a score of destroyers and the same number of submarines when war broke out, a large number of which may have since been completed. If it has been determined to concentrate the energies of the German yards upon torpedo-craft construction, as may well be the case, the output monthly may be considerable. There are four yards in Germany which have been practised in the building of torpedo vessels, and before the war the period of construction at these yards was on an average from 10 to 18 months. As they built for foreign governments as well, their full capacity is probably three or four times the 12 destroyers and six submarines provided for annually under the German Navy Law. Yards which have not been mainly employed in torpedo-craft construction can in an emergency undertake such work, and no doubt if it is considered desirable at least 12 yards in Germany may at the present time be engaged in this branch of naval construction.
RUSSIAN SHIPS IN BALTIC WATERS
4 pre-dreadnought battleships. 80 destroyers.
14 armored and protected cruisers. 24 submarines.
2 light cruisers.
RUSSO-GERMAN BALTIC MOVEMENTS.—German ships have been engaged in firing practice almost daily off Memel and Libau, and it is thought that the vessels concerned are those of the Reserve Squadron, based upon Danzig and Königsberg. The Daily Mail correspondent at Copenhagen, on August 6, gave the strength of this force at 20 Vessels, which he said were off Gothland, between Sweden and Russia. Four German destroyers were also reported off Hammerfest, apparently bound for the White Sea. Reuter's correspondent at Copenhagen stated that on the afternoon of August 5 three German submarines were sighted at the southern outlet of the sound. They appear to have taken up their position there as a sort of advance guard. Meanwhile, the Russian fleet in the Baltic is practically secure from attack in its strong position behind the fortifications of Sveaborg, in the Gulf of Finland. It is stated to have repulsed a renewed attack by vessels of the German squadrons in the Baltic, but of this there is no confirmation at present, nor of the report that a Russian torpedo-boat has sunk the German light cruiser Augsburg, which bombarded Libau on August 2.
DESTRUCTION OF LIGHT CRUISER "MAGDEBURG."—The German official account stated that on August 27 the light cruiser Magdeburg ran ashore in a fog on the Island of Odensholm, at the entrance of the Gulf of Finland. Owing to the thick weather the other German warships in the vicinity were unable to render assistance. All efforts to refloat the vessel having failed, the captain decided to sacrifice her, as a superior Russian naval force was preparing to attack. Under heavy fire from the Russian fleet the majority of the cruiser's crew was saved by torpedo-boat V 26. Seventeen men were killed and 21 wounded. Eighty-five are missing, including the captain. The Magdeburg was blown up.
SUBMARINE MINES LAID.—The Board of Trade has issued the following notices:
"With regard to the navigation of the Sound, Copenhagen, submarine mines are laid at the entrances of the Konge Deep, the Hollander Deep, and the Drogden Channel. The passage is temporarily limited to the Flint Channel. A pilot is compulsory at Copenhagen.
"Mines have been laid at the following places on the German coast: (1) Round Heligoland; (2) Cuxhaven; (3) at the mouths of Weser, Jahde, and Elbe, and at Borkum; and lightships on German North Sea coast have been brought into port.
"Preparations have been made to close the main entrance to the harbor at Algiers, and the Agha entrance has already been closed. Foreign ships have been advised to leave Algiers harbor immediately, otherwise they might be delayed indefinitely.”
NORTH SEA
GERMAN MINELAYER SUNK.—From such information as has been published in regard to the sinking of the German minelayer Königin Luise, the operation seems to have been smartly executed by the third destroyer flotilla. The minelayer was a passenger vessel of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, of 2163 gross tonnage and a speed of twenty knots, specially fitted for minelaying. She had probably laid a line of mines from Aldeburgh Ridge to lat. 52.10 deg. north, long. 2.25 deg. east. On her being sighted some sixty miles off the Suffolk coast, the light cruiser Amphion, Capt. C. H. Fox, and the destroyers of the L class in the third flotilla gave chase. One account mentions that the minelayer was chased for some thirty miles before being overtaken. It was at noon on Wednesday, August 5, when she was sunk, about forty miles from Antwerp. Very few shots sufficed to send her to the bottom, and the marksmanship was most accurate. From one destroyer four shots were fired, of which the first blew the bridge away, the second struck home in the bows, and another tore off the propeller. The destroyer Lance, which was only delivered to the navy by Thornycroft's on the Saturday previously, was instrumental in completing the destruction of the minelayer, while the Lark and Linnet are said to have opened the firing. The German fire is described as having been quite ineffective. In any case, there were no British casualties on account of the action. On the night of August 5, destroyers brought to Harwich 28 wounded German seamen, four of whom died and were buried at Shotley Churchyard.
"AMPHION" SUNK.—The following official account of the sinking of H. M. S. Amphion was issued by the Government Press Bureau.
At 9 a. m., on August 5, H. M. S. Amphion with the third flotilla proceeded to carry out a certain prearranged plan of search, and about an hour later a trawler informed them that she had seen a suspicious ship "throwing things overboard" in an indicated position.
Shortly afterwards the minelayer Köningen Luise was sighted steering east. Four destroyers gave chase, and in about an hour's time she was rounded up and sunk.
After picking up the survivors the prearranged plan of search was carried out without incident until 3.30 a. m., when as the Amphion was on the return course nearing the scene of the Köningen Luise's operations, the course was altered so as to avoid the danger zone. This was successfully done until 6.30 a. m., when the Amphion struck a mine.
A sheet of flame instantly enveloped the bridge, rendered the captain insensible, and he fell onto the fore and aft bridge. As soon as he recovered consciousness he ran to the engine-room to stop the engines, which were still going at revolutions for 20 knots. As all the fore part was on fire, it proved impossible to reach the bridge or to flood the fore magazine. The ship's back appeared to be broken, and she was already settling down by the bows. All efforts were therefore directed towards placing the wounded in a place of safety in case of explosion, and towards getting her in tow by the stern.
By the time the destroyers closed it was clearly time to abandon the ship. The men fell in for this purpose with the same composure that had marked their behavior throughout. All was done without hurry or confusion, and twenty minutes after the mine was struck the men, officers, and captain left the ship.
Three minutes after the captain left his ship another explosion occurred, which enveloped and blew up the whole fore part of the vessel. The effects showed that she must have struck a second mine, which exploded the fore magazine. Debris falling from a great height struck the rescue boats and destroyers, and one of the Amphion's shells burst on the deck of one of the latter, killing two men and a German prisoner rescued from the cruiser.
The after part now began to settle quickly until its foremost part was on the bottom and the whole after part tilted up at an angle of 45 degrees. In another quarter of an hour this, too, had disappeared.
Captain Fox speaks in high terms of the behavior of the officers and men throughout. Every order was promptly obeyed without confusion or perturbation.
GERMAN SUBMARINE SUNK.--It was officially announced August 10 that one of the cruiser squadrons of the main British fleet had been attacked on the previous day by submarines. None of the cruisers were damaged, but one of the enemy's submarines, U 15, was sunk. From a subsequent announcement it became known that it was the first light cruiser squadron, Commodore W. E. Goodenough, which was involved, as the vessel which sunk the submarine was the light cruiser Birmingham, Captain A. A. M. Duff. The lost vessel was not of the latest 800-ton type, which began with U 21, but she was of about 300 tons displacement, with a crew of about 12 officers and men, and was therefore similar to the C class in the British Navy. It was not stated whether she was sunk by gun fire or by being rammed by the Birmingham. In either case she must have approached pretty close to the ship, but it was significant that she inflicted no damage from any one of her three torpedo tubes. She was built at Danzig in 1912, and had heavy oil engines of the Diesel type of 450 horse-power for surface propulsion, and electric motors of 150 horse-power for submerged running. Her speed on the surface was about 13 knots, and below, 8½knots. This was the first recorded encounter between a large ship and a modern submarine in actual warfare.
The Scotsman prints the following account from a correspondent of the action which resulted in the loss to the Germans of submarine U 15.
It is a story of fine seamanship and brilliant gunnery. It is known generally that a cruiser squadron of the British fleet was attacked by a German submarine flotilla, and that the squadron sustained no loss, whilst destroying one of the enemy.
The Submarine Attack.—As stated, the action occurred on Sunday. On that day the cruiser squadron, occupying its allotted place in the present naval dispositions, became aware of the approach of a submarine flotilla. The enemy approached submerged, only the periscopes showing above the surface of the water. The exact number of the attacking flotilla was noted, but need not be stated. The attitude of the squadron in face of the approach of "the deadliest of the things that keep the sea" was coolly deceptive. There seems no doubt that the Germans were utterly misled. The tactics followed will not be described, though they were, of course, seen by the enemy's flotilla.
Then came a change. The nearest submarine was showing her periscope at a distance just within the danger zone, when the cruiser Birmingham, steaming at full speed, fired the first shot. The shot was not meant for the sunken body of the submarine beneath its deep cushion of the protecting waves. It was aimed at the thin line of the periscope, which ripped the surface, and the gunnery was splendid, shattering the periscope.
Sightless Vessel.—The periscope was shattered, and the submarine, now a blinded thing, rushing under water in immediate danger of self-destruction from collision with one of the cruisers ploughing above, was in a serious plight. Her consorts recognized their danger and made off, but the sightless submarine, in the circumstances in which the action was being fought, was bound to come up to the surface.
The cruiser had not long to wait for her reappearance. As the dark mass of the conning-tower of the enemy showed on the surface the guns of the Birmingham covered it, and in a moment the second shot of the fight was fired.
There was just time for the observers to see the distinguishing number and letter of the doomed vessel ere a shot, striking the base of the conning-tower just where it was awash, ripped the whole upper structure clean out of the submarine, and she sank like a stone, instantaneously.
THE HELIGOLAND ENGAGEMENT.—The Press Bureau issued the following account of the engagement in the North Sea:
In the action of August 28, off Heligoland, the light armored cruiser Arethusa, and not the Amethyst, as previously stated, played the principal part. This vessel, which is the first of the 20 built under the present Board of Admiralty, carried the broad pennant of Commodore Tyrwhitt, commanding the flotillas of the first fleet.
The principle of the operation was a scooping movement by a strong force of destroyers headed by the Arethusa to cut the German light craft from home and engage them at leisure in the open sea. The Arethusa, leading the line of destroyers, was first attacked by two German cruisers and was sharply engaged for 35 minutes at a range of about 3000 yards, with the result that she sustained some damage and casualties, but drove off the two German cruisers, one of which she seriously injured with her 6-inch guns.
Later in the morning she engaged at intervals two other German vessels, which were encountered in the confused fighting which followed, and, in company with the Fearless and the light cruiser squadron, contributed to the sinking of the cruiser Mainz.
The Arethusa's Qualities.—In these encounters the Arethusa's speed was reduced to 10 knots, and many of her guns were disabled, and at 1 o'clock she was about to be attacked by two other cruisers of the German Town class when the battle cruiser squadron most opportunely arrived and pursued and sank these new antagonists. The armored protection, speed, and fighting qualities of the Arethusa class have now been vindicated, and this is satisfactory in view of the fact that a large number of these valuable and unique vessels will join the fleet in the next few months.
It must be remembered that the Arethusa had only been commissioned a few days before as an emergency ship and that the officers and crew were new to each other and to her. In these circumstances the series of actions which they fought during the morning is extremely creditable and adds another page to the annals of a famous ship.
Although only two of the enemy's destroyers were actually observed to sink, most of the 18 or 20 boats rounded up and attacked were well punished and only saved themselves by scattered flight. The superior gun-power and strength of the British destroyers ship for ship was conclusively demonstrated. The destroyers themselves did not hesitate to engage the enemy's cruisers both with guns and torpedoes with hardihood, and two of them—the Laurel and Liberty—got knocked about in the process.
Intercepted German signals and other information from German sources confirm the report of Rear Admiral Beatty as to the sinking of the third German cruiser, which now appears to have been the Ariadne. The British destroyers exposed themselves to considerable risk in endeavoring to save as many as possible of the drowning German sailors.
The destroyer Defender was actually picking up wounded with her boats when she was driven off by the approach of another German cruiser and had to leave two of her boats, containing one officer and nine men, behind. It was feared that these had been made prisoners, but happily submarine E 4 arrived and brought the British party home. As it was not possible to accommodate the 30 Germans in the submarine, they were allowed to return to Germany in the boat under the charge of an ober lieutenant, who was wounded.
The German Loss.—The complements of the five German vessels known to have been sunk aggregated about 1200 officers and men, all of whom, with the exception of these 30 and about 300 wounded and unwounded prisoners, perished. Besides this there is the loss, which must have been severe, on board the German torpedo-boats and other cruisers which did not sink during the action.
The total British casualties amounted to 69 killed and wounded, among whom must, however, be included killed two officers of exceptional merit—Lieutenant Commander Nigel K. W. Bartellot and Lieutenant Eric W. P. Westmacott. All the British ships will be fit for service in a week or ten days.
The success of this operation was due in the first instance to the information brought to the Admiralty by the submarine officers, who have during the past three weeks showed extraordinary daring and enterprise in penetrating the enemy's waters.—Admiralty.
GERMAN ADMISSION OF DEFEAT
COPENHAGEN, August 29.
A semi-official telegram from Berlin says:
Yesterday morning in rather foggy weather several small British cruisers and two flotillas of torpedo-boats, nearly 40 in number, appeared in a German bay of the North Sea to the northwest of Heligoland. Desperate isolated fights occurred between them and our light forces.
The small German cruisers went in a westerly direction and, in consequence of the short distance, came into contact with several strong cruisers. Thus the German cruiser Ariadne was hit by shots from two large cruisers of the Lion class, and sank after a glorious fight. Most of the crew of 250 men were saved.
The torpedo-boat Y 187 was bombarded by a small cruiser and 10 torpedo-boats, and sank after continuing to fire until the last moment, and the commander of the squadron was killed.
The small cruisers Koln and Mainz are missing, and, according to telegrams from England, they were sunk after a fight with a superior force of the enemy. Of their crews eight officers and 91 men appear to have been saved by the British ships.—Reuter.
A German wireless message received by the Marconi Company, dated Berlin, August 30, says:
The naval engagement near Heligoland is treated by the press as without significance and as one which cannot affect the general situation. Fighting took place apparently within range of the Heligoland forts, which were unable to use their guns owing to the thick weather.
Account of the Action.—The Liberty had the misfortune to be hit by a shell which shattered her mast, tore away part of her bridge first of all, and then smashed her searchlight, and killed her gallant captain, Lieutenant Commander Nigel K. W. Bartellot, and William Butcher, his signaller, who was standing by him on the bridge. Death was instantaneous.
German shot did some damage to the engine room of the Arethusa. A shell exploded on the superstructure of the Arethusa, killing several on duty there. Lieutenant Westmacott was killed outright, a portion of the shell piercing his heart.
The Laertes was hit; her midship funnel was holed; her forward gun was damaged, and she had a shell in her dynamo room, and a shot aft which wrecked the vessel's cabin.
DESULTORY FIGHTING.—Conditions Existing On August 21.—On August 19 the Press Bureau issued the following statement: "Some desultory fighting has taken place during the day between the British patrolling squadron and flotillas and German reconnoitering cruisers. No losses are reported or claimed. A certain liveliness is apparent in the southern area of the North Sea." A reassuring statement was made by the Daily Chronicle's correspondent in Hull to the effect that the mine-sweeping fleet of trawlers had almost cleared the areas of the North Sea that were strewn with mines by the Germans. Meanwhile, trading and passenger steamers have been resuming their regular sailings. Cargoes of foodstuffs have been arriving at several east coast ports both in England and Scotland. As the Times naval correspondent remarks, "British fishing boats are putting out, coastwise traffic has been resumed, mail and passenger boats are running to and fro between Britain and Northern Europe, and a Norwegian bark, the Ingrid, is said to have arrived at Dover on August 13 from the Baltic, having crossed the waterway without seeing any signs of war."
OFFICIAL WARNING.—The following statement was issued by the Press Bureau on August 23:
The Admiralty wish to draw attention to their previous warnings to neutrals of the danger of traversing the North Sea. The Germans are continuing their practice of laying mines indiscriminately upon the ordinary trade routes. These mines are not laid in connection with any definite military scheme, such as the closing of a military port, or as a distinct operation against a fighting fleet, but appear to be scattered on the chance of catching individual British war or merchant vessels. In consequence of this policy neutral ships, no matter what their destination, are exposed to the gravest dangers. Two Danish vessels, the steamship Maryland and the steamship Broberg, have, within the last twenty-four hours, been destroyed by these deadly engines in the North Sea while traveling on the ordinary routes at a considerable distance from the British coast. In addition to this, it is reported that two Dutch steamers, clearing from Swedish ports, were yesterday blown up by mines in the Baltic. In these circumstances the Admiralty desire to impress not only upon British but on neutral shipping the vital importance of touching at British ports before entering the North Sea in order to ascertain, according to the latest information, the routes and channels which the Admiralty are keeping swept, and along which those dangers to neutrals are reduced so far as possible.
WASHINGTON, AUGUST 30.—The British Embassy has received the following from the Foreign Office in London and has communicated a copy of it to the State Department:
"His Majesty's Government has learned that on or about August 26 an Iceland trawler is reported to have struck a mine 25 miles off the Tyne and sunk, and at least one foreign newspaper has stated that the mine was English. Although the German action in laying mines has forced the Admiralty to reserve to itself the right to do likewise, the statement already made by His Majesty's Government that no British mines have been laid remains absolutely true at this moment.
"The mines off the Tyne were laid thirty miles to seaward, not as a part of any definite military operation, nor by German ships of war but by German trawlers, of which a considerable number appear to have been engaged on this work; one having actually been seen doing this was A. E. 24 Emden. It would be well if the conduct of those who ordered her to perform this act were carefully considered by neutral powers."
DANGER OF MINES.—The mines appear to be laid by all sorts of craft, such as pleasure steamers and fishing smacks, and the work is done principally at night. On August 27 the Press Bureau issued the following statement:
"Last (Wednesday) night the Skealli Sogeti, a small Danish ship, was blown up by a German mine on the trade route to Newcastle about thirty miles off the coast. Yesterday, at the same place, the Norwegian ship the Gottfried, the Ena, of Svendvord, and two British trawlers were also destroyed. The total loss of life amongst the neutral cannot yet be fully estimated, but in the two British trawlers five men were killed and eleven injured. The crew of the Etta were saved by a British torpedo-boat."
On or about August 26, says the bureau, an Iceland trawler is reported to have struck a mine 25 miles off the Tyne and sunk.
MINES SINK TWO VESSELS.—Thirteen survivors of a Danish trawler which was sunk by striking a floating mine in the North Sea, have been landed at Shields. Four of the crew of the trawler lost their lives. The fisherman was on her way to Iceland when, at 10 o'clock on the night of August 19, those on board felt a terrific explosion. Flames shot up around the bow of the vessel and she began to sink rapidly. A small boat was launched, but the vessel foundered before four men in the forecastle could be reached.
Describing his experiences, the chief officer, who was on watch, said the concussion hurled him against the wheelhouse with great violence. He was successful in getting two injured men out of the forecastle, but four others must have been killed as they slept.
The captain of the trawler and three others were picked up from floating wreckage and brought into Shields by the fishing boat Norden. Officers of the latter say they were alarmed all through the night by distant explosions which followed each other at intervals from 9 p. m., to 4 a. m. At about 6 o'clock in the morning the lookout on the Norden sighted a man floating on a plank. He was picked up, and declared that the Gottfried had been blown up three hours earlier and had gone down immediately, with eight members of her crew. The dead men had been literally blown to pieces. Later the captain of the Gottfried was found floating in a lifebelt, and two others of her complement were rescued from floating wreckage.
The Norwegian steamer Gottfried was built at Stockholm in 1899, had a gross tonnage of 425 and was 140 feet long. She was owned in Haugesund, Norway.—Boston Transcript.
MINE SINKS TRAWLER.—A German trawler, supposed to have been acting as a guard ship, has been sunk by a mine in the open sea southeast of Langeland.
A Danish schooner rescued ten men from the trawler, all of them injured by the explosion.
MEDITERRANEAN AND BLACK SEAS
The naval powers are represented in the Mediterranean as follows:
FRANCE
4 dreadnoughts. 84 destroyers.
18 pre-dreadnoughts. 153 torpedo-boats.
(All carry 12-inch guns.) (Most of these are small and
20 armored and protected cruisers. probably suitable only for
11 light cruisers. harbor defence work.)
(Several of these were abroad 70 submarines.
at the opening of the war.)
GREAT BRITAIN
3 battle cruisers. 6 submarines.
4 armored cruisers. (3 at Malta; 3 at Gibraltar.)
16 destroyers and depot ships. 16 torpedo-boats.
2 gunboats.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
3 dreadnoughts. 19 destroyers.
(Only the dreadnoughts and 3 11 submarines.
of the pre-dreadnoughts are 58 torpedo-boats.
armed with 12-inch guns. (These torpedo-boats are only
The others carry 9.4-inch weapons.) 200 tons or smaller; armed
12 pre-dreadnoughts. for the most part with 3-
2 armored cruisers. pounders.)
12 light cruisers.
(Including 3 nearing completion
at the outbreak of the war.)
GERMANY
1 battle cruiser (Goeben*). 1 light cruiser (Breslau*).
*Sold to Greece.
RUSSIA
6 pre-dreadnoughts. 16 torpedo-boats.
2 large cruisers. 5 submarines.
16 destroyers.
CHASE OF THE "GOEBEN."—The exploits of the battle cruiser Goeben and light cruiser Breslau provided some interesting items of naval news. Thanks to their slightly superior speed they were able to elude their pursuers on more than one occasion, and to constitute some menace to Mediterranean trade. After bombarding the Algerian coast, on the morning of August 4, the two cruisers proceeded toMessina, where their officers are alleged to have stated to a newspaper correspondent that the Goeben bombarded Philippeville and almost entirely destroyed it in an hour, while the Breslau sank some ships in Bona Harbor and bombarded the town. They were sighted by British ships, but turned east and took refuge in Messina, arriving on August 5. This being a neutral port, they were obliged to leave within 24 hours or be disarmed. They obtained what fuel they could from passing German steamers and from a local German firm, and left on Thursday evening, August 6, heading south. It was said that the admiral landed and entrusted his will and personal effects to friends, while his officers gave theirs to the German Consul, and as the ships left harbor the crews dressed ship and the bands played the German national anthem. The cruisers, however, succeeded in eluding the British ships watching for them in the Straits. Taking advantage, no doubt, of the dusk of evening, the Germans got away, and nothing more of a definite character was heard about them until, on August 11, they were reported to have taken refuge in the neutral Dardanelles. Apparently as an alternative to disarming, these ships were sold by Germany to Turkey. This transaction was without precedent and involved a question of international law.
Great Britain, France, and Russia sent a sharp demand to Turkey for the immediate repatriation of the officers and crews of the Goeben and Breslau. It is reported that Russia, claiming that Turkey had violated her neutrality, has made representations to the effect that unrestricted passage through the Dardanelles be granted to the Russian Black Sea fleet.
THE "GOEBEN" AND "BRESLAU."—According to the latest information the Goeben and Breslau arrived at Constantinople August 18, eight days after they first entered the Dardanelles. The Times correspondent at Constantinople states that they have received Ottoman officers and crews. The Goeben was reported by a Reuter telegram from Mitylene to have been seen in the Sea of Marmora on August 13, flying the German flag, and other reports show that the cruisers were not idle before their German crews left them. On August 11, the morning after they arrived in the Dardanelles, the German officers are stated by Reuter to have boarded several ships, including one English vessel, and to have given them peremptory orders not to move. They also went on board the French liner Saghalien, which has since arrived at Marseilles, and with a detachment of armed seamen smashed her wireless apparatus, carrying away the instruments. The vessel had 600 reservists on board. The Paris correspondent of Reuter's Agency telegraphed on August 17 that a message from Constantinople had been received expressing the regret of the Turkish Government at the treatment by the Goeben's crew of French vessels anchored in the Dardanelles.
One of the passengers in the French ship Saghalien gave a representative of the Matin an account of the difficulties encountered by the Saghalien in coming out of Turkish waters.
"As the Saghalien was preparing to leave the Dardanelles she saw her route was barred by the German cruisers Goeben and Breslau, which gave her to undertsand that at the least sign of an attempt to get away she would be sunk. The lieutenant of the Saghalien went to the governor and explained to him the heavy responsibility which he was incurring by the threat of the German ships. He also told the governor that he would not leave Turkish waters unless a Turkish tug took the Saghalien in tow, and she was convoyed by a Turkish torpedo-boat, which should keep constantly between the Saghalien and the German cruiser. The officer also insisted that the governor himself should go down the Dardanelles in the liner as a passenger, and remain on board until she was safe in the open sea. The governor agreed, and the next day the Saghalien left Turkish waters without the least attempt to interfere with her being made by the German cruisers."
The Turks have renamed the Goeben and Breslau the Sultan Yawuz Selim (Sultan Selim the Grim) and Midellu (Mitylene), respectively. A proportion of their late crews, to the number of 160, landed at Brindisi on August 23, says the Morning Post correspondent at Rome. They had traveled via Alexandria, and left immediately for Ala, a town in the Austrian Tyrol. The full complements of the vessels amounted to 1386 officers and men.
LOSS OF THE "ZENTA."—The Austrian cruiser Zenta was sunk on August 16. She had a crew of 302, including 17 officers, and 201 of these are reported to have been lost. The remaining 101 were picked up by Montenegrins and made prisoners of war, according to a telegram from Cettinje to the Stampa, quoted by the Central News representative at Rome. British ships are stated to have assisted in the action, according to an account from Valona given in the Corriere Della Tera, and it is also affirmed that the commander of the British flotilla handed over the prisoners to the local authorities, who sent them to Cettinje. A sister-ship, the Szigertvar, was seriously damaged during the sweep up the Adriatic of the Anglo-French fleet, while of two destroyers which were also in action, one was sunk, according to the Malta correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, and the other got to the lee of the crippled cruiser and eventually made off.
THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.--The command of the allied fleet in the Mediterranean and Adriatic has been for some days now in the hands of the French Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère. In announcing that this officer had assumed charge of the combined Anglo-French fleets, the Press Bureau added:
"As a consequence, Admiral Sir Berkeley Milne, Bart., who is senior to this officer, has given over the command of the Mediterranean fleet and returned home. The conduct and disposition of Admiral Sir Berkeley Milne in regard to the German vessels, Goeben and Breslau, has been the subject of the careful examination of the Board of Admiralty, with the result that their Lordships have approved the measures taken by him in all respects."
DARDANELLES MINED.—The Board of Trade on August 19 issued the following:
"Information has been received that a new field of mines has been laid in the Dardanelles in the zone formerly sown with mines of the observation type. It may be assumed that some of these latter had previously been removed. The new contact mines, to the number of 41, were laid in double line from Kephez to Suandere."
PORTS MINED.—The Board of Trade announced on August 23 that information has been received to the effect that the port of Bourgas is closed, that Varna can be entered in the daytime only, and that vessels must stop at the mouth of the Kamtchia and wait for a pilot.
LINER DESTROYED.—The first occurrence after war with Austria-Hungary was declared was the destruction by a mine of the Austrian-Lloyd steamer Baron Gautsch, which left Lussin-Grande, south of the Gulf of Quarnero, on August 14, for Trieste. The mine had evidently been laid by the Austrian warships. The Baron Gautsch was a triple-screw steamer of 2060 tons, fitted for oil fuel, and was built at Dundee by Gourlay Brothers in 1908. The Austrian-Lloyd Company has nearly 70 steamers, ranging in size from 8500 tons downward. Its headquarters are at Trieste, where it was officially stated that on board the wrecked steamer there were 246 passengers and 64 crew, altogether 310 persons, including many women, of whom 179 were rescued. The Austrian-Lloyd Company dispatched the steamer Graf Wurmbrand to Pola to bring the rescued to Trieste.
FAR EAST
Naval powers in the Far East are represented as follows:
GERMANY
Scharnhorst } armored cruisers. 4 other small vessels.
Gneisenau } 2 destroyers.
Emden—light cruiser. Last reported at Kiachau.
Iltis } (The armored cruisers have a speed
Jaguar } old cruisers. of 23 knots and the light cruiser
Luchs } from 23 to 25 knots.)
AUSTRIA
1 small cruiser—Kaiserin Elizabeth.
FRANCE
2 armored cruisers. 1 gunboat.
1 destroyer. 4 river gunboats.
GREAT BRITAIN
1 battleship. 10 river craft.
2 light cruisers. 6 sloops.
2 cruisers. Some other small craft.
8 destroyers. (The armored cruisers have a speed of
4 torpedo-boats. from 20 to 25 knots, and
3 submarines. the destroyers, 26 knots.)
JAPAN
2 dreadnoughts. 13 light cruisers.
13 pre-dreadnoughts. 52 destroyers.
2 battle cruisers. 27 torpedo-boats.
13 armored cruisers. 15 submarines.
(The battle cruisers Kongo and Hiyei are the heaviest vessels in the fleet as well as the fastest, in addition to being armed with eight 14-inch guns. The .armored cruisers are also heavily armed for their size, four carrying 12-inch guns. It is interesting to note that as many as 11 armored ships were built in Great Britain, including the battle cruiser Kongo.)
BRITISH DESTROYER SHELLED—A British destroyer, approaching too far in towards the forts at Tsingtau during the chase of a German destroyer, sustained a few casualties. The Press Bureau issued a notice stating that "the Commander-in-Chief in China reports (undated), that the destroyer Kennet while chasing a German destroyer, S 90, approached too close to the battery at Tsingtau (Kiao-Chau), and sustained the following casualties. It should be said that the Kennet was not materially damaged." The casualty list included three seamen killed, three severely wounded, and four slightly wounded, or a total of ten men affected out of her full crew of 70. The Kennet belongs to the River class, of which there were several in the China flotilla at the outbreak of war.
The Kennet is a tender to the battleship Triumph on the China station, and according to the August Navy List is commanded by Lieutenant Commander F. A. H. Russel.
The vessel was built at Messrs. Thornycroft's Works, where she was launched in 1903. She has a displacement of 640 tons, and her dimensions are: Length, 222 feet; beam, 23½feet; draft, 9 feet 6 inches. With an indicated horse-power of 7500, she attained a speed on trials of 25.99 knots. Her armament consists of four 12-pounders and two torpedo-tubes. She has a complement of 70 officers and men.
The German destroyer S 90 is one of a batch of 12 built in 1900 of 400 tons displacement, and 26 knots speed.
ALLIES FLOAT JAPAN'S FLAG.—The British, Russian and French embassies are flying the Japanese flag as symbolic of the alliance. Vice Admiral Tomosaburo Kato has been appointed commander-in-chief of the first squadron; Vice Admiral Sadakichi Kato, commander of the second squadron; and Rear Admiral Tsuchiya, commander of the third squadron.—Boston Transcript.
DECLARATION OF KIAUCHAU’S BLOCKADE.—The text of the Japanese Note declaring the Kiauchau blockade signed by Vice Admiral Kato, commander- in-chief of the second fleet, follows:
"I hereby declare that on this 27th day of August, 1914, the entire coast extending from 120 degrees 10 minutes E. and 35 degrees 54 minutes N. to 123 degrees 16 minutes E. and 36 degrees 7 minutes N. (the entire coast of the leased territory of Kiauchau) has been placed in a state of blockade by a competent force of His Imperial Japanese Majesty's ships under my command, and that the said blockade continues in force; and, further, that the neutral vessels in the zone of blockade are allowed 24 hours with which to withdraw from the said zone. Any vessel that attempts to violate the blockade will be dealt with in conformity to the law of nations and the respective treaties between the Empire of Japan and the neutral powers. Given on board His Imperial Majesty's ship Suo, this 27th of August, 1914."
KIAUCHAU GARRISON.—The entrance to Kiauchau Bay is about two miles wide, and is encircled by elevated ground rising to a height of some 600 feet. Sites were chosen for fortification, and a variety of defensive works had been completed and armed, but not, it is understood, to anything like the extent projected. Some German writers have asserted that the place is still insufficiently protected against a landward attack, and General von Bernhardi not long since urged a further expenditure of £5,000,000 to put the place in a thorough posture of defence. The peninsula, however, which forms the northern side of the bay is certainly defended on the land side. As to the strength of the garrison, this has been variously estimated at from 5000 to 7000 seamen and marines. These include at least four companies of seamen gunners, a similar number of marines, some cavalry and field gunners, and a company of sappers. The whole of the defences are under naval control, and the governor is a naval officer. It is likely that the garrison has been augmented, for from all parts of China Germans have been flying to Kiauchau for protection, and it must be that among them are many capable of bearing arms.
Since 1898 every effort has been made to fit Tsingtau as a complete naval base and repairing station for the German eastern squadron. The yard is completely equipped for carrying out large repairs, and although no vessel is known to have been put together at the port, there are facilities for the construction of small craft. The refit of any ship is quite within the province of the yard, and recently the Scharnhorst, a heavy armored cruiser, was repaired and reboilered there. Apparently at one time it was intended to send two of the older coast defence battleships of the Hagen class to Tsingtau, but this plan was never carried out, and except perhaps for the Emden and Kaiserin Elizabeth, there are only a few gunboats and one destroyer for the naval defence of the harbor. There are no submarines, but as at all other German ports, very efficient arrangements for mine defence have been made.
Although it may not be doubted that the place is prepared against a surprise, and that precautions have been taken to make it formidable against sea attack, there must always be a possibility of its reduction from the land side.
PACIFIC
GERMANY
Australia. West coast North America.
3 old cruisers. Nurnberg } light cruisers.
East Africa. Leipzig }
Konigsberg, light cruiser.
Mowe, old cruiser.
ENGLAND
East Indies. Royal Australian Navy.
1 battleship 1 battle cruiser.
2 light cruisers. 3 light cruisers.
Persian Gulf. 3 destroyers.
4 small craft. 2 submarines.
Cape of Good Hope. West coast Canada.
3 cruisers. 2 submarines.
1 gunboat. West coast of America.
New Zealand. 2 gunboats.
3 cruisers.
1 sloop.
FRANCE
1 despatch boat. 1 gunboat.
GERMANY'S OUTLYING POSSESSIONS.—The following is quoted from the London Times:
The plan of campaign in the Pacific no doubt includes the seizure of all the German possessions in those waters. But, in addition, it is essential that as soon as possible the wireless stations which the Germans possess in the Pacific should be wiped out or transferred to our hands. Besides German New Guinea, with a territory of about 70,000 square miles, there is the Bismark Archipelago, with another 20,000 square miles, some of the Solomon Islands, with 4000, the Caroline, Ladrone, and Pelew Islands, with 380, and the Marshall Islands, with about 160 square miles. The total white population of these islands is said not to exceed 1500 persons. Then further to the eastward are the Samoan Islands, with an area of about 1000 square miles and a white population of perhaps 500.
SAMOA OCCUPIED.—Through the Press Bureau the following announcement was made:
"The Secretary of State for the Colonies has received a telegram from the Governor of New Zealand stating that Apia, in German Samoa, surrendered at 10 a. m. on August 29 to an expeditionary force sent by the Government of New Zealand."
Samoa consists of an archipelago of 14 islands in the Pacific, eight of which belonged to Germany. Previously Great Britain, the United States, and Germany were interested in the government of the islands, but troubles were frequent, and in 1900 Great Britain withdrew her claims to any portion, receiving compensation from Germany by concessions in other parts of the world. Germany's former islands of Savaii and Upolu are the largest of the group, with a total area of 1000 square miles and a resident German population of 329. The other six islands are held by the United States.
The North German Lloyd steamer Princess Alice reached Cebu from Zamboanga August 26 with a huge hole in her stern, patched up with cement. The captain admits that after leaving Manila he tried to establish wireless connection with Yap, one of the Carolina islands, but found that the Yap station had been destroyed by the British. While speeding from Zamboanga he was chased by a British warship and barely reached port. He does not explain the damage to his vessel. The Princess Alice sailed from Hamburg June 25 for Yokohama, and arrived at Penang July 29.—Boston Transcript.
ATLANTIC
GERMANY
West Africa. West Indies.
Panther } old cruisers. Karlsruhe, light cruiser.
Eber } old cruisers. Dresden, light cruiser.
Strasburg, light cruiser.
GREAT BRITAIN
East coast of America. W. coast of Africa.
5 cruisers. 3 sloops.
Southeast Coast of America.
1 cruiser.
FRANCE.
2 cruisers.
KAISER WILHELM DER GROSSE CAPTURED.—In the House of Commons on August 27, Mr. Churchill said:
"The Admiralty have just received intelligence that the German armed merchant cruiser Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, of 14,000 tons, and armed, according to our information, with 10 guns of approximately 4-inch caliber, has been sunk by His Majesty's ship Highflyer off the Oro River on the West African coast. This is the vessel which has been endeavoring to arrest traffic between this country and the Cape, and is one of the very few German armed auxiliary cruisers which has succeeded in getting to sea. The survivors were landed before the vessel sunk. The Highflyer's casualties were one man killed and five slightly wounded, and the names have been given to the Press Bureau."
The following message has been sent to the cruiser Highflyer:
"Admiralty to Highflyer: Bravo! You have rendered a service not only to Britain but to the peaceful commerce of the world. The German officers and crew appear to have carried out their duties with humanity and restraint, and are therefore worthy of all seamanlike consideration."
The sunken German ship was built in 1897, and was employed in the Transatlantic service. She appears to have slipped away from Bremerhaven in the first week of the war. The Highflyer was employed before the war as a training ship for special entry cadets, but how many, if any, of them remained in her is not clear. Her commander is understood to be Captain H. T. Buller.
The Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse has held up several vessels on the Cape route. One of the most notable was the Union Castle liner Galician, which was discovered by the German vessel on August 15, off Ferro, Canary Islands. The Galician was stopped, inspected, had her wireless destroyed, her passengers and crew mustered, and two military men, Lieutenant Deane, of the East Lancashire Regiment, with a private of the Royal Garrison Artillery, removed as prisoners of war. Captain Day and the Galician's officers bear testimony to the courtesy with which the Germans carried out their task. They refused tobacco offered them unless it was paid for, saying, "We don't want it to be said that we robbed your ship," and when asked if the passengers were to be landed on one of the islands, they answered, "We are not barbarians." The Galician was made to alter course and follow the German vessel until 5 a. m. on the following morning, when she was informed that "on account of the women and children on board we will not destroy your vessel; you are released."
TRADE PROTECTION.—Such naval operations as have taken place in the Atlantic have been concerned with the capture of German merchantmen by British and French warships, and with the menace to British commerce from the German light cruisers and armed merchantmen in that ocean. The captures of the French and British vessels have been both numerous and varied. Coupled with the seizure of German merchant ships in our ports, they must have effected a considerable if not altogether an entire stoppage of Germany's seaborne trade. There are four German light cruisers in the Atlantic, the Dresden, Strassburg, Karlsruhe, and Königsberg. Although none of them has been captured, possibly because of the fact that the heavier and older British armored cruisers which are detached for duty in the Atlantic are slower than these fast but weakly-armed vessels, it does not appear that British commerce has suffered much, if at all, at their hands. They may have been principally occupied so far in dodging the British cruisers and seeking opportunities to replenish their bunkers. The Mauretania, when off Sable Island on the night of August 6, was. warned by the Essex, Captain H. D. R. Watson, to make for Halifax instead of New York, to which she was hound. She did so, and by extinguishing lights and blanketing her portholes reached Halifax safely next day. The Essex also escorted the liner Cedric to Halifax. Of the German liners converted into armed cruisers, the Kronprinz Wilhelm is stated to have left New York on August 5, nominally for Bremen, but without a single passenger. Her superstructure was painted the naval color, grey, and she had 6000 tons of coal on board, with provisions and sea stores. No doubt she has picked up, or endeavored to pick up, the German cruisers. The Hamburg-Amerika liner Blucher is probably one of the armed merchantmen in the South Atlantic. The light cruiser Bremen is reported to be in that region, and was reported on August 6 off the Brazilian coast, shepherded by the British light cruiser Glasgow, Captain John Luce, which has made many captures outside Brazilian waters.
SEIZURE OF TOGOLAND.—Although it was not effected by naval forces, the seizure of Togoland August 7 is of some consequence to the navy by reason of its facilities for wireless communication. It was officially stated on August 8 that, acting on instructions from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the British forces in the Gold Coast Colony seized the port of Lome, in German Togoland, on the West Coast of Africa. No resistance was offered, and South Togoland up to 120 kilometers north from the coast was simultaneously surrendered. Togoland is situate between the Gold Coast and Dahomey, the French Colony, and although the coast line is small the territory inland widens considerably, and the area exceeds 33,000 square miles. It had belonged to the German Empire for some 30 years. Lome, which was seized, is the chief port and capital of the colony. With the capture of Togoland, one of the largest wireless stations in the world has been acquired by Great Britain. It was here that, after long and costly experiments, the Telefunken Company established a station capable of communicating with Berlin, over 3000 miles away. Regular communication was to have been established by May last, and the station is understood to be practically if not entirely complete. A Central News telegram from Nairobi, British East Africa, on August 9 reported the destruction of the German wireless station at Dar-es-Salam, in German East Africa.
MISCELLANEOUS
The following message has been addressed by His Majesty the King to Admiral Sir John Jellicoe:
"At this grave moment in our national history I send to you, and through you to the officers and men of the fleets of which you have assumed command, the assurance of my confidence that under your direction they will revive and renew the old glories of the Royal Navy, and prove once again the sure shield of Britain and of her empire in the hour of trial."
“GEORGE R. I."
The above message has been communicated to the senior naval officers on all stations outside of home waters.—London Times.
THE CONTROL OF THE SEA
The magnitude of the land campaigns, with their terrible drains on national resources and strength, has the effect of obscuring in some measure the importance of sea power and its exercise in determining the progress and character of the war. The work of her navy has been of especial importance to England, and is recognized by comments quoted below from the British press. The four main achievements of the fleet are numbered and indicated as topic headings.
(1) DESTRUCTION OF ENEMY COMMERCE.—The striking fact to be realized is that British floating trade is proceeding nearly as usual by reason of British naval supremacy. The German commercial flag has been swept off the oceans, the ships which formerly sailed under it being captured by British or French cruisers or driven into neutral harbors. In this way is the silent and static force of sea power exercised. Germany cannot help but feel soon the enormous pressure which the loss of her seaborne commerce inflicts upon the life of her people.—Naval and Military Gazette.
(2) PROTECTION OF HOME COASTS AND COMMERCE.—"Thank God and the British Navy for my good dinner."
Every British child should be taught to say this grace. It would impress upon their minds an irrefutable fact. It would remind their parents that it is the British fleet which, under the good providence of God, stands between them and starvation. As things are, we owe it to the British seamen that we are a nation. So to the British seamen also we shall owe the continued existence of the empire.
And the security provided by the fleet has not only saved us from starvation. By the influence it has exerted it has also saved our national credit. This means that not only has it preserved us from ruin, but it has enabled us to help our allies with money and supplies, which we could not have done if our credit had failed.
All this the British fleet has already done for us by its toil, its sacrifice, and its endurance. There are vast stores of surplus provisions in the north of Russia which before the war found a market in Germany. Now we are the purchasers, and the fleet ensures them safe passage across the seas.
All the neutral powers, moreover, must benefit by the security which the British fleet affords upon the ocean highways, and this with scarcely the firing of a shot. The navy not only fills our provision shops with supplies from oversea for our consumption at prices which have made the pinch of war scarcely felt by many families more than as a temporary inconvenience. The effect it exerts, by what it has already done, permits the import of raw material needed for our manufactures. In this way it is a benefit to the cotton raisers in the Southern States, and to any neutral country which has products to be manufactured into goods in this country for the markets of the world.—London Times.
(3) SAFE TRANSPORT OF TROOPS AND SUPPLIES.—The safe conduct of the expeditionary force from this country to the Continent represented a triumph for sea power. As a contemporary has pointed out, "the landing of the expeditionary force on the Continent within a fortnight of the declaration of war is one of the most remarkable events in the history of the war." The testimony is not exaggerated. In the whole history of sea power this successful operation is perhaps the most striking example of the use of naval power that even our history has ever afforded. It used to be an axiom held sacred by most naval officers that no country should attempt to transport troops across the sea until the enemy's fleet had either been defeated or shut up in harbor. The British Navy had achieved neither of these two things when the transportation began. Nevertheless, the Admiralty accepted full responsibility, having full confidence in the influence of a fleet in being able to prevent interference. A mass of transport, as has always been held in these columns, is the most cumbrous and vulnerable engine of war in the face of a determined enemy possessing even inferior naval power. As the Manchester Guardian, in an admirable statement, has pointed out, "during the Russo-Japanese War a rumor reached Tokio that the Russian fleet had escaped from Port Arthur in a snowstorm, and transportation of troops was stopped in consequence for ten weeks. In the American War with Spain a similar report stopped the transportation of Shafter's Army from Key West to Santiago until it could be verified. Neither with the Japanese nor with the Americans was there any doubt of their ability to defeat the enemy's fleet. The bare suspicion that a few of the enemy's ships were at sea was enough to stop the whole work of transportation. It was not considered safe to send ships oversea until everyone of the enemy's ships had been accounted for.—Naval and Military Record.
(4) ACCOUNTING FOR THE ENEMY FLEET.—What is the work of the British Navy? Its task is simply defined. It is to account for the armed forces of its enemy at sea. It may account for them in various ways. They may be locked up in their own or neutral harbors and thus rendered incapable of action, or they may be found at sea and destroyed. The main fleets of the enemy have now had the choice of coming out and challenging battle, and as they have not accepted it they are as completely paralyzed for the time as if they had been beaten at sea. This is the work which the British Navy has done and is doing.—London Times.
CAPTURING MERCHANTMEN.—From all round the coasts of Great Britain, and from many of our possessions oversea, come reports of the enormous number of merchant ships of the enemy, which have been captured and interned. How complete this holding up of German floating trade has been may be judged from the fact that within 24 hours of the declaration of war, more than 20 merchantmen, representing some 40,000 tons of shipping, had been either captured by British and French warships or seized in British territorial waters. Among the more notable vessels detained are several big liners. Of the Hamburg-Amerika line, the Kronprinzessin Cecilie was seized at Falmouth, as was the Prinz Adalbert, while the Belgia, bound from Boston to Hamburg, with a large amount of specie, over £200,000 worth of food, and 73 German reservists, was captured off Ilfracombe and taken to Newport, Mon. Some of the North German Lloyd vessels are also included in the captures. The Schlesien, with a cargo of grain, was overhauled by the Vindictive and brought into Plymouth, while another ship of this line was reported to have been taken off Aldeburgh. But by far the larger proportion are less well known steamers carrying food and raw materials. The Diana, cruiser, took the German schooner Else, from Rio Grande, with a cargo of hides, and brought her to Falmouth. Another of our cruisers captured the Marie Gleset, a similar steamer, off the Isle of Man, and took her to the Clyde. Likewise the Grafton brought into the Clyde the German steamer Behrens, captured off the Mull of Galloway. The fishing lugger Berlin, of Emden, fell a prize to the battle cruiser Princess Royal, and was sent into Wick. An important seizure on August 6 was that of the steamer Kumeric at Queenstown with 49,000 qr. of wheat on board. Of course, the same thing is happening all over the world. The Glasgow reports having captured several German merchantmen outside Brazilian waters. The Sydney customs officers have been detaining all German ships there, as is being done at other Commonwealth ports. In the Mediterranean, the prizes include a Levant liner, captured by destroyers.—Army and Navy Gazette.
NAVAL RESERVES CALLED OUT.—The British Admiralty issued the following notice to the press calling out the reserves on mobilization:
The Admiralty have given orders that the following classes of Naval Reserves and Naval and Marine Pensioners shall be called into actual service:
Royal Fleet Reserve, Immediate Class.
Royal Fleet Reserve, Class A.
Royal Fleet Reserve, Class B.
Royal Naval Reserve, all classes (including Trawler Section)
Naval Pensioners.
Marine Pensioners.
Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve.
Notice is hereby given by their Lordships that all Naval and Marine Pensioners under the age of 55 and all men of the Royal Fleet Reserve and Royal Naval Reserve are to proceed forthwith to the ship or establishment already notified them, or, failing any previous orders, they are to report themselves in person immediately as shown below, viz.:
Naval and Marine Pensioners, including men of Class A, Royal Fleet Reserve,} to {Their Pensioner Center Officer.
Royal Fleet Reserve, Class B,} to {The Registrar at their Port of Enrollment.
Royal Fleet Reserve, Immediate Class,} to {In accordance with instructions already issued.
Royal Naval Reserve, All Classes,} to {The nearest Registrar of Naval Reserve (Superintendent of a Mercantile Marine Office.).
Men of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve are all to report themselves immediately to their Officer Instructor or Volunteer Mobilizing Officer irrespective of whether they have been previously appropriated or not. All men should, if possible, apear in uniform and bring with them their regulation kit, certificate book, or Service certificate, and in the case of pensioners, their pension identity certificate.
Men who, through absence at sea or for other unavoidable cause, are unable to join immediately are to report themselves as soon as possible. Reasonable travelling expenses will be allowed.
TURKISH AND CHILEAN VESSELS TAKEN OVER.—The Secretary of the Admiralty announces:
"His Majesty's Government have taken over the two battleships, one completed and the other shortly due for completion, which had been ordered in this country by the Turkish Government, and the two destroyer-leaders ordered by the Government of Chile.
"The two battleships will receive the names. Agincourt and Erin, and the destroyer-leaders will be called Faulkner and Broke, after two famous naval officers."—London Times.
NYASSA STEAMER SEIZED.—The far-reaching and world-wide effects of the war are strikingly illustrated by an official announcement issued by the Press Bureau. The Secretary of State for the Colonies has been informed by the Governor of Nyassaland that the Nyassaland Government armed steamer Guendolen completely surprised the German Government armed steamer Von Wissmann at Sphinx Haven, on the eastern shore of Lake Nyassa. The engines and guns were removed from the Von Wissmann, and the master engineer and mechanics taken prisoners. The Guendolen, which effected the capture, is a twin-screw steel gunboat of 350 tons, schooner-rigged, with a speed of 11 knots and an armament of four 6-pr. guns. She was built in Scotland by Messrs. Rennie in 1897, sent out to Africa in sections, and launched into Lake Nyassa in the following year. The Von Wissmann, or Hedwig von Wissmann, to give the vessel her full name, is a somewhat smaller lake gunboat, with a length of 125 feet, as compared to the 136 feet of the Guendolen.
SCORE TO SEPTEMBER 23 IN WAR'S NAVAL BATTLES: BRITISH LOSSES 9 SHIPS, GERMAN, 15.—The British Navy has lost three armored cruisers, three light cruisers and one torpedo gunboat so far in the present war. The German Navy has lost five light cruisers, three destroyers, a submarine and two converted merchant ships. In addition there was an unconfirmed report early in the war that two German cruisers had been disabled and taken to Hongkong.
British Losses
August 7.—Light cruiser Amphion, sunk by mine off the coast of Holland after destroying mine layer Koenigin Luise.
September 3.—Torpedo gunboat Speedy, on fishery patrol, sunk by mine in the North Sea.
September 6.—Scout cruiser Pathfinder, sunk by submarine in the North Sea.
September 7.—Cruiser Warrior went aground near the Bosporus.
September 19.—Australian submarine A E 1 lost (believed to have been by accident).
September 20.—Cruiser Pegasus, completely disabled by German cruiser Konigsberg in the harbor of Zanzibar.
September 22.—Armored cruisers Cressy, Hogue and Aboukir, sunk by German submarines in the North Sea.
German Losses
August 5.—German converted minelayer Koenigin Luise, sunk by British cruiser Amphion off coast of Holland.
Cruiser Panther reported sunk near Bona, Algeria, by French cruisers.
August 7.—Cruiser Augsperg, sunk by a Russian torpedo-boat in the Baltic Sea.
August 9.—Submarine U 15, sunk in North Sea by British cruiser Birmingham.
August 27.—Converted cruiser Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, sunk by British cruiser Highflyer off the west coast of Africa.
August 28.—Light cruiser Mainz and the Coeln, the light cruiser Ariadne and two destroyers, including the V 157, sunk by a British fleet in the Bight of Helgoland.
Light cruiser Magdeburg, aground on island of Oldensholm at entrance to Gulf of Finland in a fog, destroyed by Russian warships.
Destroyer S 90, sunk off the Chinese coast by British destroyer Welland.
September 6.—Submarine destroyed. This was the submarine that destroyed the Pathfinder.
September 13.—Light cruiser Hela, sunk by British submarine off Wilhelmshaven.
September 14.—Converted cruiser Cap Trafalgar, sunk by British converted cruiser Carmania off the east coast of South Africa.
Austrian Losses
August 16.—Two cruisers sunk by French ships off Budua, Dalmatia.
August 17.—Torpedo-boat No. 19, sunk by mine off Pola, in the Adriatic.
August 22.—Cruiser Zrinyi, sunk by French ships in the Adriatic.
September 14.—Torpedo-boat No. 27, sunk by mine in the harbor of Pola.—New York Sun.