Mediterranean War Extended
Italy Attacks Greece.—Italy’s long quarrel picking with Greece on the Albanian frontier came to a climax in an ultimatum on October 28 (just prior to the meeting of the dictators at Florence) which recited alleged Greek acts of partisanship in favor of England, and demanded that as a pledge of Greek neutrality Italy be allowed to occupy with its armed forces “several strategic points in Greek territory for the duration of the present conflict with Great Britain.” Should the Greek Government refuse this demand and offer armed resistance, it “would have the responsibility for the resulting consequences.” The note declared the Italian troops would “not come as enemies of the Greek people” and would “not compromise Greek sovereignty.” The Greek Government under General John Metaxas could see no course other than resistance. Hostilities began at dawn of the 29th when Italy launched an attack across the Greek- Albanian frontier. The Italian ultimatum and advance were said to have been delayed for favorable weather. Earlier, on October 26, Italy had made trouble over an alleged Greek foray across the Albanian border on the night before—an affair which the Greeks absolutely denied.
It was generally assumed that Germany approved the Italian attack and that it was a part of the Axis plan of advance through the Balkans. Yet in British diplomatic quarters the idea was suggested that the Axis powers were not in complete harmony, and that the Italian move was intended as a counterpoise to the German occupation of Rumania. German diplomatic relations with Greece were not at once broken off, and prior to the stiff Greek military stand on the frontier there was some talk of German “mediation” to end Greek resistance.
Turkey Stays Nonbelligerent.—As Italy invaded Greece there were hurried consultations among Greek, Turkish, and British diplomats over the stand Turkey would take toward this new extension of war into the Balkans. It was recalled that Turkey’s alliance with Britain and France of October, 1939, pledged all three powers to “collaborate effectively and lend all the aid and assistance in their power” if any of the three became involved in hostilities in the Mediterranean. When Italy entered the war, however, Turkey’s participation was held up by the sudden downfall of France. In this new situation Turkey again consulted Russia and decided to stay out so long as Bulgaria did not join in the attack on Greece. Whether this policy would pay in the end remained to be seen, for it appeared likely that, if the Italian occupation of Greece was successful, Turkey would be the next to suffer attack.
In a speech to the National Assembly, delayed by the crisis till November 1, President Ismet Inonu set forth the attitude of continued “nonbelligerence,” but added that “with our ally, Great Britain, we now are studying and trying to envisage the results.” He also emphasized the re-establishment of close friendly relations between Turkey and Russia. In England Turkey’s “firm attitude” was welcomed and it was set forth that a Turkish expeditionary force to aid Greece at this time would have been ill advised.
Balkans Swing Toward Axis.—In Bulgaria the King’s speech to Parliament on October 28, at the moment of the Italian attack in Greece, significantly omitted a declaration of “peace and neutrality,” but indicated rather that Bulgaria, as a revisionist nation seeking an outlet on the Mediterranean, saw her present interests best served by playing into the hands of Rome and Berlin. Yugoslavia, hemmed in on three sides by the Axis, on November 1 declared neutrality in the Graeco-Italian conflict, with “sincere friendship” for both nations involved. Her difficulties as a neutral, however, were not lessened by such affairs as that of the bombing Bitolj (Monastir) on the Albanian frontier in early November, an attack by planes apparently of Italian design in which about 50 people were killed or injured. German pressure on Yugoslavia was also evident in the new trade pact announced on October 19, which stepped up oil and cereal exports to the Reich from 50 per cent to 60 per cent of Yugoslavia’s total exports, although the German supply of manufactured goods in exchange was likely to be cut down by war damage.
“New Order” in Europe
Axis Terms for France.—Chancellor Hitler’s 3,700-mile diplomatic swing through Western Europe at the close of October included interviews with French and Spanish leaders and ended with a conference with Premier Mussolini at Florence on the 28th. In the talks at Paris, chiefly over economic agreements to extend or replace the expiring armistice, Marshal Petain and Vice Premier Pierre Laval learned more of the price at which France might purchase peace. Subsequently the Marshal, in a radio address to the French people on the 30th, made it clear that France must accept his leadership and policy, and that by “collaborating with Reich in reconstructing the peace of Europe” he hoped to release a part of the 1,500,000 French war prisoners, reduce somewhat the $9,200,000 daily costs of the German occupation, and perhaps secure an extension of the unoccupied territory, with a corridor to Paris, release of the port of Bordeaux, and certain other trade and economic easements. The terms demanded for these concessions were variously reported. In England it was declared that the Reich called for the immediate cession of Alsace-Lorraine and of the Riviera as far as Nice to Italy, joint Fran co-Italian administration in Tunisia, concessions to Spain in Morocco, as well as Axis use of French air and naval bases at Toulon, Dakar, and possibly also in French North Africa and Syria. France, however, would not be expected to surrender her fleet or take active part in the war. The task of Vichy was to get these terms swallowed by the French people, and if possible prevent revolts in Morocco and elsewhere at reports of shifting control. To carry out this policy Vice Premier Laval on October 28 took over Paul Baudoin’s post as foreign minister; in fact he had already assumed that role in the negotiations with the Reich, though Baudoin was not among the faction of the French Cabinet that raised objections to the German terms.
Queries from Washington.—On October 24, at the time of the Hitler-Petain meeting, the United States Government sent a note to Vichy inquiring as to the degree of future Franco-German collaboration, with the clear implication that any shift of sovereignty, direct or indirect, over French colonial possessions in the Western Hemisphere would lead to the provisional occupation of these territories by the American nations under the terms of the Havana Convention. This led to declarations from the French Embassy that there was no truth in the rumors of French territorial cessions or curtailment of French sovereignty in any part of France or her colonial empire. This received confirmation later from Vichy, but America remained watchful of the French naval vessels at Martinique and the 100 American aircraft held up there in transit to France. French Guiana also came under observation as a possible base of activity for German and Italian agents.
De Gaulle in Africa.—Hoping evidently for a swing of the French colonies away from Vichy on reports of the German peace terms, General de Gaulle on October 27, in a broadcast from Leopoldville in the Belgian Congo, announced a new governmental setup with himself as acting head and a “council of defense” for the French Empire, based on the laws of prewar France. Forces under General de Gaulle and General de l’Arminet were reported on November 10 to have captured Libreville, the chief port of French Equatorial Africa, and to be engaged in hostilities with troops under pro-Vichy Governor Masson. The extent of British assistance was not indicated, but it appeared certain that the “free” forces would have the advantage of sea communications and supplies.
Spain and the Axis.—In between the conferences with Laval and Petain at the close of October, the Hitler train moved to the Spanish border at Hendaye, where for the first time in their four years of cooperation the Reich and Spanish dictators met in personal conference. As usual, communiques were unrevealing, but it was assumed that the Chancellor held out hopes of territorial gains for Spain in Morocco and discussed with General Franco and Serrano Suner (in his added role as foreign minister) the possibilities of Spanish military and economic co-operation with the Reich. A few days later, on November 4, Spain formally took over the International Tangier zone, which had been occupied by Spanish troops on June 14, just before the collapse of France.
As a possible deterrent to Spanish support for the European dictatorships, strong protests came from Latin America, from both conservative and liberal elements, against Spanish participation in the war and also against the execution of Luis Companys, the Catalonian leader, and the sentence of 5 other radicals.
Molotoff in Berlin.—In the second week of November Foreign Commissar Molotoff of the Soviet Republic left for Berlin to take part in discussions with Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop of Germany and other German leaders. There were reports prior to the meeting that representatives of Italy and Rumania might also be called to attend this diplomatic gathering of the Reich and satellite states. Hopes of the meeting obviously centered on a closer hookup between the Axis powers and the Soviet Republic, which would keep Russia neutral during the advance of the Central Powers into the Balkans, and withdraw her support from Turkey in any policy of resistance. Without such support, it was believed that Turkey would not take a step beyond defense of her own frontiers.
Indications as to Soviet policy were less clear. The Soviet press declared on October 15 that Moscow had had no forewarning of the German troop movement into Rumania. Furthermore, there were reports that the Soviet Government had promised Britain to continue active aid for the Chinese Nationalists, foes of an Axis ally. Russia was to attend the Danube Conference, set for October 28 to confirm German predominance on the river, but her representation was secured only after insistence that, in view of her new territories on the Danube mouth, she should also have a voice in Danube control.
Defense of Britain
Eire Withholds Bases.—For England in early November the danger from air raids and possible invasion was regarded as less serious than the mounting injury to British sea trade. The defense against submarine warfare, according to a statement by Premier Churchill in Parliament, was greatly hampered by the unavailability of naval bases in Eire. In the subsequent discussion it was suggested that inducements might be offered to the Irish Government, which, in the light of Anglo-American cooperation, might be persuaded to extend the use of Irish bases formerly under British control. The De Valera Government subsequently indicated that it was not ready to risk internal dissension by any such departure from strict neutrality.
United States and Latin America
Bases to Southward.—According to U. S. State Department releases of early November, understandings have been reached with most of the Latin-American nations by which United States forces will be allowed to use air and naval bases in their territories for purposes of hemisphere defense. Further negotiations will be concerned chiefly with the choice of bases and arrangements for their equipment. In no case are the bases to be leased to this country. Instead they will be prepared and manned by the nations in which they are located, with technical advice, loans for equipment, etc., from the United States. The Latin-American nations have in turn been informed that for purposes of concerted defense they are free to use the New World bases recently obtained from Great Britain.
Better Relations with Mexico.—In a press interview of October 29, President Lazaro Cardenas of Mexico indicated that the prospects were excellent for an early settlement of all pending questions with the United States. Included in the settlement would be an arrangement for the establishment of air and naval bases in Mexico, controlled by the Mexican Government but open to use of United States forces for the common defense of the American republics. In the matter of the oil dispute and other claims against Mexico, the President declared the points of view of the two nations were now so close as to assure ultimate agreement.
Military Missions In Brazil.—According to Hemisphere of October 25, in addition to extensive United States commercial credits for Brazil and concerted arrangements for naval and air bases, the United States may also add to its military missions in the Brazilian capital. U. S. Naval and Coast Artillery missions are operating at present, and it is believed that, in view of the expiration on October 1 of the contract for a French military mission, the U. S. Army may also be asked to send advisers to Rio.
Far East
Burma Road Reopened.—On October 18, at the expiration of the Anglo-Japanese agreement of last July for its temporary closure, the British Government reopened the Burma route to China for traffic in munitions and other vital supplies for the Chinese Nationalists. Large numbers of American-made motor trucks at once set out on the 780-mile run to the chief Chinese distributing point at Kunming, capital of Yunnan. Japanese planes attacked the highway, but it remained uncertain whether they could effectively disrupt traffic. The action of the British in reopening the highway was no doubt hastened by Japan’s September pact with the Axis, and was taken also in close co-ordination with United States policy in the Far East. At the time of the closure Secretary of State Hull had voiced objections to this interruption of a chief line of contact between China and the outside world.
Subsequently the Chinese recapture on October 28 of the key city of Nanning in Kwangsi province was hailed by the Nationalists as the first provincial capital regained in the three-year war. Japan described the evacuation of the city and province as a “strategic withdrawal” and stated that the attack on Nationalist supply routes could be more effectively carried out from the new bases in French Indo-China.
Russo-Japanese Approaches.—After the Japanese-Axis pact of last September, the Japanese Government made vigorous efforts, with German support, to improve relations with the Soviet Republic, with the idea that such an understanding would leave Japan free to end her China war and exploit the new opportunities opened up in Southeast Asia. The new Japanese Ambassador, General Tatekama, arrived in Moscow in mid-October. According to plausible though unconfirmed reports sent from Tokyo by the New York Times correspondent, Hugo Byas, the Ambassador was prepared to offer the following program as a basis for a Russo-Japanese nonaggression agreement.
- Russia is to recognize Manchukuo and Japan, in return, is to recognize Outer-Mongolia as part of the Soviet system.
- The Far Eastern Red Army and Japan’s Kwantung Army are to be withdrawn from the frontiers.
- Russia is to be allowed to open a legation at Hsinking, Manchukuo, and Japan will obtain a similar right at Ulan Bator, Outer Mongolia.
- Japan will recognize the Soviets’ predominant interests in the Chinese province of Sinkiang.
It was understood that the Soviet Government would seek in addition the neutralization or unrestricted use of the Chinese Eastern Railway, short-cut to Vladivostok through Manchukuo, and free navigation for both nations of the Amur River along the Siberian-Manchukuo frontier.
Oil from Dutch Indies.—Reports from the Netherlands Indies in October indicated that Britain and the United States might soon face the problem whether or not they would support western oil interests in resisting Japanese demands for increased oil exports, and particularly the high octane aviation gasoline which is Japan’s chief requirement. On October 18 it was reported that the Royal Dutch Shell and Standard Vacuum Oil Companies had agreed under pressure to supply 40 per cent of Japan’s needs for the next six months. But on the next day London declared that the British had contracted for practically the total Dutch Indies output of aviation fuel, and that this was done not so much to thwart Japan as to meet their own requirements. Japanese oil negotiations at Batavia were reported to be still in progress, though on October 22 the chief Japanese representative, Minister of Commerce Kobayashi, left Batavia for Japan.
Deal for Pacific Bases.—In early November came the first public though unofficial reports from London of agreement in principle among the United States, Britain, and Australia for defense cooperation in the Pacific, including joint use of bases. The agreement was said to be in outline only, without embodiment in a formal document, but in such shape that quick decisions could be reached on the basis of the understanding already achieved.