JAPAN’S SURRENDER
Final Negotiations—Full and final surrender of Japan came in a message which reached the U. S. State Department at 6:10 p.m. on Tuesday, August 14. In his subsequent announcement, President Truman stated that General MacArthur had been appointed Supreme Allied Commander to receive the surrender, and that Britain, Russia, and China would be represented by high ranking officers. Japan was instructed to order prompt cessation of hostilities and to send emissaries to Manila to sign terms and receive directions from the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers. The Suzuki Cabinet immediately resigned.
The first Japanese surrender note was delivered August 10. It stated that the Japanese Government was
ready to accept the terms enumerated in the joint declaration which was issued at Potsdam July 26, 1945, by the heads of the governments of the United States, Great Britain, and China, and later subscribed to by the Soviet Republic, with the understanding that the said declaration docs not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a sovereign ruler.
The Allied reply, dispatched by President Truman the next day, declared that
from the moment of surrender the authority of the Emperor and the Japanese government to rule the state shall be subject to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, who will take such steps as he deems proper to effectuate the surrender terms.
... the ultimate form of government of Japan shall, in accordance with the Potsdam declaration, be established by the freely expressed will of the Japanese people.
The armed forces of the Allies will remain in Japan until the purposes set forth in the Potsdam declaration arc achieved.
As stated above, the final acceptance of these terms, transmitted through the Swiss Government, was not received until August 14, three days later. Hostilities continued through most of this period.
The Potsdam Declaration.—Since the Japanese made peace on the basis of the Potsdam Declaration, the essential parts of this declaration are given below. In brief it called for the elimination of Japanese militarism, limitation of Japanese territory to the home islands, democratization of the government, restriction of industry to permit reparations in kind but not production of war materials, occupation of Japanese territory, and “unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces.” At the end of July Premier Suzuki declared that “so far as the Imperial Government of Japan is concerned, it will take no notice of this statement.” However, atomic bombing and the advent of Russia into the war brought a change of heart within ten days.
Potsdam Declaration.—There must be eliminated for all time the authority and influence of those who have deceived and misled the people of Japan into embarking on a world conquest, for we insist that a new order of peace, security, and justice will be impossible until irresponsible militarism is driven from the world.
Until such a new order is established and until there is convincing proof that Japan’s warmaking power is destroyed, points in Japanese territory to be designated by the Allies shall be occupied to secure the achievement of the basic objectives we are here setting forth.
The terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and such minor islands as we determine.
The Japanese military forces, after being completely disarmed, shall be permitted to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead peaceful and productive lives.
We do not intend that the Japanese shall be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals, including those who have visited cruelties upon our prisoners. The Japanese Government shall remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, of religion and of thought as well as respect for the fundamental human rights shall be established.
Japan shall be permitted to maintain such industries as will sustain her economy and permit the exaction of just reparations in kind, but not those which would enable her to rearm for war. To this end, access to, as distinguished from control of, raw materials shall be permitted. Eventual Japanese participation in world trade relations shall be permitted.
The occupying forces of the Allies shall be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives have been accomplished and there has been established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people a peacefully inclined and responsible Government.
We call upon the Government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction.
Russia in Eastern War.—The Soviet declaration of war against Japan was issued on Wednesday, August 8, effective at midnight. The accompanying statement indicated a desire to bring an early end to the war, and was based on Japan’s refusal to accept the terms offered at Potsdam. This refusal, according to Foreign Minister Molotov’s accompanying note, showed that Japan was now responsible for the continuance of hostilities. On the 8th at midnight Soviet forces began advances into Manchuria from the northwest and northeast, and later also entered the Japanese portion of Saghalicn. Russia’s expectations in the peace settlement with Japan, though doubtless discussed at Potsdam, remained a matter of speculation. On August 15 it was announced that a new treaty of friendship had been signed between the Soviet Republic and the Chungking Government in China.
POTSDAM CONFERENCE
Conference Results.—The Potsdam Conference of the American, British, and Soviet chiefs of state and their staffs extended from July 17 to August 2, with a brief interim, July 26-28, caused by the return of British statesmen to learn the results of the British election. Thereafter the British were represented at Potsdam by the new Prime Minister, Clement R. Atlee, and his Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin. One outcome of the conference was the establishment of a new Council of Foreign Ministers representing the United States, Britain, Russia, France, and China. This body takes the place of the former three-power European Council and will have the primary task of drafting peace treaties with ex-enemy countries, including Italy, Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, and Romania.
There was more definite indication of the terms to be imposed on Germany. In the political field, these would include complete disarmament and demilitarization, extirpation of Naziism root and branch, control of education to eliminate militarist doctrines and make possible the development of democratic ideas, restoration of local self-government on democratic principles, and “freedom of speech, press, and religion” subject to military security.
In the economic field, the terms would prevent all production of implements of land, sea, and air war; restrict production of metals, chemicals, and machinery to carefully determined peacetime needs; decentralize industry to remedy “the present excessive concentration as exemplified in particular by cartels, syndicates, trusts and other monopolistic arrangements”; place primary emphasis on agriculture and peaceful domestic industries; and establish controls over exports and imports and scientific research. Reparation amounts were not stated. Each of the occupying nations was to draw reparations from its own zone of occupation, but Russia was to receive 25 per cent from the western zones, of which 15 per cent was to be taken without payment and the rest paid for in foodstuffs and raw materials. Other matters, including German territorial losses in the cast and the condemnation of the Franco Government in Spain, are touched on below.
German Territorial Losses.—There was agreement “in principle” at Potsdam on “the transfer to the Soviet Union of the City of Koenigsberg and adjacent territory.” This would give Russia control of a large part of the coastline and territory of East Prussia. The remainder would go to Poland. While Poland’s western frontiers were to be left for the final peace settlement, the Polish Government would at once be granted administration of all the former German lands east of the Oder and Nicssc rivers. This would include the rich coal fields of Silesia, much of Pomerania, and the Baltic coast cast from Stettin. A Polish delegation of six members was called to Potsdam for consultation. It was understood that a part of this delegation, including Vice Premier Mikolajezyk, opposed the taking over of so large a part of German territory, in view of the minority problems and the threat of future conflict.
Problems Unsolved.—Though much was accomplished at Potsdam, much also was left for future settlement. One problem unmentioned in the final communique was the evacuation of Allied troops from Iran, which according to Allied pledges was to be carried out within six months after the end of the war with Germany “and her associates.” American forces in Iran have for the most part been withdrawn. England pointed out that the war with Japan was not yet over, and Russia would make no move toward withdrawal while British troops remained.
A second problem for the future, already raised by the Soviet Government in discussions with Turkey, was the revision of the Montreux Convention relating to the Turkish straits. The present arrangement prevents the passage into or out of the Black Sea of any war vessel of over 10,000 tons, and gives Turkey full control of the Straits in time of war. Russia’s increased concern in the Mediterranean and Near East gives additional importance also to the disposition of Italy’s former colonial empire, including Italian Somaliland, Eritrea, Libya, and the Dodecanese Islands. Soviet policy will no doubt favor placing some at least of these colonies under United Nations trusteeship, which would give her a voice in their administration and control.
UNITED NATIONS ACTIVITIES
UNRRA Conference.—The third meeting of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration was held in London in mid-August, with delegates present from 44 nations. Director General Herbert Lehman in the opening session stressed the heavy winter’s task ahead of succoring war victims and making a start toward “normal production.” He estimated that an additional $1,500,000,000 or $2,000,000,- 000 would be required for the 1946 program, which might be raised by an assessment of one per cent of the national income on each member nation. Assistant Secretary of State William L. Clayton headed the American delegation.
United Nations Council Meets.— August; 16 was set for the first meeting of the United Nations Executive Council, which has the task of setting up the machinery of the new world security organization. The seat of the new organization is still to be decided, judges are to be nominated for the new International Court of Justice, and the Council will be called on also to assist in ending the old League of Nations, and transferring certain of its activities to the new international body. Under Secretary General Sean Lester of Eire, the old league still has a staff of 120 members, buildings at Geneva valued at $15,000,000, a treasury of $45,- 000,000, and 44 member nations.
Senate Ratifies Charter.—After only six days’ debate the United States Senate on July 28 ratified the new United Nations Charter by a vote of 89 to 2. Senators Langer of North Dakota and Shipstead of Minnesota cast the two votes opposed. Senator Hiram Johnson, absent because of mortal illness, indicated that he would also have voted against the measure. Prior to ratification, Senator Vandenberg suggested that legislation relating to American representation should provide: (1) Senate confirmation of the delegate appointed by the President, (2) Presidential authority to decide, through the delegate, all questions relating to the use of American armed forces, (3) a requirement that the President obtain “explicit Congressional authority” for use of armed forces beyond the basic quota, (4) a proposal that the United States and other American nations accept “exclusive responsibility for any armed forces required to maintain peace in the Western Hemisphere.”
Trial of War Criminals.—A “master trial” of leading German war criminals was set to open in Nuremburg, probably in the month of September. According to a list of 24 names published August 10, the leaders prosecuted in this first trial will include Goering, Ribbentrop, Franz von Papen, Rosenberg, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, Robert Ley, Julius Streicher, Arthur Scyss-Inquart, Karl Hermann (“protector of Czechoslovakia”), and Colonel General Gustav Jodi, last Chief of the German Joint General Staff. The trial will be conducted by a joint' military tribunal of the Allies and will follow procedures and definitions of war crimes worked out by the War Crimes Commission in London. It will establish rulings and precedents to guide subsequent trials of minor Nazi officials, more than 70,000 of whom are under detention in the American zone alone.
WESTERN EUROPE
British Labor Victory.—There was little general anticipation of the sweeping Labor victory won in the British parliamentary elections of last July. According to the results announced on July 26, the Labor party gained 392 out of a total of 640 seats, and with the support of the Liberals and minor parties could count on a majority of 417. The Conservatives 'were reduced from 358 seats to 195, and the Liberals from 18 to 11. Labor received nearly 12,000,000 votes, the Conservatives slightly over 9,000,000, and the Liberals 2,280,000. In the new ministry formed by Labor leader Clement R. Atlee, notable members were Ernest Bevin as Foreign Minister, Arthur Greenwood as Lord Privy Seal, Hugh Dalton as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Herbert Morrison as President of the Council, and Sir Stafford Cripps as President of the Board of Trade. The leftward swing in England was certain to have far-reaching influence on the European continent and throughout the world. At home the new government was pledged to carry out an extensive program of social reform, including public ownership of the Bank of England, nationalization of coal mines, transportation, and the iron and steel industry, strict supervision of other industries, and eventual nationalization of land. While there was no great pre-election divergence between the Conservative and Labor parties in matters of foreign policy, the new government was expected to move vigorously toward settlement of the Indian problem, favor leftist governments in the small European states, and work for closer co-operation with Soviet Russia.
Marshal Petain Convicted.—The treason trial of the 89-year-old Marshal Petain ended in Paris in mid-August with a sentence of death, but it was expected that General de Gaulle would commute the sentence to life imprisonment. While the trial was in progress former French Premier Pierre Laval was surrendered by Spain and flown to Austria, where he was turned over to French authorities and taken to Paris as a prisoner. Testifying at the trial of the aged Marshal, Laval insisted that he was a republican, not a fascist, and he resented being described as Petain’s “evil genius.”
It was .announced early in August that General de Gaulle’s visit to President Truman in Washington had been set for August 22.
Franco Regime Threatened.—At the Potsdam Conference it was decided that Spain under General Franco should be denied membership in the United Nations. The grounds given were that the present Spanish government had been “founded with the support of the Axis powers” and had afterward maintained “close association with the aggressor states.” Unquestionably the Potsdam decision had the strong support not only of Soviet authorities but of Premier Atlee as head of the new Labor government in the United Kingdom, which had early announced its intention to “do something about Spain.” In this country there was a marked reorientation of State Department policy. Assistant Secretary MacLeish declared in a broadcast on August 4 that it was not realized until recently “how strongly American opinion is and was opposed to the role played in Spain by Hitler and Mussolini,” and Assistant Secretary Acheson listed as a link in the chain leading to World War II the “Nazi-Fascist attack on the Spanish Republic.”
The Franco government in a communique of August 5 rejected as “arbitrary and unjust” the expression at Potsdam against Spain and called it the result of “the defamation campaign of Red exiles and their associates abroad.” Spain would not “beg admission to international conferences,” but trusted that when the passions exaggerated by the war and propaganda were allayed, the present judgment would be reconsidered. At the same time it was evident that General Franco was casting about to learn the changes necessary to win Allied toleration. There was a cabinet shake-up on July 20 in which General Jose Luis de Arrese was dropped from his ministerial post and a prominent Catholic leader, Alberto Martin Artajo, was made Minister of Foreign Affairs. Both by Franco and by opposition factions, there was much talk also of a restoration of the monarchy.
Belgian King Excluded.—The prolonged crisis in Belgium over the question of the return of King Leopold was settled for the present when on July 28 the Belgian chamber by a vote of 95 to 28 supported Premier Achille van Acker’s Cabinet in opposing the King’s return. Opposition was clearly not to the monarchy as constitutionally established but to King Leopold’s conduct before and after his surrender to Germany. Summing up the popular judgment, Premier van Acker declared that “the King is no traitor but has made certain mistakes.” His pronounced defeatism was made clear in the parliamentary debate. He had expected German victory, collaborated with the enemy, refused to support the Government in Exile, and refused also to escape and join the Maquis. Prince Baudouin, now 15, may later become King, should the Belgians not decide to abandon the monarchy.
EASTERN EUROPE
Russo-Turkish Talks Halted.—It was announced on August 3 that conversations between the Soviet Republic and Turkey in preparation for a new bilateral treaty of friendship had been halted for the present by Turkey’s rejections of the three main Russian proposals. As reported in the press, these were:
(1) That, prior to any general revision of the Montreux Straits Convention, the Turkish government should grant to the U.S.S.R. certain rights to defensive bases in the straits area. According to French sources, these bases were to be manned by the Turks in peacetime but placed at Russian disposition in wartime.
(2) That after an accord in principle on the above, there should be a conference of interested powers to draw up a new Straits Convention, Turkey agreeing beforehand to support the Soviet point of view.
(3) That there should be immediate discussion of the cession of the Turkish border areas of Kars and Ardahan to the Soviet Armenian Republic.
Turkey was naturally unwilling to accept these demands, desiring first, at least, to find out what support she might be given in her opposition by Britain and perhaps by other major powers. Freedom of the Dardanelles was to be regarded as just a first step in the advancement of Soviet interests and influence in the Mediterranean and Near East. In this connection, it was believed that, in the final peace arrangements with Bulgaria, the Soviet government would support Bulgarian hopes for an outlet on the Aegean, despite the fact that Bulgaria as a former Axis satellite has no moral justification for such territorial gains. Certainly her claims would be opposed by both Turkey and Greece, and probably with British backing.
Soviets and Satellites.—In his recent book The Pattern of Soviet Power, the veteran war correspondent Edgar Snow gives an interesting interpretation of present and future Soviet policy toward Poland and the small states of Eastern Europe now brought within the zone of Soviet influence. As summarized in the New York Times for July 30, the author believes Russian policy will be based on the following principles:
(1) These states must reorient their foreign policies toward “warm friendship and collaboration with the Soviet fatherland (sic).”
(2) There must be a drastic purge not only of Fascists but of all “traitors to the people,” a phrase which will include anybody who docs not agree with the pro-Soviet policy of the new governments. This policy may already be seen in operation in Poland, where hundreds of “enemies of the people” have been arrested for opposition to the Lublin regimé.
(3) Minority problems are to be handled by direct transfers of populations, after negotiations with neighboring states, rather than by plebiscites or international arbitration. This policy is again illustrated by the exchange of peoples between Poland and the adjoining Soviet republics. In the process, all Soviet emigres and similar troublemakers arc to be surrendered.
(4) The liberated states arc to be encouraged to take over former German territory, thus committing them to the defense of new frontiers acquired at the expense of the Prussians and under Soviet patronage.
(5) There will be far-reaching agrarian reforms which will end all large estates in these countries.
(6) “Traitors to the people” will be denied democratic liberties, and political power will be concentrated in the hands of the “organized peasants and workers, as led by Leftist political parties friendly to Russia.”
(7) Freedom of press, speech, assembly, and worship will be given a Russian rather than a western interpretation, i.e., they will not be available to “wrong-minded people."