UNITED NATIONS MEETINGS
Churchill in Washington.—On May 11 Prime Minister Churchill with his military chiefs of staff arrived in Washington for another series of conferences on the global war. Special attention to the conflict in China and in the Pacific was indicated by the presence in Washington of the British army and naval commanders in India, Field Marshal Sir Archibald Wavell and Admiral Sir James Somerville, as well as American Army and air commanders in China, General Joseph W. Stilwell and General Claire Chenault. It was believed in some quarters that political developments might have hastened the need for renewed consultations, and that the quick ending of the North African campaign might also have made it possible to modify plans already drawn. Mr. Churchill’s party included Major General Sir Alan Brooke, Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Admiral Sir Dudley Pound, Air Chief Marshal Sir Charles Portal, and General Sir Hastings Ismay, Mr. Churchill’s chief of staff in his capacity as Minister of Defense. Political representatives included Lord Beaverbrook and Lord Leathers, the Minister of War Transport. Prime Minister W. L. Mackenzie King of Canada was also present during part of the week’s conferences.
On May 14 Prime Minister Churchill spoke over the radio on the anniversary of the establishment of the British Home Guard, and on May 19 he addressed a joint session of Congress. Vigorously defending the present concentration on the European war, Mr. Churchill stressed also: (1) that Hitler would probably make another “supreme gambler’s throw” against the Soviet Republic, and that, although this would fail as in the past, everything possible must be done to “take more of the weight off Russia in 1943”; (2) that though the U-boats remain the greatest danger we have to face, antisubmarine measures have greatly improved, ship construction now “far surpasses losses,” and control of the Mediterranean will be worth “several hundreds of great ships”; (3) that allied air forces vastly outnumber those of the enemy, and bombardments will continue to an extent that will make it impossible for Germany to carry on any form of war industry on' a large or concentrated scale; and finally (4) that Britain would wage war against Japan to the end and that attention had been given to overcoming at the earliest moment the military, geographical, and political difficulties of bombing Japan and beginning the process of “laying the cities and other munitions centers of Japan in ashes—for in ashes they must surely lie before peace comes back to the world.”
Following the Washington visit Mr. Churchill flew to North Africa, accompanied by General Marshall, U. S. Army Chief of Staff. There he was met by Foreign Minister Eden, and important discussions ensued with military leaders in Africa. The Prime Minister’s return to London on June 5 was followed next day by a secret session of the War Cabinet, indicative of important military events impending in the near future.
Visit of President Beneš.—Coincident with the arrival of Prime Minister Churchill in Washington, President Edouard Beneš of Czechoslovakia visited the United States. On May 12 he was officially received at the White House and remained as a guest for the night. President Beneš planned to extend his stay in this country until the end of the month and later to visit Canada and Russia.
President Moringo in Washington.— The latest of Latin American dignitaries to pay an official visit to the United States was President Higinio Moringo of Paraguay, who arrived in Washington on June 9 and was received at the White House with full military honors. President Moringo was given a state dinner, was assigned quarters at Blair House, and planned later an inspection of American war production centers. It was the President’s first visit to the United States. His visit was preceded in May by that of President Henrique Penarada del Castillo of Bolivia, who spent several weeks in this country.
Food Conference Ended.—The International Conference on Food and Agriculture at Hot Springs, Virginia, completed its work with a plenary session on June 3 after 17 days of discussion. One of the few definite recommendations of the conference was the creation of a permanent international body to be known as the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, which would begin work in Washington before July IS. If approved, each of the 44 nations represented at Hot Springs would have a delegate on this commission. The conference formulated and approved a 500-word declaration of principles, which could be summarized as follows: (1) that while the primary task was to complete the winning of the war, the subsequent period of critical food shortage could be alleviated only by immediate and concerted efforts to economize consumption and increase food production; (2) that freedom from want must be accompanied by freedom from fear, or, in other words, political security; (3) that production of food must and can be greatly expanded; (4) that economic measures must be taken to provide greater purchasing power for populations in need; that while the first duty of a nation was to care for the food and health of its own people, each nation “can fully achieve this goal only if all work together.” While the conference was necessarily preliminary and exploratory in character, the work of the numerous subcommittees made a real contribution toward putting the problems of world food production, exchange, and transport under some sort of international control.
LATIN AMERICA
Upset in Argentina.—On June 4 a military revolutionary junta in Argentina overthrew the government of President Ramon S. Castillo, and, after a little fighting in which perhaps 50 were killed, set up an emergency administration. The ousted President and members of his cabinet at first took refuge on the mine-sweeper Drummond but a day or two later surrendered and were set at liberty, with the exception of two members who were imprisoned. The revolt was headed by General Arturo Rawson and General Pedro Ramirez, who had been Castillo’s Minister of War. General Rawson at first took over the presidency but after difficulties in forming a cabinet he turned over the office to his fellow leader. General Ramirez’ new ministry, announced on June 8, consisted of eight members, of whom all but the Minister of Finance were army or naval officers.
Though the revolt seems to have been based primarily on questions of domestic politics, it appeared inevitable that the overthrow of the Castillo administration would be beneficial to the United Nations and inter- American unity. General Ramirez stated that his policy would be one of “loyal cooperation with the American nations” and, for the present, neutrality in the war. By June 9 the new rule was recognized by the neighboring countries of Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay and Chile. The temporary state of martial law was ended on June 7, and there was some prospect that the Ramirez government would soon receive recognition from the United States and from other members of the United Nations.
Admiral Robert Sits Tight.—Despite the shutting off of American food supplies to the islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe, the French Commissioner, Admiral Georges Robert, showed no immediate disposition to join the anti-Vichy forces or surrender the highly desired French shipping in the islands for United Nations use. In a letter to the press in late May the Admiral declared that any move on his part must “not involve rebellion against the French Government,” and that the Allies must “permit” the French forces, still in two factions, “to form a united front under one authority.” This latter condition appeared largely fulfilled by the subsequent agreement of Generals Giraud and De Gaulle in Algiers.
The British announced in May that in view of the situation at Martinique, additional troops had been moved from Barbados to Dominica, which lies between the two French islands.
FRENCH PROBLEMS
French Council Established.—After much preliminary negotiation, General de Gaulle arrived in Algiers on May 30 for his unification meeting with General Giraud. An executive committee, or “Committee of Liberation” was at once organized, composed of the two leaders themselves, four others of which the leaders each appointed two, and a seventh member selected by the rest. The first meetings of this group showed General de Gaulle’s influence in the ascendant and also his fixed purpose to clear the new administrative body of all officials tainted—as he regarded them—by contacts with the Vichy regime. He had a list of 15 or more such officials slated to go. First to surrender was Marcel Peyrouton as Governor of Algeria, who significantly submitted his resignation directly to General de Gaulle. Four days later Charles Noguès gave up his place as governor of Morocco. The Algerian post was taken over by General Catroux, who still occupied a mediatory ground between the two factions, and to him was assigned also the post of “Co-ordinator of Moslem affairs.”
By the end of the first week in June there was apparently a closer approach to co-operation. The two Generals were to preside over the Committee of Liberation alternately, and General Giraud was to retain command of the forces in North Africa. Whether Pierre Boisson would remain Governor of West Africa was uncertain. He was well liked by Allied authorities. The seven-man Committee of Liberation was to be increased to as many as fourteen in all, but the additional members would be really heads of departments, without a vote, so that the original seven members would retain final authority. A war committee, within the Committee of Liberation, was also to be set up. One of the first acts of the new administrative body was a declaration that it would prosecute the war in collaboration with all the Allies, for the purpose of “liberating all French and Allied territory,” and would continue the war until total victory was won against all enemies of all the Allies. This in effect included Japan in a general declaration of war. Though many disputed points still remained to be settled, something approaching political unity had been achieved.
Alexandria Ships Join Allies.—At the end of May the French ships at Alexandria were turned over for service against the Axis, after having remained immobilized since the fall of France three years ago. Officers of the squadron came over voluntarily after negotiations between General Giraud and their commander, Admiral René Emile Godfroy, of which the British were kept fully informed. The ships, it was believed, could be put in readiness for service in about six months’ time. About 4,500 additional seamen would be needed to fill out their normal complement of 6,000, since most of their former crews returned to France. The ships made available are the battleship Lorraine of 22,189 tons, three heavy cruisers, one light cruiser, three destroyers, and a submarine. Final decisions regarding the outfitting and command would necessarily come from the central French administration set up at Algiers.
German Labor Demands.—Pierre Laval announced on June 5 that all young men in France of the military class of 1942 would be immediately drafted for work, and that most of these would be sent to Germany to help meet the German demand for 200,000 more workmen before July 1. At the same time it was announced that there would be a further cut in the already insufficient French bread ration. The French peasants, well aware of German pre-emption of food supplies, have been recalcitrant in turning over such stocks of grain as they still hold, and grain shipments from North Africa have been cut off.
Bey of Tunis Deposed.—On May 15 General Giraud announced the deposition of Sidi Mohammed al Mounsaf, the 71-year-old ruler in Tunis, and his removal with his 25 wives to the island of Madagascar. The Bey had been given the title of “King” by the Germans and had apparently worked in more or less willing co-operation with the Axis. The trials of French officials in Tunis who had also collaborated with Axis authorities during their occupation of the province were to be held as soon as possible.
RUSSIA AND THE WAR
Third International Ended.—In a long note signed by the Executive committee in Moscow, it was announced on May 22 that the Comintern, or Third International, had decided to end its existence as guide and directing body for Communist party organizations throughout the world. The Third International was established in the days of Lenin as a means of organizing workers in all countries and hastening the Communist revolution. According to the statement now issued by its leaders, its activities have been outmoded and hamper party activities in other lands, where the best results for victory over Hitlerism can be secured “by the vanguard of the working class movement in each country” operating independently of guidance and support from outside. The dissolution announcement, while undoubtedly approved if not directed by the Soviet Government, was signed by fourteen committee members, including two each from Germany, Finland, Italy, France, and Russia, and in addition a Czech, a Bulgarian, a Hungarian, and a Spanish woman communist. Later in the month Premier Stalin in a note to the press gave further assurance that the Soviet Government supported the action and endorsed it as a step toward victory and a definite end of Russian-sponsored communist propaganda abroad. In other of the United Nations the step was highly approved as removing a cause of friction and facilitating complete co-operation with the Soviet ally. From Berlin, however, came a statement that the communist peril still remained and that the anti-Comintern pact would continue in effect.
Mission to Moscow.—Former Ambassador Joseph E. Davies arrived by airplane in Moscow during the third week of May with an important message from President Roosevelt. Though the contents of the note and of Mr. Stalin’s reply were not revealed, they were very generally supposed to relate to a projected conference between Mr. Stalin and the American and British Chiefs of State. The official dinner given to Mr. Davies at the Kremlin on May 23 was a noteworthy affair with 44 guests in attendance, including Mr. Litvinoff, the Soviet Ambassador to Washington, who was also in Moscow, and representatives of the military and diplomatic staffs of the allies. Following Mr. Davies’ return to Washington, President Roosevelt declared that relations with Russia continued on an excellent basis, that Mr. Stalin had accepted his proposals “in principle,” and, incidentally, that he had received no word of Admiral Standley’s desire to resign from his post as regular Ambassador at the Soviet capital. It had been rumored that, though the Admiral’s relations with Soviet leaders had been most friendly, he had been somewhat disturbed by the frequent missions to Moscow which went outside the ordinary diplomatic channels.
AXIS DIFFICULTIES
Axis Peace Feelers.—Acting very probably under Axis pressure, Generalissimo Francisco Franco again expressed his belief in May that the world conflict had reached a “dead point,” and that it was time for Spain to make definite proffers of her assistance as a peace intermediary between the warring nations. However, neither in this country nor in Britain was there any disposition to meet such offers in other terms than unconditional surrender. In Italy, Virginio Gaydo, often mouthpiece of the Fascist Government, openly raised the question on May 18 whether it would not be well to take a “realistic view” of Italy’s difficulties, and investigate what terms Washington and London might be ready to give. While Gaydo seemed to assume that unconditional surrender meant national destruction, the democratic nations have never indicated a purpose to deprive Italy of her territories or dignity as a European state.
FAR EAST
Lasting Peace in the Pacific.—Reviewing the new edition of Problems of Lasting Peace, by Herbert Hoover and Hugh Gibson, an editorial in the Far Eastern Survey for May 17 comments as follows:
When Mr. Hoover extols the disarmament conferences of 1922 and 1930 for saving billions of dollars in competitive building and for promoting international good will, one can admire his tenacity if not his good sense. Since we could have outstripped Japan with ease, agreement to refrain from such competition was the first and greatest naval victory of the Axis Powers in the Second World War. A wide margin of American superiority would have made Pearl Harbor a slap instead of a disaster, and might have prevented the treachery entirely.
Mr. Hoover demands that Japan should accept at least the principle of representative government, but recognizes that “liberty does not come like manna from heaven,” and that its nurture requires “infinite patience and great human toil.” It is precisely because the chances of a genuine democracy in Japan are so barren that this country cannot afford to strip herself of the only kind of power that can keep a resurgent Japanese imperialism within bounds.
In amplifying their second point, the establishment of new independent states, Hoover and Gibson suggest that Burma, Indo-China, the Malay States and the peoples of the Dutch Indies be granted independence. “It would seem unlikely,” they write, “that the American people will wish to sacrifice their sons to restore them to subjection.” One cannot quarrel with the right of the peoples of Southeast Asia to eventual self-government. But to Balkanize this fabulously rich area and then rob Britain and America of the sea-power which alone can keep these states independent is to demonstrate an almost awe-inspiring impenetrability to the lessons of recent history.
