AMERICA AND THE WAR
Conference on Post-War Problems. —Speaking for his government, Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles in a speech at Toronto on February 26, emphasized the need of immediate United Nations Conferences on post-war problems in the economic field. He stated that the United States intended “at once to undertake discussions,” and that in his opinion “a large measure of agreement would already be found to exist.” In Washington it appeared that plans for such a conference were already well under way. The first aim would be agreement on post-war international relief and currency stabilization. In the field of relief, it was expected that ex-Governor Herbert Lehman of New York, now Director of the Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation, would head a new United Nations Relief Council, and that Sir Henry Leith-Ross, who has headed the Inter-Allied Relief Committee in London, would share in relief administration. A chief aim would be to bring about collaboration rather than competition in the economic field during the period of world reconstruction and thereafter.
Pacific Bases.—Speaking at a press conference on February 26, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox expressed the view that a matter of concern to the United States even before the close of hostilities was the acquisition of overseas bases essential to the protection of its interests in the Pacific. He added that he did not think the question of sovereignty was part of the issue, but that the United States should look to its military needs without trying to acquire actual possession of strategic areas in question. The discussion came up in connection with details regarding the new air base on the island of Upalu, one of the Samoan group under New Zealand mandate, and a steppingstone for air traffic between the United States and the South Pacific. Such bases operate at present as part of the United Nations war effort, but the air and naval base needs of the United States in the future might well be a matter for present negotiation. At Upalu the new airfield is 1,000 feet wide and six or seven times as long, permitting simultaneous landing of five planes. It is built of volcanic rock which hardens in rainy weather, with revetments to protect planes from bombing and excellent dispersal stations in jungle- covered areas.
Articles on Foreign Affairs .—Among the notable articles in the January Quarterly Foreign Affairs, aside from Hanson Baldwin’s review of the first year of American participation in the war, the following may be mentioned: a proposal for Anglo-American co-operation in the post-war period, by Barbara Ward, Foreign Editor of the London Economist; an article on trade control after the war, by Percy W. Bidwell, of the Council of Foreign Relations; a discussion of “Unity of Policy Among Allies,” by Major General Sir Frederick Maurice; and an account of “Hitler’s Fiasco in the Ukraine,” by Joachim Joesten, a Swedish newspaper correspondent, who emphasizes the Nazi failure to exploit effectively the Soviet “breadbasket.” An article by a Danish writer gives a detailed account of “Denmark Under the Nazi Heel,” and an article by Karl Brandt points to transportation as “Germany’s vulnerable spot.”
NORTH AFRICA
Steps Toward French Unity.—In the first week of March it was announced that all Vichy French repressive measures in North Africa had been repealed, that 1,300 political prisoners had been released, and that release of the 5,000 or more still in confinement would come within two months’ time. Pro-Vichy General Boisseau was removed from control at Oran, and several leaders of de Gaullist sympathizers were named for positions of responsibility. On February 12, Charles Brunei, described as an ardent de Gaullist, was appointed by Governor General Marcel Peyrouton of Algeria as head of a permanent Council of War Economy, with the announcement that the council would consist of elected delegates of all Algerian industries and workers’ organizations. Another anti-Vichyite was named as head of the press and information service. In a radio address on February 22 Governor Peyrouton laid stress chiefly on a program of economic reforms. Officials of the United Nations in North Africa were reported to be considering various plans for uniting French factions in a common front. One plan would make General de Gaulle political chief, with General Giraud in control of French military operations; another involved the selection of a prominent French political leader, such for example as Edouard Herriot, under whom both Generals would be content to serve. Unfortunately, such possible political leaders are for the most part in confinement in France.
Naval Accessions.—Tangible evidence of French support for the United Nations was given by the arrival in American ports at the close of February of the battleship Richelieu and three other French war vessels, to be repaired and put in readiness for service. It was stated that upwards of 50 units of the French Navy would ultimately be added to the anti-Axis naval strength, including 2 battleships, an armored cruiser, 3 heavy and 6 light cruisers, 7 destroyers, and 14 submarines. Two French cruisers are already in operation.
LATIN AMERICA
Argentine Isolation.—It was evidenced again in February that any criticism of the present governmental policy of “prudent neutrality” in Argentina would be sharply suppressed by the Administration. An open letter suggesting a “reorientation” of foreign policy was written by the chairman of the Chamber of Deputies Foreign Affairs Committee, a member of President Castillo’s own National Democratic Party, but this was answered by a resolution of the party National Committee calling on all members to “abstain from raising questions which might confuse party opinion.” The Argentine Foreign Office, it was reported, had as yet taken no action on the recent resolution adopted by the Hemisphere Defense Committee of the American Republics. This resolution proposed that the united American nations impose a more strict censorship to prevent information of military value from reaching the Axis nations and subservient states or neutral nations in Europe, or American nations that had not severed diplomatic relations and communications with the Axis powers. If carried out, this policy might put a “news quarantine” on Argentina.
On the other hand, a more friendly attitude was indicated by a renewal of trade discussions between Argentina and the United States in February, an agreement to supply Brazil and Uruguay with fuel oils in exchange for mining equipment, and legislation to provide increased munitions exports to the United Nations.
Sinkings of Neutral Ships.—The present Axis policy of sinking neutral as well as enemy ships in the South Atlantic was revealed by the torpedoing of the Spanish steamer Monte Igualdo off Brazil on February 26, and the disappearance of three Swedish ships in the South Atlantic trade. The attack on the Spanish ship was made on the surface, in circumstances which left no doubt as to her nationality. She was bound from Buenos Aires to Las Palmas.
Lend-Lease Aid for Chile.—Following Chile’s diplomatic break with the Axis nations, a lend-lease agreement with the United States was signed on March 2, signifying that the defense of Chile was vital to the defense of the United States and providing for a mutual aid program similar to those between the United States and other nations. President Rios of Chile pointed out that Chile’s chief present need is for American machinery and equipment to further the industrialization and electrification of the republic. Chile, he added, was ready to join other Latin American countries in a renewal of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Republic.
Panama Regime Confirmed.—In January of this year the Panamanian National Assembly voted its approval of another two years’ continuation of the administration of President Adolfo de la Guardia, who took over the Presidency in Panama by a bloodless coup d’etat in October of 1941. The next regular presidential elections in Panama are not due until 1947, but Panamanian law requires that a provisional government must receive a vote of certification from the National Assembly every two years. President de la Guardia’s administration, in contrast to that of his predecessor, has been consistently favorable to Pan-American solidarity and the United Nations.
CENTRAL AND NORTHERN EUROPE
Dictators’ Meeting.—It was revealed a week later that an unheralded meeting between Reichsführer Hitler and Premier Mussolini had occurred on February 24, “somewhere in Germany.” The four hours of discussion were apparently concerned chiefly with a four-point program of demands on Italy. These called (1) for 500,000 laborers for German war industries; (2) for the creation of another army to replace the Italian Eighth Army, recalled from the Russian front; (3) for a revival of Italian naval and air activity in the Mediterranean, with help of German officers and crews if necessary; and (4) for increased police measures to stamp out Italian defeatism and anti-German propaganda. In return Italy wanted more coal and oil and more German anti-aircraft batteries. To complete arrangements in these matters, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop went on to Rome. By March 2 the Italian Eighth Army was already back in Italy. The need of a spur to Italian naval and air operations was evident from the fact that Malta had not been subjected to a single bombardment in the preceding six weeks, and Italian submarines had accomplished little against enemy convoys to Africa.
Continuing his cabinet shake-up begun in early February Premier Mussolini on February 12 shifted six under secretaries in three different departments. General Antonio Scuero, Under Secretary for War, was replaced by Brigadier General Sorice, a faithful follower of Mussolini, chiefly prominent previously as a military spokesman for the press. A delay by Count Ciano in the presentation of his credentials as Ambassador to the Holy See, together with the hurried recall of the German Ambassador from the Vatican on February 27, gave rise to theories that some kind of Axis “peace offensive” might be in preparation through Catholic channels.
Yugoslav Unity Efforts.—At the close of February it was announced that General Mikhailovitch, Yugoslav War Minister and commander in the field, had opened up negotiations with leaders of partisan bands in an effort to bring the two opposed factions in Yugoslavia into united efforts against the Axis. The conversations included representatives of several partisan groups but not the main force known as the “People’s Liberation Army,” under Ivan Ribar. General Mikhailovitch’s aim is to bring all anti-Axis forces under his own command, while the Partisans call for a more vigorous campaign of guerrilla warfare, regardless of reprisal measures taken against the civilian population. In London the Yugoslav Government in Exile was reported still in process of reorganization, with a moderate Serb, Milan Grol, in prospect for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Finland Peace Feelers.—In mid-February the 300 Electors in Finland chose President Risto Ryti for a second two-year term. The Cabinet resigned, and in early March the President after some delay called on a Rightist member of the Diet, Professor E. J. Linkomies, to form a new government. The new Ministry retained nine members of the former Cabinet but dropped the pro-German Foreign Minister, Rolf Witting, putting in his place Sir Henrik Ramsay, a Finnish ship-owner of Scottish descent. The Linkomies government represented all parties, and showed some evidence of a change of feeling in Finland regarding the wisdom of the government’s alliance with Germany and the assurance of Axis victory. In the period of the election Finland called home its Ministers from Germany and from the Vatican, and there were reports that the government was seeking a pathway toward a peace settlement with Russia and extrication from its ties with Germany. In his inaugural address, however, President Ryti insisted that this people must continue the struggle, despite longing for peace.
Earlier reports had indicated that Finland might be ready to make peace on the basis of the boundaries imposed by Russia in the settlement of 1940, and might even be reconciled to surrender of the Hangoe fortress and parts of the Karelian isthmus. The statement of U. S. Under Secretary of State Welles, expressing hopes of Finland’s withdrawal from the war, suggested that the United States might be ready to act as a friendly intermediary with the Soviet Government. Chief obstacles to peace are the presence of six or seven German divisions in Finland, and the fact that Finland now depends on Germany for essential grain imports and about 75 per cent of her food supply.
Territorial Claims.—An anticipation of post-war problems was evident in the resolution adopted by the Polish Government in Exile at the close of February, affirming its insistence on the Russo-Polish frontiers as they existed before the war. The Russian official news agency Tass, in criticizing these Polish claims, spoke of the conflict between them and “the union already effected of the Ukranian and White Russian peoples,” and suggested instead that the Polish-Soviet border should follow the more easterly line set up by Lord Curzon in 1918, on an ethnological basis. Though the Soviets may, as reported, desire a “strong Poland,” they are hardly likely to turn over willingly all the territory taken in 1940.
On the other hand, it was stated from “reliable sources” in London on February 22 that the Soviet Union had promised full support for the Czechoslovak Government in a restoration of its pre-war boundaries. It was thus indicated that the Soviets had no interest in the sub-Carpathian province of Ruthenia, inhabited by Slavs akin to the Ukrainians, and no immediate purpose of extending Soviet control into the Danube basin. Despite these promises, the wise policy of the Czechoslovak government has been to subordinate territorial claims to the immediate business of winning the war.
INDIA AND FAR EAST
Gandhi Fast Ended.—The 21-day fast of Mohandas Gandhi, begun on February 10, was ended on March 3. At this time he was returned to his former status as a political prisoner, though still with six physicians in attendance, in the palace of the Aga Khan of Poona. During the fast, Secretary of State Hull and Ambassador Halifax conferred in Washington on India, but it was stated that the discussion related to American forces in India and increased supplies for China. It has been pointed out that the Cripps plan is still open to the people of India as a road to freedom after the war, either within the British Commonwealth of Nations or outside.
Aid for China.—The visit of Mme. Chiang Kai-shek in the United States reached its high point of effectiveness in an address on February 18 before the Senate and House of Representatives, said to have been the first ever delivered before Congress by a person without official status. The address stressed the danger of subordinating or postponing aggressive warfare against Japan, on the grounds that (1) Japan has gained by conquest greater resources than Germany, (2) the longer she is permitted to exploit these resources the stronger she will become, and (3) without effective support China cannot indefinitely continue a struggle the brunt of which she has borne for four and a half years. It was pointed out that of eight billion dollars’ worth of Lease-Lend aid from the United States to the United Nations, China has thus far received goods to the value of only $156,000,000. Efforts at closer collaboration with China were seen in the visit of Lieutenant General H. H. Arnold, U. S. Army Air Chief, and Field Marshal Sir John Dill, who came to India in February after the Casablanca Conference and later flew to China for consultation with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and members of his staff. A communiqué on February 11 announced “complete accord on coordination of offensive plans . . . against the Japanese.”
American Far Eastern Policy.—In the Mid-Winter number of Amerasia Professor Harold H. Vinacke, author of A History of the Far East in Modern Times, writes on “The Application of American Far Eastern Policy.” He sees three possible lines of American policy in the Pacific after the war. One of these would be a return to the 1931 or 1937 territorial status and the old balance of power, which, however, would imply a relatively strong rather than a disarmed and helpless Japan. The other two alternatives would be: (1) a preponderance of power exercised by the United States alone or in conjunction with a strong ally such as China, as advocated in Fortune magazine last August; or (2) some form of international organization to “support and implement international rather than national decisions.” This last, one gathers, is considered the wisest course.