China often is characterized as our "strategic partner," a nation with goals and dreams similar to those of the United States. We even have embraced Beijing as a contributor to our war on terrorism. The press, academicians, and politicians cite China's insular history and assure us that, despite minor problems, China is a peaceful giant preparing to take its place among the world's great nations. Unfortunately, these assurances dissolve under scrutiny.
They ignore the nature of the communism to which China still subscribes, and their simplistic view of Chinese history omits that nation's consistent pattern of antagonism toward the United States. Those who argue China is our friend refuse to see that Beijing's acquisition of modern weapon systems will allow it to express this antagonism in a new, more confrontational manner. China is neither a strategic nor a trading partner—but a serious threat.
Those who believe China can be rehabilitated through trade count on private capital acting as a check on government power. But this rationale fails to recognize that under Chinese communism, where few people are allowed even to own their homes, private capital cannot perform this function. But if the Chinese people are not profiting from our trade, who is?
The Chinese government uses front companies to foster the illusion of free trade while keeping the resources and means of production to itself. The FBI reports that 3,000 Chinese businesses dealing with the United States are linked to various government agencies, and of those, 300 not only fund Beijing's military, but provide cover for intelligence gathering as well. The harmless-sounding Shandong Arts and Crafts Company, for instance, was the business front for a delegation to Iraq, the purpose of which was to discuss the sale of missile technology. By using front companies in this manner, the People's Liberation Army has made itself the most important business conglomerate in China.
China has been acting out its antagonism covertly for at least 40 years. In the past eight years, though, its program has enjoyed its greatest successes. During this time, China acquired industrial and nuclear weapons information and exerted political influence by providing contributions to U.S. political campaigns. China pursues a military exchange program with the United States considered by many to be nothing more than intelligence gathering.
China also is benefiting from the weapons research of other countries, leaping ahead of our strategic estimates of its capabilities, and leaving our plans for countering this threat in the dust. This modernization has been as broad in scope as it has been rapid in development. China is bringing systems on line that will affect U.S. centers of gravity and enable Beijing to challenge our will in any part of the world.
With new Rolls Royce Spey turbofan engines and new long-range supersonic antiship missiles for its JH-7 fighterbombers, Beijing has realized a significant improvement in its antiship capability. Compounding that threat is China's acquisition of the Russian-made SS-N-22 Sunburn antiship missile, a 9,000-pound, 1,500-mile-per-hour cruise missile. According to Jack Spencer, a defense specialist and fellow at the Heritage Foundation, China purchased the missiles and the two Sovremennyy-class guided missile destroyers that deploy them for one purpose, "to target U.S. surface ships."
Below the surface, China operates 96 submarines, some of which are state of the art. The JL-2 nuclear missile, believed to contain technology stolen from the United States, was launched successfully from underwater in January 2001. The JL-2's range of 7,000 miles enables China to destroy any U.S. West Coast city from Chinese waters. Chinese efforts to produce a new class of submarine capable of carrying the JL-2 are under way, with delivery of the first sub expected in 2005.
The acquisition of these and other weapon systems marks a new era in Beijing's 50-year history of antagonism toward the United States. In this era, China will capitalize on its successful intelligence collection, an economy bolstered by our trade, and new strategic footholds by developing a military capability that matches its intent.
Captain Givler is a flight commander with the Aerospace Basic Course at Maxwell Air Force Base in Montgomery, Alabama.