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Contents:
Bridging the ADP Gap
Alan Bauman
'T’i
e Land-Based V/STOL Aircraft’s
& I .
6 'n Our Maritime Strategy 106
^ Lieutenant Colonel Clifford A. Lindell, Marine Corps (Retired)
T'i
e Tug of Gravity 109 I Lieutenant Commander R. C. Montgomery, U- S. Navy
SS-N-14: A Third Round 110
By Norman Friedman Taking the hand to Sea 114 By Mark T. Clevenger
Planning for Future Combat Casualty Care 117 By Rear Admiral B. Eiseman, Medical Corps,
U. S. Naval Reserve
;rou8h the use of automated data Cessing (adp). Unfortunately, the
mission of data between these in-
f0l
Th
e Navy Department budget is ■j^Ptoximately $45 billion annually. s° jinia^n‘tude °L t^1*5 budget requires tec^lstlcated financial management cn niclues- Further management Lltxity is necessary to ensure that 'vith^ ^Un^s are sPent *n accordance Th and congressional intent.
Ria COrnerstone of Navy financial t a8ernent is information exchange/ P^o Srr>'SS*°n' The Navy strives to im- e us information capabilities
PtOi faL|
^ speed and efficiency of ADP by 6 ^een compromised in the Navy han'nterSt'CeS between the various fi- information systems. A situa- . n bas evolved in which there are pla3rate ADP financial systems for programming, budgeting, > Ration, expenditure control, etc.
rtansr •
Nation systems is either tortuous or
^-existent.
tQ ne Navy may take five to ten years gta^an’ execute’ and audit an inte- ted ADP system. This process has
loomed so massive, in terms of time and money over the years, that isolated ADP systems have been developed for each stage of the budget process. These systems administratively imply that the budget process occurs in discrete steps. This results in functional and organizational fragmentation, and again, efficiency, accuracy, and currency of data suffer.
This assumption of discrete budgetary steps, however, is false because the budget process is continuous. Many planning decisions must be evaluated for their effect upon current and future year budgets. This was one of the original goals of the Five-Year Defense Plan. Through the concurrent identification of future resources and missions, the planning process was to be enhanced. Although the Five-Year Defense Plan has improved the planning process in the Navy, the fragmentation of data flow has undermined full Navy planning effectiveness. The correlation between proposed action and its effect on the budget remains difficult to evaluate when interstices exist between the affected budget areas. This factor precludes the use of ADP for analysis. The only option available is to bridge the interface with manual effort. With fiscal constraints applied to both program and fiscal year totals, the task is often overwhelming. Consecutive Navy, OSD, OMB, and congressional reviews propose alternative courses which should be evaluated quickly and accurately. In contrast, the present system remains cumbersome and error prone.
Organizational fragmentation occurs when two offices, involved in different ADP systems, work on the same budget phase. For example, higher echelon Navy offices frequently use models to determine the effect of revised assumptions on program funding levels. A decision to reduce the procurement of aircraft may lead the model to decrease specific support funds for that aircraft program. A summary of these changes is transmitted by written report throughout the organization. The lower echelon of-
for
control as the project administrat°r F • better
less
is a large range between the ideal an^ the possible. Recognizing that faCt’ is not expected that all financial A
will
fice, which must implement this decision, does not receive the specific elements of support (fuel, maintenance, etc.) to be reduced, only the total support reduction. This occurs because the lower echelon office does not have direct access to the model. Once again manual effort must gap this interface.
These problems are exacerbated by zero base budgeting and mission budgeting. Zero base budgeting requires the budget profile of each organization to be arrayed by “decision package,” with consideration of possible funding levels. Mission budgeting requires budget phases to be arrayed by both mission and resources. Properly organized budgets must correlate these diverse factors. This places a greater emphasis on the integration of ADP financial information systems.
The model for a solution exists. The Navy is committing a great deal of effort and resources to develop a tactical ADP “data link” system. Computer systems for sonar, radar, etc. on board ships can integrate and correlate functions of detection, tracking, and interception. The Navy should attempt a similar integration of ADP systems for
administrative functions.
It is necessary to design Navy ADP systems to bridge the data interstices between the current isolated ADP systems and to exchange data. This requires uniform data storage and retrieval, which will, in effect, create a common data base. This will necessitate financial information to be reduced to uniform, indivisible units of data, transferable among ADP systems. Compilation of these units would give more complex, sophisticated data. With these modifications, financial management information would form a contiguous network with rapid and efficient transmission between ADP systems.
This revitalized information system would have salutary effects upon the naval financial management structure. First, regulation would be improved. Presently, Congress, OSD, and DoD directives establish controls on the amounts and distribution of funds. With an information responsive system, these controls become more finely tuned to particular perturbations and therefore speed the flow of funds to the designated project. This
ultimately reduces the requirement and controlling offices are m communication, and intent is likely to be misinterpreted.
Second, correlation of financial a would be improved. This ‘rn?.1on evaluating the influence of a deci on various phases of the flow or tu ^ For example, a decision made m planning phase would be autorna ically evaluated by the offices invo with the execution phase of 1 budget process. .
Third, there would be a savings ^ manpower as the manual effort m ^ formation integration would be vlft ally eliminated. ^
The Navy can greatly increase its
-but there nd
systems will be integrated. The stl^ of-art in data processing and do constraints will prevent attainment ^ the ideal. However, the closer we aP
proach this ideal, the greater _
Navy’s efficiency, savings, and e tiveness.
To meet the growing Soviet naval threat, U. S. naval planners must look to new weapon system employment concepts to shape the future structure of the fleet. Foremost in current planning is the possible development of vertical or short takeoff and landing (V/STOL) aircraft, but the U. S. Navy has not yet established a comprehensive, cohesive plan for V/STOL.
At present, only the Royal Air Force and U. S. Marine Corps operate V/STOL aircraft in NATO scenarios. The U. S. Air Force has not initiated new
V/STOL development programs in recent years but is following the. progress of Navy V/STOL programs with interest. Air Force concern, though, has resulted in the establishment of a new study program to evaluate a single V/STOL concept to accomplish close air support/battlefield interdiction missions using the short takeoff and landing (STOL) capability and to accomplish counter air missions using the vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) capability. These Air Force missions are very similar to Navy “Type B” V/STOL missions.
The future course of Navy v',sl development is still uncertain. lss such as subsonic versus supersonic quirements and vertical takeoff ver short takeoff characteristics—the ing design factors—are unresoW^ Current subsonic V/STOL aircra technology is capable of 600-700 range carrying Harpoon missiles, w* growth to 1,000-1,200 mile range 1990. Future V/STOL aircraft will
• jjd'
potentially capable of carrying vanced missiles such as AMRA ’ Harpoon, Tomahawk, perhaps e Phoenix, as well as a wide range
five days of conflict, indicates re restriction on conventional air tan i^10ns compared to peacetime tia| 1 ,£y- Figure 1 shows the potency prn°Unt of sortie degradation per rand 0m a runway which absorbs 15 V/ST0ni craters a day. Note that the tacrical aircraft operating from °PeSaiTle airfield could maintain a full ^ational capability.
the C blavy and the Air Force share th, '
Problem of basing vulnerability of
Our
part. This serious problem is
co.
pejVent‘onal bombs, mines, tor- for °eS’ an<^ depth charges. The per- unr^fnCe caPa^*bty could include an 3 00. kny range in excess of ’ miles, enhancing quick reaction
As?ddWlde m0b,lity'
;n ^ Urrung a degree of early success
rab] 6,NaVy Pr°gram> it seems inevi- an 6 f at c^e 1980s and 1990s will be Cra. of advanced V/STOL development for all Tl c j ■
^ dI1 U. a. armed services.
CaPahTd‘baSed v^STOL tactical aircraft stfa 1 icy would support our maritime
powe^ neutralization of air
in er can be accomplished by destroy- 0r h'rCra^ *n cbe air, on the ground, tan k- .^e^rading airfield operational to 1 d'ty' "bbe specter of being forced a„ °Perate conventional aircraft from Co ltlterdicted airfield is of increasing tern to NATO members. The most our tactical on ter ^°rce ‘s its absolute dependency for ^V-to-hit runways and taxiways ^takeoffs and landings.
tu recent study of a standard NATO jectej^ ft. x 8,000 ft.), sub
tly p. t0 expected interdiction during
a seve °Per:
bai r resPective aircraft. The U. S. fiance c
j,, j °r power at sea is concentrated pra . large carriers which contain naVal1Cally ad tbe str‘blng power of tat- av>ation and are high-value ror the opposing Soviet fleet. valu '?at‘n8 several of these highways ar^e carriers during the first few bai °f war could rapidly swing the Nj ance °f seapower to the Soviet pr y' ^ployed carriers on peacetime ., Ce rnissions are particularly sus- bfeal< 6 t0 surPr‘se attack at the out- sjbj[- °f hostilities. To ignore the pos- Waf *Cy chat we may have to fight a c at sea without some of our large 0,, rs would be egregious judgment
Pounded by the lack of adequate
DAILY
SORTIES
FLOWN
modernized carriers and aircraft in our reserve fleet. The development of alternative concepts to get adequate air power at sea in an emergency is imperative!
The continued development of vectored-thrust aircraft and V/STOL ski-jump techniques offers attractive basing alternatives for future combat systems.
There are several observers who now advocate the construction of many, small V/STOL ships, such as the HMS Invincible, equipped with AV-8B-type aircraft. This may be one step in the process of increasing seapower survivability.
There are further possibilities that can be pursued, including land-based V/STOL aircraft. First, the interchange of land-based and sea-based crews becomes feasible because V/STOL operations do not require special training in catapult takeoff and arrested landing techniques. Royal Air Force pilots will fly Sea Harrier aircraft for the Royal Navy. When VMA-542 qualified in AV-8A aircraft on board the USS Guam (LPH-9) in 1974, one-half of the pilots had never been on board any ship before, yet the squadron was day and night qualified in only two days. The Spanish Navy pilots qualified in their
AV-8S Matadors on board their carrier, the Dedalo, in quick fashion, although none of their pilots had ever operated fixed-wing aircraft at sea previously.
Clearly, V/STOL aircraft can open a new dimension in crew training and interoperability. Thus, a new tactic becomes available which allows land- based tactical air power to base or stage from many air-capable ships available in NATO. The best example of land-based V/STOL mobility to date is the experience of VMA-231 in 19761977, when, in a matter of weeks, the squadron operated from its home base in North Carolina, from the deck of the Franklin D. Roosevelt (CAM2) in the Mediterranean, cross-decked to the Guam and transited the Suez Canal, and eventually operated from a civil airfield in east Africa.
'To
A second approach to applying V/STOL power at sea is on board Project Arapaho-type of commercial shipping. At present, there is a severe shortage of convoy escort ships to meet potential requirements in the Atlantic, the Pacific, and the Indian Ocean/Persian Gulf. In one critical scenario of total convoy escort requirements, the U. S. shortage of convoy escorts was estimated at 183 for the Atlantic sea lines of communi-
,aho
dve
,0ft
cation (SLOCs), 55 for the Pa° j SLOCs, and 340 for the Indian Oce‘l (Persian Gulf, for a total shorta£e 578 ships.
Variations of the baseline AraP‘ _ concept for convoy support are c0*\ tinuing to be explored, with N medium girder bridging used aS shipboard ski-jump for vectored-thf V/STOL aircraft. One proposed nl° ified containership design accorntf1^ dates up to 16 aircraft. These vv'°u^(. consist of modern V/STOL aircraft LAMPS helicopters in varying comb11’. tions of numbers, e.g. eight V/s> aircraft and eight helicopters, °r V/STOL aircraft and four helicopter The embarked aircraft could perfofo1 number of mission options, incfon ^ deck alert/airborne combat air Patr
A third avenue to pursue wou
Fi
lcy been
ment
strik,
ln Vietnam, the sea-based air
es against North Vietnam could generated by two relatively
haye been' small
fr e Use °f V/STOL air groups operating 0ntri austere, rapidly deployable bases thi 'slands. While we tend to
bod' °Ceans oE tEe wor^ as vast
0us les water only, there are numer- s islands in strategic locations from la 1C rnaior ait strikes can be unched against enemy shipping or Ses without risking a valuable large rcraft carrier
’J’
0 scenarios are discussed here.
kee” IS t^*e reP^acemerit °f the “Yan- q station carrier task force in the ; °f Tonkin. Had V/STOL capabil- available during our involve- ba a nava* V/STOL strike air groups
and °n TlSer Island (17°N, 107°E) lOgop^'^htingale Island (20°N, Carf. '• In this case, risk to the large th er C0ldd have been avoided and total logistic and personnel cost to r out the operational air strikes .p d have been reduced greatly, and 6 second case is tnore complex ac Coyers the resupply route to NATO the°SS h^orth Atlantic. This area is m°st likely to see heavy interdiction by enemy surface and submarine forces in the event of a hot war. V/STOL aircraft, operating from many small, rapidly deployable land bases can provide air cover over the North Atlantic. Conventional takeoff and landing (CTOL) aircraft operating from existing fixed bases would also be able to support fleet operations. The advantage that V/STOL aircraft have over CTOL aircraft in this type of scenario results when new bases or operating areas are required. V/STOL bases can be constructed in a matter of a few days, and they can also be picked up and moved to new locations as required, avoiding the time delay and costly construction of large permanent CTOL bases, like was the case at DaNang, Chu Lai, Bien Hoa, Cam Ranh Bay, or Udorn, to mention but a few. The costly, irretrievable investment in those air bases would more than pay the development cost of a new V/STOL aircraft.
Many other scenarios can be envisioned for the practical use of land-based V/STOL aircraft to project seapower. The island-hopping maneuver, perfected by the U. S. Marine
Corps in World War II as a national strategy to defeat Japan, could again be used as a maritime strategy to rapidly deploy tactical aviation throughout a great percentage of the ocean areas of the world.
The unique basing flexibility which is characteristic of V/STOL could alter future employment of our military forces. As part of our future seapower reserve, it is not unthinkable that Air Force Reserve squadrons could, in an emergency, operate V/STOL aircraft from commercial ships manned by Naval Reserve crews. Equally important, Navy V/STOL squadrons could reinforce Air Force tactical squadrons for critical land operations. The ability of V/STOL aircraft to operate from small land or sea bases as well as large land or sea bases would give the United States the ability to rapidly mass tactical aviation anywhere in the world to meet specific threats.
In the best interest of our overall national policy, perhaps now is the time for the Navy and the Air Force to unite in a joint development program for an advanced V/STOL aircraft which can serve their common needs.
Th
le Tug of Gravity
Mont
By t ■
eutenant Commander R. C. ■gomery, U. S. Navy
led
dr ,e^0at*ng an aircraft carrier in a s °ck is one thing, but undocking a tug boat . . . well, that’s some- else. It should be much easier! °nsiderable advance planning is s Cessary for a carrier undocking. De- ari^ Petsonnel must inspect the ship v: . Verify weight change data pro- V j Ey the ship’s force and the ship- fr • A certified tank sounding report re0rri.tEe ship’s commanding officer is tQqUired by the docking officer prior j any water being allowed into the th °Ck’ Stability calculations are unnJedand re-checked. Yet, when the °cking time finally arrives, the
docking officer holds his breath, his stomach knots up, and he begins pacing until that final moment of relaxation when the carrier lifts off the blocks and becomes safely waterborne once again.
Undocking a tug boat, on the other hand, is a piece of cake. These boats are always stable. There is really no need to expend needless hours in inspections and calculations to undock a tug boat. When the docking officer arrives at the dock side he asks the tug crew if all tanks are filled the same as during docking. “You bet,” replies the tug crew, and the drydock flooding begins. The docking officer sits down on a bollard and relaxes as he waits for the boat to float. He sees the bow lift and thinks another foot or so and the stern will be off. The boat lists slightly to port. Good! She’s almost off the blocks. Then as the stern comes off, the boat slowly lists some more . . . and then keeps right on turning until her pilot house disappears under water and smashs against the drydock floor. The order to “stop flooding” is too late!
p>-o
It can and did happen as the photographs show. The drydock was tied up for a week with the salvage operation.
of
Thousands of hours were expended in the operation and many more lost because of delays in other ships waiting to be docked.
What happened? The results of the post-incident investigation revealed
that the production department had removed the tug’s main engines after the undocking conference had been conducted. The design division and the docking officer were not verbally informed of this removal, although
the appropriate official paper wa® 10 the shipyard routing system, tug’s crew assumed the docking ofric was aware of the situation. The ship superintendent, who knew the engine had been removed, was in another PaI^ of the shipyard checking the status critical material. Finally, the docking officer and the design division rePre sentative did not conduct a final in spection of the tug prior to comment ing the undocking evolution. Stab* ^ calculations made subsequent to incident showed that the removal the engines from low in the 11 caused the boat to become top hea > and unstable when afloat.
Floating a tug boat is no piece cake. She has a steel hull that obey* dynamic laws just like any ot ship—even an aircraft carrier 0 just maybe she’s less forgiving. 1° c incident only one weight change m* the difference.
The Proceedings’ publication of the ASW character of the Soviet SS-N-14 missile in 1977 was the final act in a lengthy intelligence drama. The container-launcher of the new weapon was first observed as early as 1971, at
•For round one, see N. Polmar, "Soviet Navy Surface-to-Surface Missiles" (July 1977 Proceedings, pp. 90-91); for round two, see E. Bonsignore, "SS-N-14: Another Look”
(April 1979 Proceedings, pp. 102-106).
which time it was assumed to be an antiship missile, merely because all previous Soviet shipborne cruise missiles had had that function. The SS-N-14 was unusual in that it was so small that it had to have a very short range compared to that of its predecessors. Although the Soviets classified SS-N-14 carriers as BPKs (large ASW ships) rather than RKRs (rocket, or missile, cruisers), Western analysts
Jy
had two great fixations: the 0 ^ worthwhile targets of Soviet ASW, ballistic missile submarines (SSBN ^ were such difficult targets as to be e fectively invulnerable, and the Sovie^ single obsession was the U. S. Navy (and other NATO navies’) strike caf riers. The BPK designation was dt missed as a corollary of Soviet state^ ments that they had somehow solve the SSBN problem.
analysis did not take into ac-
>nto
naval
In Soviet eyes. Nor did it take account the evolution of Soviet
their
Possible
range to saturate the target
and
O'portant because, in Soviet eyes,
as the Soviet ocean surveillance ,ertl (SOSS), not integral with the
actually shooting.
t(je ^tlcarrier warfare (ACW) is only W eSt Publicized example, but it il- js tes these points. The main attack mjs^|°Unted using very long-range fitfj1 ,S ss-N-3 (or, now, SS-N-12)—
['red
satU;
not
if*
This
tj(^nt e'ther classical Soviet naval tac-
°t the evolution of the naval sion ' weapons in connection with
p tactical ideas.
0 ably the most striking charac- tenstic ■ . . .
Mo$t soviet tactics is consistency.
j St Soviet warships are designed to
So ^ Particular targets, to exercise
tefJorrn of sea denial. They are in-
Co t0 operate in concert, generally
j3attjrnan<^ed by an officer outside the
take *tse^' Extraordinary pains are
tionV° ensure that all ships in opera-
lre together and at the longest t0 ayoid counterattack. The latter navai
v , Vessels and aircraft are far too criUa *e t0 Ee sacrificed indis- artm,nately. Finally, targeting data suchenerally provitlecl by some sensor, systi unit.
hersfate task force defenses by num- gen' The ships of the attack force tack*1115, separate to make counterat- tfjji UnProfitable, and they are cen- Up ^ c°ntrolled. The carrier is picked y the SOSS, and her position is
Uiit
S'les
can retire relatively safely.
satu:
Cgelnvisibility
COrnpany and in firing from very h0 ranges. That is why their ships'6 r°cket projectors (RBUs) have long ranges. The Soviets seriously consider counterattacks by the submarine. For many years the RBU was dismissed in the West because it would have been worthless in a Western context: there was very little chance of a single ship scoring a hit.
Any ASW weapon suffers from a dead time, a time between the last shipboard sonar input and the time it arrives at the position deduced from that input. In the case of the RBU, that dead time extends from just before the moment of launch to the moment at which the individual round sinks to the hostile submarine’s predicted depth; the faster the submarine, the smaller the chance of scoring a hit.
A ship-launched homing torpedo, no matter what its size, does not solve this problem. It suffers from a delay while it runs out to the point at which it begins to search. Again, the faster the target submarine, the shorter the effective range of a homing torpedo. Wire guidance should improve matters, but it seems unlikely that it can be implemented in a trainable torpedo mount such as the U. S. Mk-32 or the Soviet quadruple or quintuple types. In fact, the U. S. lightweight homing torpedo began as a replacement for depth charges, and against modern fast nuclear submarines that function seems to be a fair characterization of any ship-launched homing torpedo without some form of mid-course guidance.
That leaves stand-off weapons with enhanced kill probabilities, through either a greater lethal volume (as in the FRAS-l on the Moskva) or through a homing torpedo (as in SS-N-14). From a Soviet point of view, longer and longer standoff ranges had to be more and more attractive as U. S. submarines gained speed (which improved their evasive abilities) and firepower (e.g., with the Mk-45 and Mk-48 torpedoes). It might be argued that the sonars they provided their ships were probably incapable of search operation at ranges compatible with SS-N-14; however, cooperative operations of the Soviet type entail the integrated use of several ships’ sonars,
be
ets
ch
the
(ex-DLG-18, now CG-18)
SA-N-3 of a “Kara” or “Kresta H Pr vides a useful measure of se^e defense—but not of offense, given Soviet Navy’s model of long-f*10^ antiship fire.
In particular, there is no need ^ Mr. Bonsignore’s postulated SP
the It<s
tern
and that in turn makes the best use of relatively poor sensors. For example, if five ships combine the outputs of sonars, each of which has only a 20% chance of detecting a target, the net probability of detection rises to 67%. Moreover, the fire control performance of such sonars will be far better than their search performance, because knowledge of approximate target position makes for much better signal detection in noise. In each case, it is important to evaluate Soviet equipment in Soviet—not Western—terms.
In typical Western operations, several ships screen a force or convoy. Each is responsible for one sector; a joint operation is a concentration of individual ships in individual sectors. In some cases attacks may be executed by several ships operating together, but the criterion for ASW effectiveness is one-on-one. Soviet tactics, which make full use of external targeting resources, are always many-on-one. In fact, Soviet tactics begin with an assumed approximate target datum. It is not at all clear how the initial datum is obtained, but it is clear that the Soviets look towards some (perhaps future) system which will give them such data.
The SS-N-14 fits well into the recent history of Soviet naval missions. In the late 1950s, the Soviets developed a series of short-range ASW ships, such as the “Petya” and “Mirka”-class frigates, armed with the RBUs and then with small-diameter ASW-homing torpedoes. Among possible explanations for this development was a Soviet expectation that the West would develop a class of missile-firing submarine comparable to the Soviet "Golf’ and "Hoter' classes, which would have to come close inshore. The United States developed the Polaris, which in its earliest version had to come quite close to Soviet shores to fire its 1,200-mile missile. However, the U. S. missile had considerable growth potential, and the inshore ASW system lost much of its effect.
In the mid-1960s the Soviets began to deploy “blue-water” ASW forces as well as a longer-range SSBN, the “Yankee.” It appeared that Soviet doctrine envisaged an offensive against SSBNs, which Western analysts dismissed as impossible. However, the Soviets planned a much more complex course. Admiral Gorshkov wrote of the need to preserve his SSBN force during much of a war, looking towards late-war bargaining; he wanted to keep his boats in sanctuary areas, protected against the incursions of Western attack submarines and ASW ships and aircraft. This protective function is generally described as preservation of “combat stability,” and requires for its accomplishment surface ships with considerable ASW capability. It also appears that in wartime the Soviets intend to attempt to purge the Mediterranean of SSBNs, which is probably a realistic goal, given a lengthy pre-strategic war.
Ships intended primarily to fight submarines must, however, survive air and surface attack. The Soviets regard Western SSBNs as our most important naval asset, and expect us to try to protect them from ASW attack; similarly, they expect us to try to break their ASW (pro-SSBN) barriers in places like the Norwegian Sea. That is why ships like the “Karas” are armed with powerful surface-to-air missiles (SAMs). Ezio Bonsignore asks why such important ships do not have specialized surface-to-surface missiles (SSMs). He forgets that virtually every SAM in the world has a significant antiship capability; the example of Standard ARM on board many U. S. ships must not be all that forgettable. In the Soviet case, the usual command guidance system must be quite suitable to antiship attack, as long as the target is
somewhere near the horizon. Aim0 all SAMs carry quite respectable heads, since they are designed to lethal even if they miss their targ1 by substantial distances; s ^ warheads may not destroy a large ship, but they can certainly distuP her electronics—as the U. S. learned in 1972 when a Shrike radar missile disabled the ‘
Thus
cialized antiship missile using other loading doors of the SA-N-3- far more likely that the SA-N-3 sys ^ employs a modular loader, one m°P‘ f zine (say, loading ring) per door. r( doors give twice the capacity of Given the small dimensions of * ships carrying SA-N-Ss, the fact that missile has large wings, and the Pr° able lack of any special finning sPa^s[ it seems that each magazine tn ^ have a very small capacity indeed, no great surprise that the Soviets n- crammed in as many missiles as P° ble, since they know that their s will be subject to the kind of heavy ‘ attack the U. S. Navy and its a* ' can mount. It seems unlikely c ‘ they will be willing to dilute this pacity in order to counter Wes surface ships, which are a relati^ minor threat—just as Soviet sut*^ ships are a very minor threat to
10T0
fleets,
ffari
compared to the Soviet sub-
ne and naval air arms.
The
ls easy for large and competent
(jj . cnoral of the SS-N-14 story is
naval ,
t‘rn to wishful thinking or to imaging. The U. S. surface community was quite im
«ea '
,be,‘eved had niar
vjet• lnteiligence organizations to fall
^'ftor-ir
Warfare
^ ssed by Soviet antiship missiles. It •n 1971, that the Soviets n° particularly valid antisub- t^p! Ine mission, but that they were in- 1,, Sely interested in anticarrier attack. s. aoing, it disregarded both Soviet tj1Jernents and the fact that most of a 0viet anticarrier threat resided in ^combination of bombers and sub- ihl lfleS’ richer of them nearly as visas the local "Krivak" or "Kara."
the Part sty|e
across a wide spectrum of Soviet
hav' rr’issi°ns. That problem may
Ve been a consequence of the com- Partn
or
VVas there much appreciation of character of Soviet tactics and, in ‘cnlar, of the continuity of tactical
0r totalization of the intelligence ^aoization, or of the interest in
^fdwn
Stfati fa
are rather rhan in tactical or e8'c style. Hardware is, after all,
easier to categorize,
and mirror- is terribly, and sometimes
B y> easy-
|j y ‘975, many within naval intel- believed the SS-N-14 ro be an j Weapon, based partly on the evi- yc^Ce adduced above, and within a official position had shifted, "'as ' Proceedings announcement shif n° more chan a report of that ' *r has not had the publicity Mr
ratall
°Osi
Snore suggests it deserves largely
because of the same reason the SS-N-10 was created in the first place: a short- range Soviet antiship missile fits much Western wishful thinking and justifies the widespread European interest in weapons such as Exocet. In fact, the only Soviet blue-ocean combatants armed with short-range SSMs are intended as tattletales: their function is to remain in formation with carriers so that they can feed into the final targeting equation the location of the carrier within the formation, and so defeat such electronic countermeasure devices as blip-enhancers on the destroyers screening the carrier. The tattletale turns away (aft) just before the missiles arrive, as otherwise it will act as an inadvertent missile absorber and so dilute the saturation strike—to which it adds its four aft-firing SS-N-2 “Styx" missiles.
Mr. Bonsignore’s article deserves much more comment. He seems, for example, to imagine that because the Soviets now arm rheir surface combatants with SS-N-14, they have given up on anticarrier warfare. The “Kynda” and "Kresta I" classes have not been laid up, or, for that matter, those SS-N-3-firing submarines and the air- to-surface missile (ASM)-firing "Badgers” have more to do with anticarrier strikes. Mr. Bonsignore also fails to address the sanctuary or “combat stability” idea. Unfortunately, there is no such rhing as a purely technical argument concerning ASW. ASW has many facets. There are indeed immense differences between offensive ASW forces, such as the old U. S.
The Soviet Navy's large inventory of antiship missile-equipped aircraft ("Backfire,” facing page), submarines, and surface combatants (Mod “Kashin," above) supports the argument that the SS-N-14-armed “Kresta 11s,” "Karas,” and “Krivaks” are not needed, or designed, for anticarrier operations.
hunter-killer groups, and convoy escorts. Lacking the strategic and tactical context, an analyst would find it difficult to explain why one navy built both.
Mr. Bonsignore also observes that the Soviet antiship inventory consists of SS-N-9 and SS-N-11 (actually a variant of SS-N-2) missiles; he seems unaware that the primary Soviet anticarrier missiles are ASMs and the SS-N-3 (with its newer descendant, SS-N-12). These latter missiles have the range to carry out traditional Soviet ACW tactics; the others do not. They are integrated into the SOSS and use the specialized target data provided by "Bear-D;” the shorter-range missiles are not tied into the SOSS.
Moreover, Mr. Bonsignore seems totally unaware of the antiship capability inherent in all SAMs. Is he unaware that there exists a variety of dual-thrust pure rockets (such as Tartar and Standard) which has neither a separate booster nor an integral ramjet? Is he unaware that command guidance, which the Soviets quite obviously (from the shape of the guidance radars) use for SA-N-3, can lead to considerable miss distances, and that a
command-detonated warhead should have a considerable lethal volume or that no U. S. naval SAM has vectored thrust?
Mr. Bonsignore’s underwater blast hypothesis* for the SS-N-14 is indeed interesting, but it assumes that the Soviets are willing to attack surface
*The nuclear warhead is less attractive than a homing torpedo because the disturbance it creates blinds sonars for some time and hence makes reacquisition of the target difficult. On the other hand, it is not susceptible to countermeasures. It would not be surprising if the Soviets were to develop a nuclear SS-N-14 a la ASROC. However, like us, they may well prefer a non-nuclear route where practical.
ships from close in. The assumption of short range for SS-N-14 is based, not on some kind of magic, but on analysis of the volume of the missile container, standard Soviet practice in propulsion, and on the form of the guidance transmitter. There is no way that the dish visible on SS-N-14-equipped ships is compatible with a 200- or 300-mile range missile. It implies command guidance and short-range operation. Mr. Bonsignore should compare the kind of guidance transmitter required for the SS-N-3, which goes about 200 miles. Moreover, given the kind of bang inherent in an SS-N-3, why develop a new missile? Why not just
dive SS-N-3 into the water? In case, evading the carrier’s point ^ fense would not solve the problem cause the missile would still have survive the defenses of the escorts.
The SS-N-14 is a study in the style of naval production and na operations, to the extent of production decisions (such as ^ which led to the “Kresta 1 a “Kresta II”) run afoul of changes^ operational doctrine (such as which led from SS-N-3 in “Kresta SS-N-14 in its successor). Much o study remains to be written, at in the unclassified literature.
Taking the hand to Sea
By Mark T. Clevenger, Instructor in the School of Business at the University of Washington and free-lance writer
and
an*'
;erve
was cancelled to release money to ^ for cost overruns in ships nlre‘* under construction. 5
Both the Spear and Land cl®5 were designed to keep pace with increasing size and complexity
.ay
of'1*
submarine fleet. For example, the ^ major post-World War II subrnn'1.^ class, the Skipjack (SSN-585), cornr^(1(l
bet"
well
The Emory S. Land (AS-39) is the first of a class designed to tend the Los Angeles (SSN-688)-class nuclear attack submarines. Built into the hull of a Simon Lake (AS-33)-class submarine tender, as was the predecessor L. Y. Spear (AS-36) class, the Land earned her lead ship designation because of extensive system changes required to support the Los Angeles submarines. Included in changes incorporated in the Land were new shops, modified helicopter facilities, upgraded habitability, increased crane capacity, antipollution arrangements, additional over-the-side services, modified service booms, and greatly extended electrical delivery systems. Total light displacement weight grew from the Spear's 12,770 tons to 13,842 for the Land.
The Land was named for submarine pioneer Vice Admiral Emory S. Land, a cousin and advisor to Charles Lindbergh, who supervised design and development of fleet-type submarines as the pre-World War II Chief of the Naval Bureau of Construction and Repair. Land subsequently served as head of both the U. S. Maritime Commission and the War Shipping Administration.
Two more of the class are under construction at Lockheed’s yards. The Frank Cable (AS-40) joined the Land in tandem keel-laying ceremonies on 2 March 1976. The keel for the McKee (AS-41), ordered under FY 1977 funding, went down the same day the Cable was launched, 14 January 1978.
Frank Cable was chief engineer and trial captain on John Holland’s prototype submarine which became the first submarine to be accepted by the Navy. Cable made pioneering contributions to submarine propulsion and crew training. The Cable is scheduled for delivery to the Navy in September 1979.
Rear Admiral Andrew I. McKee’s career as designer and builder spanned submarine development from diesel to nuclear propulsion, both as a naval officer and research and development executive for Electric Boat in Groton, Connecticut. (Admiral McKee’s story is told by Commander Alden on pages 49-57 of this issue.) The McKee is due
to be launched in February 1980 delivered in mid-1981.
The first U. S. submarine
iliaries, built from the keel up to S' nuclear attack submarines, the -V and the Dixon (AS-37) were bui1 General Dynamics’ Quincy yard on FY 1965 and 1966 funds.* The commissioned the Spear in Febrn 1970, and the Dixon in August 1' y Congress funded the AS-38 >n ^ 1969. But construction subseqt*en ^
firs'
ine
sioned in 1959, is 251.7 feet long displaces 3,500 tons submerged- first of the Los Angeles (SSN-688)'C submarines, approved for construct* in the FY 1970 defense budget, ha5 *Some older class submarine tenders have backfitted to serve nuclear submarines, as
llTg ““unit luiuimim, UUI1U
irrg tl,e submarine tenders, includ Curr. e third tender announced con
Cattle’.
history.
Displacement: | 13,842 tons light |
| 23,000 tons full load |
Length: | 645 2/3 feet |
Beam: | 85 feet |
Speed: | 18 knots (sustained) |
Endurance: | 10,000 miles (12 knots) |
Complement: | 1,158 |
Gear steering system. |
mer ** length of 360 feet and a sub- The ^ displacement of 6,900 tons. 19?5 A»geles was launched in April c°ni -at ^^ectr*c Boat, Groton, and •passioned *n November 1976. tarfi C COr>tract, with its original ^ °f 5252>920,319, was the ing t In Lockheed’s history. Accord- ,to L)on Page, Seattle Post- ‘kencer marine columnist, build-
Was w'th the launch of the Land,
in c e largest construction contract oe- ■
lUstr nstruction of these three ships il- slrj ftes the complexity of modern 3,oo0U,ldlng- Between 1,000 and 8reate Leople will be employed for the Win r Lart °f seven years. Each ship some 12,500 tons of steel, hull wL'ch would be used in the elect.arid superstructure; 142 miles of ing p^lcal cable; 30 miles of pipe rang- I5 * 0rn L& to 18 inches in diameter; sheet P'Pe assemblies; 23 miles of tiota tttctal ducts for heating, ventila- ty0r/. an<f air conditioning; 1,554 lr,g drawings; 20,000 purchase orders to some 4,000 different firms; and more than 1,500 tools, machines, appliances, benches, and stowage racks in 53 workshops. Each ship has 349 offices and living spaces, 51 fan rooms, 17 pump and machinery spaces, 154 storerooms, and 16 magazines among the 875 compartments and spaces spread over 13 deck levels.
These tenders will serve submarines and their crews with repairs, spare parts, ordnance, provisions, and medical, dental, legal, mail, library, film, and spiritual services.
Combustion Engineering supplied the Land class boilers set for Navy marine diesel fuel in full automatic combustion mode. The DeLaval steam turbine generates 20,000 s.h.p. It drives the single shaft at 150 r.p.m. through a DeLaval double helical, articulated, double reduction gear. Each of the four DeLaval ship’s service turbo-generators (SSTGs) supplies 2,500 KW of electricity.
The six-bladed, right-handed, manganese-bronze fixed-pitch prop is 18 feet in diameter. The 290-square- foot rudder is swung by a Western
The Colt Industries-supplied emergency diesel generator uses compressed air for automatic start should the SSTGs shut down.
On the AS-39 class, three ship alongside service (SAS) stations are supplied through four switchboards. All four SSTGs can be paralleled in a split plant system in various two and three SSTG combinations. The system can supply continuous high levels of power from any two or all three stations with all four generators in use. The stern SAS power transfer recepti- cals can receive power from shore sources, with additional capability for receiving shore power through port and starboard stations.
The larger Los Angeles-class sub-
crane with a 10,000 pound 1* c ^
fantail service and a 64-foot, P°rca
conveyor belt. ^
The AS-39 does not have a 1
helicopter deck aft, but is set uP^e
vertical replenishment (VertRep)-
VertRep deck on the 01 level is
tified to accommodate H-l, H-2» j
CH-46 helicopters and has an assoC1‘l^_
control station with UHF radio, ,
■ no
and a
Antipollution features of the 7-
class—also being backfitted tenders—include sanitary hazardous pollutant, fuel over
V disch*#*
sf
i of
on
and oily waste holding and systems. A bromine disinfectant
marines with their heavier propellers required installation of the stouter king-post repair crane amidships. Land-class cranes will hoist 60,000 pounds maximum as compared to the Spear’s original 30,000-pound lift crane. With king-post crane positioned to handle propellers, heavy ma
chinery, boats, and cargo, two traveling rotating cranes on 350-foot port and starboard tracks provide service to ships alongside. These cranes are rated at 10,000 pounds with a 55 feet outreach. To handle cargo dockside and bring it on board, the AS-39 is provided with a mobile, extendable boom
phone communications speaker. •>
Services supplied to the alon£s , service stations include compre^j air, oxygen, nitrogen, 150-P~ ^ steam, portable water, diesel fue diesel lube oil, turbine lube chilled water, pure water, sea ',va ^ electrical power, and oily and safiU waste discharge. m
oth«f
waste’
tern replaces the standard chlorin^1 system. 0
Just as the three people for vV these ships served to make the • Navy’s submarine fleet what it lS^.|j day, the three Land-class tenders serve to keep that fleet ready.
116
Proceedings / June
casualty planning is impor-
planning 15 lllipui-
;t • t0 tke combat line officer because ttiei^Creases tke return of combat-wise bat t0 ^Uty an<d 'c ‘mProves the corn- talc S° ^*er S mora^e and willingness to Peth neCeSSary risks- But in the com- teq 100 ^0r Pruning time and skills jCes red by so many supporting serv- |0 ’ rned'ca^ planning is often given the ^;°rity- ^n- Part, this is because
0ye m'litary physicians have, in fact, to u° ^ the*r product. Soldiers seem f0u ave unbounded and often un- thejr tC. enthusiasm and confidence in Cause m'Utary Physician colleagues be-
recent t^*e^ ^*aVe ^one so weB *n tke Past; line officers assume their
y ‘cians will automatically be able '' So again. Though flattering,
to dq . .
is u u again. Though flattering, this fr0 nreahstic. Plans and techniques pf0 a Previous war are no more ap- atfrj *ate *n medicine than they are for
Th °r C*°Se tact‘ca* a‘r support. datl e Military Medical Corps is in pa$(. r °b being a casualty of its own EVe achievements and publicity, the i ne w'th access to a television in ^bOs witnessed the remarkable
Pcrf0rm —- ----------------
Vi„. nance of combat casualty care in etnam. But
Hot
like!
y-
a rerun of that scenario Vulnerable helicopter
^‘ctejjanteS and open-lighted, unpro Mai
•n
nnin
■spitals are weak reeds to lean
long-range
combat casualty
et"«- They may quickly be oblit-
^ DV ___
3y modern weapons.
c°mb evel°ping a plan for future Shr- casualty care, the following ast i^tl0ns are made: short 6 next high-intensity war will be min;.-. ^resent plans, equipment, ad-
Hflve
structure, and possibly
to c military personnel may have luj^ tke course. We won’t have the n,edry leisurely wartime change in 0myCJ policy of tactics and call-up. abje n°se who are immediately avail- at the time of mobilization will
%
probably be of use during the active combat phase of the war.
► Continental United States will probably be bombed. Even a token attack on the United States will sponsor a national outcry not to call up civilian physicians lest home towns be a target for attack.
► Medical affairs will not have the high priority enjoyed in Vietnam. Austerity and cost-effectiveness are lessons forgotten by physicians during our last three wars and seldom emphasized in peacetime (civilian or military) practice.
► Because of precision-guided munitions, neither side is likely to have complete, close-to-the-ground air supremacy. Since helicopters for casualty pick-up will be vulnerable, casualties will not routinely be evacuated by air within minutes of wounding. Extraction will probably have to be by hand litter or wheeled (perhaps armored) vehicles.
► Casualties will reach forward hospitals for primary surgical care many hours or days after being wounded, resulting in many fatalities of those with head, chest, and abdominal injuries. Many wounds will be infected, not merely contaminated—a difference which totally alters the surgeon’s approach to a wound and the patient’s chances for uneventful recovery.
► There will be a high likelihood of radiation injuries, either alone, in conjunction with a burn, or accompanied by other trauma requiring surgical care.
► All medical facilities, ashore or afloat, will be within enemy missile range.
The technology of modern war is so dynamic and its effect on combat casualty planning so crucial that policy planning in this area must be shared between line and medical offi-
cers at every level. Understanding new weaponry and tactics inevitably affects methods for casualty evacuation and care which in turn dictate details of the injured soldiers’ surgical care. Yet the fact remains that professional interchange on the technology of future warfare has only involved a few medical officers, who by seniority and career choice as administrators are sequestered from practical clinical care.
Military physicians, however, are currently almost totally involved in professional care of active duty personnel and their dependents. For the majority, their self-image is more of a doctor than of a military man.
Most line officers have great respect for the military physician as a doctor, but they seldom consider it pertinent to update physicians on the technology and planning for a future war. But sound, in-depth combat casualty planning depends on interchange, and it will require administrative organization to sponsor such dialogue, not merely sporadic exhortation which will lose its impact when personnel change.
At the top are the few who make the final medical war plan policy. Currently this group consists of the Department of Defense Health Council, composed of the three services’ surgeons general, the DoD Secretary for Health Affairs, and a representative of the Uniformed Services University of Health Sciences. In addition, there is medical input to various working groups of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
The problem with the existing combat casualty planning -group is that there is no communication between these planners and those who will have the clinical and tactical responsibility for operating the plans. To bridge this communication gap.
tive operations not involving the ,n^ jured. It is unrealistic and naive to sume that every surgeon spontaneo becomes expert in the management the combat injured merely because dons a uniform. The managerial 4ue^ tion is how optimal patient care^_ best be supervised and controlled 11
ing a war. . >
° - -uW'
dewith
appreciated that infectious disease, to World War II, has taken far soldiers from the line than have ene bullets. There is every reason to ticipate that this might happen ^ in a future war when disrupt*00 ^ urban life will produce extensive Pu j lie health hazards to both soldiers civilians. For example, imagine (*" out considering damage from e*P ^ sives) the effects of the cessation garbage disposal and sewage, breakdown in the availability of c e
four advisory committees should be created: (1) Combat Casualty Advisory Committee, (2) Historical Studies Committee, (3) Clinical Policy Committee, and (4) Research Committee (See Figure 1).
The Combat Casualty Advisory Committee should advise the DoD Health Council Medical War Plans Group on appropriate changes in combat casualty care that should be in contingency military plans. It must correlate advances in medicine, the technology of warfare, and current U. S. foreign policy considerations.
It should include representatives of all services, ranks, and professional expertise, from both the line and medical departments. Representatives from the medical departments should include Medical Service Corps as well as medical officers.
This tri-service committee should have responsibility to constantly review the changing medical plans and annexes for military operations in areas of high risk for U. S. military involvement. It must plan for the entire spectrum of possible conflict, ranging from small client brush-fire wars through a major power, tactical or strategic nuclear exchange. So, too, it must consider the impact on casualty care of a specialized military environment, such as in tank warfare, combat at high altitude, in the desert, in the cold, or when base hospital facilities, afloat or ashore, are destroyed or unavailable.
The tri-service Historical Studies Committee could most productively and efficiently study military medical history. It should involve intensive study in two areas: wars in which the United States was involved, and the wars of other countries. During our mid-century period of national overconfidence, we neglected serious study of the medical lessons available from the contemporary wars of others. The rush to learn the British medical experience in anti-guerilla warfare in Malaya in the early days of our Vietnam War typifies what could, with better planning, have been available if constant study in this area had been an element in our planning.
Such a review committee cannot be casual. It requires a full-time skeleton staff that can be supplemented with additional personnel as the specific need arises. It would be a natural use for our medical reservists. As leaders in the civilian professional community, the medical reserve, without the need for professional diplomatic maneuvers or expense, has access to information channels in every country in the world. Surgeons—of whatever nationality or military status—usually enthusiastically share their combat casualty management experience with their foreign professional colleagues.
The third of the committees would examine clinical policy. The purpose of a casualty evacuation system is to place the wounded in the hands of properly equipped and qualified surgeons as quickly as possible. But once there, the surgeon who directs the team must perform the optimal operative and pre-operative care. During peacetime, both military and civilian surgeons are primarily devoted to elec-
Historically, clinical policy £u* ance in the U. S. service medica ^ partments has varied enormously the managerial style of each sutg^ general. On occasion, there has tight quality control, technical d‘nl policy guidance, and careful gathe of hard data. Most, however, adopted a laisse-faire approach, ass ^ ing that qualified board surge given the correct equipment supplies would somehow perform correct procedures. ■
In both World War I and IT cians and surgeons, both civilian ^ military, used National Council (NRC) guidance to advise uniformed physicians caring for tl*e jured. For various complex reasons NRC has fallen on hard times. r , now important that a clinical con tative committee providing up0 clinical guidelines for the care or c ^ bat wounded in keeping with cur surgical progress be operative proper combat casualty plann1 Such a committee should be tri-ser and call on highly qualified reser and civilian specialists. Its mem expert in scientific affairs, must ^ kept current by advisors <n ^ technology of warfare because it01 affect the generation of casualties ^ their evacuation and subsequent Although injuries resulting tf ^ enemy action are the main objective combat casualty planning, it must
ore ■n>y an' ai°
n0l,|d be
subdivided into two mis-
!*rts, arch
•tp r
0 Health. Its members should be
t„te ~_COuncils in the National Insti-
C°*niza,
e*Pend arch
water l •
han neatmg, electricity, and no ^Portation to bring in food. sh0 J Clinical Policy Committee P)ealth responsible for advising the infe ■ Council concerning matters of add'tl0Us disease and public health, in oftht,0n t0 problems of surgical care e combat wounded.
ch_ 6 Research Committee should be
^narKej . . . .
rHe(., u with investigating new
Care °^S ^or better combat casualty lon ’ Woich is an integral part of shC) ranRe planning. This objective
S|°ns-
Poll ' t0 advise high-level research of and (2) to evaluate the merits deter IV,<^u‘d research proposals and •j^ine priorities for funding.
W0l)|de research policy group, which i^itla ^ cornPosed of an interdisci- and' ^ ^rouP °f career medical officers a few line officers and civilian ex-
Sear , should function as do the re-
Ogy ant °f advances in the technol- a„d y, War, of progress in medicine, diat lnally’ *n international affairs so tint.nthey can encourage research per- fu. to geographic areas where the i„Voj d States might become militarily for Ve<^' f*- should provide guidelines
iture of military medical re- ^Cas an^ development dollars. On Conf °n> could sponsor research rences or workshops in areas
where stimulation is needed on military subjects not receiving noticeable research activity in the civilian community. This group of senior planners should also restrain military research dollar expenditure in areas where there is intense civilian medical research activity.
The National Institute of Health Study Section peer review system is generally recognized as the best technique for professional decision-making concerning research proposal review and priority assignment. The military should adopt the study section system, altering its membership to include a majority of senior representatives from research units at the San Antonio Burn Unit, the Armed Forces Institutes of Pathology, the Nuclear Defense Agency, the Navy Medical Research Institute in Bethesda, and the Air Force Research Unit at Wright- Patterson Field. The addition of civilian experts would provide scientific balance and input from similar areas of civilian research.
Since long-range combat casualty care planning is not new to the three armed forces medical departments, the suggestions made here represent a change in emphasis of an existing, recognized responsibility. We need a wider base of medical officers involved in planning. Benefits of such wider involvement which should include middle management, would be many. Young minds not influenced by personal identification with a past war scenario will sponsor imaginative thinking. This will be particularly poignant since these will be the officers who will themselves probably have to fight the type of war they project.
Clinicians, rather than only designated administrators, should also be involved. Two clearly defined career patterns are available to military physicians at mid life: remain a clinician or specialize in administration. The latter group has been almost solely tasked as military medical planners trained in administrative techniques. These experts clearly should have the ultimate responsibility for the final decision-making process. However, to exclude all others from participation inevitably sponsors a loss of identification of the majority of military medical officers—who are clinicians—with the primary duty of the military medical department: to furnish medical care during a war. Constant involvement in wartime medical planning will add an extra incentive to the professional career of medical officers.
We also need a greater exchange between combat line officers and their medical department counterparts in medical war planning. The line officers must be familiarized with the medical implication of new combat technology. Such line medical department dialogue cannot be left to chance; it must be made an accepted part of junior and senior command and staff school curricula and constantly encouraged by hospital commanding officers for their medical officers. Presented as a professional intellectual challenge, such a policy should encourage retention of the highly motivated military physician.