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Latin America

By Robert L. Schema
March 1991
Proceedings
Vol. 117/3/1,057
Article
View Issue
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Latin America

By Robert L. Schema


Overview: As the economies in the region went from bad to worse, democ­racy was on the rise in contradiction to the predictions of many who believed that economic stability was necessary to achieve political freedom.

A number of Latin American nations chose other than the U.S.-preferred solu­tions to domestic problems that had inter­national implications. Colombia refused to allow a U.S. drug-interdiction task force to operate off its coast; Peru said no thanks to military aid for countering

J. WHARTON

drugs. Some Latin American nations shed their traditionally neutral positions and took a more active role in world poli­tics. Argentina sent two ships to the Per­sian Gulf; Argentina and Venezuela sent units to Central American waters as part of a United Nations peacekeeping force.

United States: Key U.S. concerns in the area for the next decade will be drug production, nuclear proliferation, and arms sales from Latin America. Drug production is spreading; the area where drugs are grown may now be as large as

the United States. Millions of the poorest members of society depend upon the cul­tivation of coca for their very survival. If a few countries, drug-supported black markets are the only healthy part of the economy. Increasingly, influential Latin Americans are taking the position that the drug problem is one of consumption in the United States and not one of produc­tion in Latin America.

Concerning nuclear proliferation, in November presidents Fernando Collor de Melo of Brazil and Carlos Saul Menem of Argentina jointly announced that their nuclear potential would be used exclu­sively for peaceful ends. Both agreed in principle to a system of international monitoring. Neither addressed the Nu­clear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which they view as an infringement upon sover­eignty. Apparently this agreement will not affect Brazil’s program to develop a nuclear submarine. The message might be that Latin America will police itself in this area.

As for arms, Brazil and, to a lesser degree, Argentina and Chile have devel­oped weapons industries as part of their economic programs to industrialize and diversify. They have become competitors of the rest of the world in the arms busi­ness. The Brazilian firm ENGESA and the American company General Dynam­ics, Land Systems Division, are compet­ing to supply Saudi Arabia with its future main battle tank—315 units’ worth. A loss by either country means thousands of jobs and a significant reduction in that country’s ability to immediately begin production for domestic use. As the United States becomes increasingly con­cerned with arms control, it is going to have to be sensitive to the interests of Brazil and other arms-exporting nations or risk alienating historically close allies. Brazil fought with the Allies in both World War I and World War II largely because of its relationship with the United States. As American power de­clines in the region, the United States will find it increasingly difficult to influence local military issues.

On 27 June President George Bush i

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Proposed the “Initiative of the Ameri­cas>” a comprehensive plan that called lor a Western Hemisphere free trade z°ne, the development of a new invest­ment program, the restructuring of debt, ar>d initiatives to protect the environment. The proposal was well received in Latin America and could do much to restore the United States’s position of leadership. However, it was made before the Persian Gulf crisis and the budget wars in Wash- lngton. The President regained the mo­mentum for his plan when he visited sev­eral Latin American nations late in the year. To succeed, the plan needs a mod­est amount of U.S. dollars and a signifi­cant amount of the President’s time to ^eal with the numerous special-interest groups that will see it as a threat to do­mestic production.

Argentina: The frigate Almirante Brown and the corvette Spiro, carrying Argentine Army and Marine Corps ob­servers, sailed from Puerto Belgrano on 25 September for the Persian Gulf, arriv­ing on 6 November. Their participation in the Desert Shield quarantine of Iraq rep­resented a change in Argentine foreign Policy. Since the Cuban Missile Crisis of '962, Argentina has not publicly sup­ported any external military operations. It did covertly aid Contra guerrillas in the lute 1970s and early 1980s at the request °f the U.S. administration. Argentine uviators served with the U.S. Navy in Europe during World War 1, and Argen­tina sent warships to Spain in the 1930s during that nation’s civil war.

According to President Carlos Menem: “Argentina cannot afford the luxury . . . of remaining isolated from the rest of the World. . . . We are in a new world where neutrality no longer exists.” The sending of the warships also demonstrated the independence of President Menem from the Argentine Congress; he ordered the mission without its approval, arguing that this was a mission of peace, not war.

In December President Menem started to seek congressional approval for Ar­gentine warships to provide support to the international forces in the event of war in the Gulf. To participate in offensive ac­tions, the Argentine contingent would

need the specific approval of the Argen­tine Congress. The Spiro is a MEKO 140 corvette that was constructed in Argen­tina and would give the builders an op­portunity to showcase their wares.

The Argentine Navy has also loaned the United Nations four Israeli-built Dabur-class patrol boats—the Baradero, Barranqueras, Clorinda, and Concep­cion del Uruguay, to be used to help su­pervise the disarming of forces in Nicara­gua. They are employed in patrolling the Gulf of San Lorenzo against arms traf­ficking.

In early March 1990 the Argentine and U.S. navies conducted joint exercises. The U.S. forces were built around the carrier Constellation (CV-64); Super Etcndard fighter-bombers and Tracker ASW aircraft were among the Argentine Navy participants. Both navies conducted ordnance training at Isla Verde near Bahia Blanca.

The fourth MEKO 140 was commis­sioned by AFNE, Rio Santiago, on 17 April. Most other construction and refit work for the Argentine Navy has been placed on hold because of the state of the economy. These projects include renova­tion of the carrier 25 de Mayo and the construction of the TR-1700 submarines. In April the Argentine Prefectura (coast guard) acquired five C-212 Series 200 maritime patrol aircraft from CASA of Spain. The navy is evaluating the Kaman SH-2G Sea Sprite helicopter for possible use on the four MEKO 360 frigates. This purchase would require U.S. congres­sional approval; in addition, the heights of the ships’ hangars would need to be increased. The Argentine Navy lost one Super Etendard attack fighter in a training accident in 1990.

Eight years after the fighting for the Malvinas (Falklands), Argentina and the United Kingdom have restored diplo­matic relations. Early in the year diplo­mats from both nations met in Madrid, Spain, to discuss the issue.

During late 1990 the Argentine De­fense Ministry began privatizing state- owned defense companies including the Tandanor, AFNE, and Domccq Garcia shipyards.

Argentina sent two combatants to the Persian Gulf in response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. Here, the Argen­tine corvette Spiro refuels front the USNS Walter S. Diehl (T-AO-193).

Bolivia:    The Bolivian Army will

receive U.S. aid to help fight drug traf­ficking. The most recent estimates indi­cated that the aid would include six Bell UH-1H Huey utility helicopters and four Lockheed C-130 transports; six 22-foot Boston Whaler patrol boats were deliv­ered late in 1989. In addition, the United States will equip and train two Bolivian Army battalions for antidrug operations and three battalions for engineering, transport, and support duties. A marine corps company will be trained and equipped for river operations.

Bolivia itself is working to build up riverine patrol forces, and the 55-foot patrol boat General Banzer was launched in September 1990 at Guayaramerin.

Brazil: The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August created numerous problems for the Brazilian government. At the time of the invasion there were approximately 500 Brazilians in the two Mideast coun­tries. The last of them were released on 8 October, following intensive work by Brazilian diplomats. Most of the individ­uals represented privately owned Brazil­ian arms manufacturers. One of these, the firm HOP, headed by retired Brazilian Air Force General Hugo de Oliveira Piva, apparently employed a group of engi­neers from various countries to help Iraq develop its missile program. Press reports have speculated that HOP’s employees may have shared research performed while working on missile programs in Brazil in the 1980s before those programs were suspended because of financial problems. Since the Brazilians were not government employees, they could not he ordered to cease their cooperation in Iraq.

Brazil is supporting the United Nations blockade, and the Persian Gulf crisis is having grave consequences for the Bra­zilian economy. During the past few dec­ades Brazil developed a significant arms industry, the exports of which surpassed coffee in value. The prime market for these arms has been the Mideast—Iraq in particular. During the past decade Brazil sold Iraq some three billion dollars’ worth ot weapons including approxi­mately 16,000 armed vehicles.

The Persian Gulf crisis also hurts Bra­zil because it is a major oil importer. The country already has the largest external debt in Latin America and is suffering from a depressed economy; as a result, the Brazilian military has had to enforce draconian economic measures.

Reports concerning the Brazilian de­fense budget are contradictory. There have been five economic plans and three monetary reforms in the last four years, making analysis difficult. The military share of the national budget has shrunk significantly, perhaps to 2.2%. Last year it was 6%, and in 1971 it was 23%. Army units in the major metropolitan areas of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo have sent recruits home for lunch. To raise operat­ing capital, the army recently sold 339 vehicles, and the air force sold 12 air­craft. Overseas, the number of Brazilian military attaches is being significantly reduced. In October the Brazilian Con­gress was forced to vote a supplemental increase of just under a billion dollars for 1990. The 1991 budget will also be very austere.

In spite of economic pressure, Presi­dent Fernando Collo de Mello is commit­ted to reduce the burning of the Amazon rain forest by ranchers. For 1991, he has ordered the army to provide troops, and the air force, helicopters.

During late 1989 Brazil acquired the Ceara (ex-USS Hermitage [LSD-34]) from the United States, and her sister Alamo (LSD-33) became the Rio de Jan­eiro on 21 November 1990. The under­way replenishment tanker Gustao Motta was launched on 1 June by Ishikawajima do Brasil. On 31 January 1990 the Brazil­ian Navy incorporated as a naval auxil­iary the Trindade (ex-Panamanian mer­chant ship Nobistor), which was seized by federal police on 14 March 1986 for arms smuggling; the ship is being used to tow targets. The second lnhauma-c\ass ocean-patrol frigate, the Jaceguari, was delivered by the Rio de Janeiro Naval Yard on 15 December 1989, but her entry into active service has been delayed; she will probably be completed in early 1991. The closing of the Verolme yard in Angra dos Reis has interrupted the construction of the Jaceguari’s sisters Julio de Noronha and Frontin. The former was close to launch. The first unit of the class, the Inhauma, has experienced topweight problems.

The Brazilian Navy continues its ef­forts to obtain two Charles F. Adams (DDG-21)-class guided-missile destroy­ers. Three decommissionings took place in 1990: on 16 April the submarine Goias (ex-USS Trumpetfish [SS-425J); in July the destroyers Mato Grosso (ex-USS Compton [DD-705]) and Maranhao (ex- USS Shields [DD-596]).

During the next few years Brazil plans to refit its six Mark 10 Niteroi-c\ass frig­ates. Competitors for the work include firms from Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States. Given the financial constraints, it is too early to predict how extensive the refit will be. Brazil’s first priority is upgrading the antiaircraft de­fenses of the class. The Brazilian Navy contracted with Link-Miles of Great Brit­ain for a Type 209 (Tupi)-class submarine training simulator. The decision on which helicopter and weapons package will be selected for Brazilian frigates and cor­vettes has been postponed until 1991. The two principal contenders are the SH-2G Sea Sprite, produced by Kaman Aerospace of the United States, and the Lynx, manufactured by Westland Heli­copters of Great Britain (the former to carry the Maverick missile and the latter the Sea Skua).

The Caribbean and Central Amer­ica: An abortive coup took place in Trini­dad and Tobago in August; the prime minister was among the wounded and a parliamentarian among the dead.

On 6 January 1991, there was an un­successful military coup in Haiti. Suriname changed governments in a bloodless coup on 24 December 1990.

The most surprising event in Latin America during 1990 was Violeta Chamarro’s defeat of Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. The United Nations sent a 300-man Spanish and 800-man Venezue­lan unit to demobilize Contra rebels fol­lowing elections. In addition, Brazil pro­vided 21 officers to act as military observers for the United Nations.

The new Panamanian Vice President, Ricardo Arias Calderon, stated that his nation would keep the new Public Forces of Panama small, to reduce their potential threat to the civilian government. Under General Manuel Noriega, the National Guard had grown to 7,300. The 1990 budget for the new force was projected to be $84 million—about $66 million less than the 1989 budget for Noriega’s Na­tional Guard. From April through June, the U.S. Southern Command and the Panamanian government repaired roads, bridges, and schools throughout the country. Nonetheless, severe economic conditions continue to contribute to un­rest. The former Panamanian police chief unsuccessfully attempted a coup in De­cember, which momentarily trapped members of the U.S. Military Support Group inside police headquarters.

In August, the defense ministers of five Central American nations met to dis­cuss a plan to end the regional arms race. Significant violence continues in El Sal­vador. In January 1991, a U.S. helicopter was shot down by leftist guerrilla forces; three U.S. servicemen were killed.

Chile: Changes in naval administra­tions rarely signal the ending of one era and the beginning of another, but such is the case in Chile. On 8 March 1990 Admiral Jorge Martinez Busch relieved Admiral Jose T. Merino Castro as the commander-in-chief of the Chilean Navy. Admiral Merino had served in the navy for 45 years and as its head for 16 years (and has written several articles for Proceedings). He provided strong, anti­communist direction. Within the U.S- Navy only George Dewey has held such sway (following the Spanish American War). Admiral Merino departs as the world’s power alignment is changing- Admiral Martinez is confronted with old problems (Soviet and East European fleets’ excessive exploitation of the South Pacific’s fishing resources) and new ones (how to win aid from friends in a no-less- dangerous, multipolar world).

In March Patricio Aylwin was inaugu­rated president, and the economic stabil­ity and growth achieved during the gov­ernment of General Augusto Pinochet continued. Growth remains steady at 5% to 6%; inflation is less than 20%. These are remarkable figures in Latin America.

Early in 1990, units of the Chilean Navy exercised with the British frigate Penelope and small fleet tanker Blue Rover. In addition, the Chilean and U.S. navies conducted exercise Sky Blue II, U.S. forces centered around the carrier Constellation. Aircraft from the two na­tions engaged in mock air battles.

In April the 15th Inter American Naval Conference was held in Vina del Mar. Sixteen nations participated, including all of the major regional navies. Twelve themes of common interest were dis­cussed, including the role navies should play in drug interdiction. The next such meeting is scheduled for 1992 in Peru.

The Leander-class unit Lynch was re­fitted. The four MM38 Exocet SSMs were replaced with four MM40 models. The more advanced missile has a range of 42 to 70 kilometers. Vertical-launch- system canisters will later be installed on the stern to accommodate the Israeli IAI Barak point defense missile system once

11 becomes available. The Plessy Type ^04 fire-control radar will be modified to handle the new weapon. The Condell will undergo a similar refit.

The navy purchased four French Super Puma and four Dauphin helicopters for °Peration on board its four British County-class units; it is also acquiring the Israeli Barak antiaircraft/antiship missiles to equip its destroyers and frigates. The uavy may perceive its most important fu­ture need to be the renewal of its subma­rine fleet.

The Chilean Air Force signed a $500 million contract with Israel to modernize *8 French Dassault Mirage 50C fighters; 11 also plans to acquire two converted toeing 707s from Israel, one for a tanker and the other for an airborne early wam- >ng aircraft. The indigenous arms indus­try continues to mature. The Chilean c°mpany FAMAE and the British Royal Ordnance have agreed to produce a 160- uim. artillery rocket system called Rayo. Construction of a plant began during '990 at Talagante, 30 miles southwest of Santiago.

Also during 1990, Chile’s major arms e*porter, Cardoeir, purchased the Italian midget submarine manufacturer, C.O.S.- MOS, of Livorn.

Colombia: This remains the most embattled nation in Latin America. On 1 April Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa was assas­sinated in Bogata’s airport, and for the second time in nine months a Colombian Presidential candidate had been mur­dered. Cesar Gaviria Trujillo was elected President in March. In mid 1990 the Co­lombian government and the Popular Liberation Army signed an agreement Under which the guerrillas would disarm and be allowed to participate in the politi­cal system. This is the same peace initia­tive under which the M-19 guerrilla movement was dismantled and incorpo­rated.

In July 1989 Colombia commissioned the Malaga Bay Naval Base on the Pa­cific Coast southwest of Bogala, which significantly improved the navy’s infra­structure. This “turn key” project was carved out of a thick coastal forest by a Swedish consortium. The facility in­cludes a 400-meter pier, a 50-meter float­ing pier, a naval hospital, sports facili­ties, a chapel, a generating plant, and a 75-kilometer paved highway that ties into the national road system. A significant amount of the navy will be based here.

In January 1990 the Colombian gov­ernment discouraged the United States from operating a carrier task force off its coast as part of a drug interdiction effort because of a perceived infringement on Colombian sovereignty. Colombia will, however, accept five or more 22-foot Boston Whaler patrol craft in 1991 to supplement five U.S. PBR Mkll trans­ferred in November 1989 to assist in riverine patrols against drug runners.

Cuba: Economic pressure to adopt a free-market economy and some demo­cratic reform will significantly increase during 1991. In December 1990 the five- year trade agreement with the Soviet Union ended and, under the terms of the new agreement, Cuba will receive con­siderably less subsidy from the Soviet Union. Perhaps more critical to the Cuban economy will be the probable loss of trade with Eastern Europe because ol that area’s change to free-market econo­mies. Eastern Europe supplied medium- technology goods that Cuba could not purchase elsewhere because of lack of

The Malaga Bay Naval Base, south­west of Bogata, was commissioned in 1989 and will service much of the Colombian Navy. Chopped out of a thick forest, the facility includes a naval hospital and a 400-meter pier.

hard currency. In addition, the U.S. inva­sion of Panama in December 1989 ended Castro’s ability to purchase in Panama’s duty-free zone, an important source of modern technology. These factors will further strain a nearly bankrupt commu­nist economy.

Under Gorbachev the Soviet Union will not support Castro’s desire to export revolution, and without its aid Cuba will be hard pressed to do so. The Soviets will continue to supply Castro with relatively modern military hardware and may even increase shipments as war materials be­come excess because of reduction in the Soviet armed forces. Such increases would help to allay Castro’s fears of a Yankee invasion. In May the Cuban Navy received Pauk-class fast attack craft from the Soviet Union, and in February the Cuban Air Force received 8 of a re­ported 36 MiG-29 fighter-trainers from the Soviet Union. A modified Pauk-class antisubmarine patrol boat arrived as ma­terial aid from the Soviet Union in July. In June Soviet naval combatants visited Cuba for the first time since 1988—but the visit was one of the shortest on rec­ord.

Ecuador: Early in the year the Ecua­dorian research ship Orion conducted that nation’s second Antarctic expedition. Two 112-foot patrol boats were ordered from Trinity Marine’s Equitable Ship­yard, New Orleans, in 1990. The navy is seeking newer frigates to replace the el­derly destroyer Presidente Ploy Alfaro (ex-Holder |DD-819|) and frigate Moran

On 27 November HMS Achilles left England as deck cargo on a heavy- lift ship for a relit at Talcahuano and commissioning as the Miitislro Zen- lero, joining two other Leander-class frigates (shown here, the Condell) in the Chilean Navy.

This Augusta/Bell AB-212 ASW heli­copter is one of three that Venezue­la’s naval air arm acquired in 1990; they will operate with the Lupo-class frigates.

Valverde (ex-Enright [APD-66]); either a used Leander or the decommissioned. U.S. Navy Bronstein (FF-1032) or Mc- Cloy (FF-1038) are preferred.

Mexico: President Carlos Salinas has created a budget surplus, forced state- owned companies to raise prices, elimi­nated many subsidies, and is in the pro­cess of selling off state-owned industries. Mexico has taken only the first painful steps to economic recovery.

The Mexican Navy received the first of four McDonnell Douglas MD500E heli­copters on 14 June; these will be used as trainers for Mexico’s German-built MBB BO-105 shipborne helicopters.

In October drug traffickers shot down a Mexican Army helicopter.

The elderly U.S. Coast Guard Cape- class cutter Cape Carter (WPB-95309) became the Mexican Navy Jalisco on 2 March 1990 and her sister Cape Hedge (WPB-95311) became Nayarit on 27 April. Little or no progress has been re­ported on the indigenous production of Spanish-designed Aquila-class patrol corvettes, and plans to purchase Spanish- built patrol boats have not reached frui­tion.

Paraguay has embarked on the pro­duction of 48-foot riverine patrol craft at the Asuncion Navy Yard. The first was launched in 1989 and the second pair on 10 September 1990. Possessed of a 10- hour endurance, they will be supple­mented by additional U.S.-built river pa­trol craft to be delivered in 1991 for use in the struggle against the drug industry. Four 22-foot Boston Whalers arrived from the United States late in 1989.

Peru: Alberto Fujimori, the son of Japanese immigrants, was elected presi­dent on 10 June. In September he refused to accept $37.5 million in military aid from the United States, arguing that the solution to the drug problem lies in eco­nomic aid, specifically to help peasants find an alternative to growing coca. This was a severe blow to President Bush’s Andean antidrug strategy. Peru is the world’s largest cultivator of coca plants, perhaps a billion-dollar-a-year industry. As much as 65% of the cocaine entering the United States is grown in Peru; most of the cultivation takes place in the Upper Huallaga Valley, which is controlled by leftist guerrillas.

Ultra-leftist guerrillas continued their attack on the infrastructure of Peru. In early June the military discovered a Shin­ing Path headquarters in a quiet middle- class section of Lima and seized impor­tant documents. This was the most signif­icant success against the guerrillas in the past few years. In addition to what have become routine bombings, guerrillas suc­cessfully hit the government house with a rocket on 26 July.

In early 1990 the Peruvian Air Force received 14 Mil Mi-17 transport helicop­ters from the Soviet Union.

The submarine Angamos was placed in naval reserve early in the year. The Pacocha (ex-USS Atule [SS-403]) sunk in shallow water in August 1988, was raised for use as a static training hull. Six U.S.-supplied river patrol boats for use on the upper Amazon were delivered at Iquitos during the year—the only new naval or coast guard acquisitions.

Uruguay: In February 1990, Uruguay contracted for two Commandant Riviere- class frigates from France for $13 mil­lion. The Commandant Bourdais was recommissioned as the Uruguay on 20 August, and her sister Amiral Charner was to be turned over in October. The former Uruguay (ex-USS Baron [DE- 166]) was stricken on 2 May 1990. The ex-Coast Guard cutter Cape Higgon (WPB-95302) was acquired from the United States early in the year, along with her sister Cape Horn (WPB-95322), but Uruguay continues to search for read­ily available patrol boats.

Venezuela: President Carlos Andres Perez has significantly raised the price of public-sector goods and has made deep cuts in government spending as he fol­lows the trend in Latin America to shift to a free-market economy.

In April Venezuela sent the 800-man 422 Parachute Battalion to serve in the United Nations Central American peace­keeping force. In August a naval task force composed of frigates, patrol craft, and a landing ship, tank patrolled in wa­ters near Trinidad and Tobago at the invi­tation of that nation during an unsuccess­ful military coup. Following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the Venezuelan armed forces increased their air, land, and marine vigilance of principal petro­leum wells and refineries.

Apparently, increasing numbers of Brazilian miners crossed Venezuela’s southern frontier during 1990 and caused ecological damage in the Amazon Selva as they searched for gold. As a result, the Venezuelan Riverine Force and the Ma­rine Riverine Command are increasing their patrols in the region.

Because of the need for economic aus­terity, the navy continues its suspension of major new construction. However, the influx of “petro-dollars” caused by the Mideast crisis has allowed some relief- Once again the navy is planning the mod­ernization of its Italian-built Lupo-class frigates, a new fleet tug, and six to ten coast guard cutters to patrol the exclusive economic zone.

In April the Type 209-1300 submarine Sabalo began modernization at Howaldtswerke-Deutsche Werf AG in Kiel, Germany. The boat will be fitted with a new diesel generator and a new weapon-control system, and its upper deck and sail will be reconfigured. On 9 March, the oceanographic ship Punta Brava was launched. This 1,180-ton ship was commissioned in early 1991. Mod­ernization of the LST Amazonas (ex-USS Vernon County [LST-1161]) is scheduled to resume during 1991.

The Venezuelan Navy has not yet de­cided whether to accept the Barbel (SS-

  1. -class submarine, the Blueback (SS-
  2. , offered by the United States; more than ten million dollars would be required to modernize the boat. The Guppy II Picua (ex-USS Grenadier [SS-525]) was -to be decommissioned early in 1991. In September the tug Felipe Larrazabel (ex- USS Utina [ATF-163]) was decommis­sioned.

The new Marine Corps battalion Gen­eral en Jefe Jose Antonio Paez, a tactical riverine combat unit, was created and sta­tioned at El Amparo Naval Base on the Arauca River, near the Colombian fron­tier. In addition, the Artillery Air De­fense Group No. 2 was formed from ma­rine corps personnel. Armed with Roland 2 ground-to-air missiles and twin Breda 40/L70-mm. AA guns, it is sta­tioned at the Falcon Naval Base and as­signed to the Air Defense Command. It is responsible for strategic petroleum instal­lations in the Paraguana peninsula on the Gulf of Venezuela. During the year the marine corps received Swiss Carl Gustaf antitank missiles.

Naval aviation received three Augusta/ Bell AB-212 ASW helicopters to com­plement the operations of the Lupo-class frigates. In January 1990 one of the navy’s two CASA 212-Series 200 trans­ports was accidentally lost.

Dr. Scheina serves as the Department of Transporta­tion Chair at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces.

Digital Proceedings content made possible by a gift from CAPT Roger Ekman, USN (Ret.)

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