FROM 7 JUNE TO 7 JULY
EUROPEAN SECURITY NEGOTIATIONS
French Note to Germany.—The course of negotiations between Great Britain, France, and Germany for a mutual security agreement, affecting especially the Rhine frontier, was made clear on June 18 by full publication of the German proposal for a Rhine compact made last February, the British and French correspondence preliminary to a reply, and finally the French note to Germany delivered on June 16 with the full approval of the British Foreign Office.
In brief the British attitude, as indicated in the correspondence, was that Great Britain in the interests of European peace was willing to give up her policy of isolation, and pledge herself to the use of force in guarantee of the Rhine frontier. But while Great Britain looked with favor upon the establishment of arbitration treaties between France and Germany or with other European powers she was not prepared to guarantee them by force. In other words, Great Britain would guarantee only the Rhine frontier.
The French reply to Germany on June 16 was cautious but generally conciliatory and favorable. It accepted the idea of a compact guaranteeing the Rhine boundary, and also an agreement to arbitrate all issues between France and Germany, subject, however, to certain conditions. These included: (1) Germany’s entrance into the League of Nations; (2) Germany’s full acceptance of all the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, and also her acceptance of other treaties resulting from the war; (3) inclusion of Belgium; (4) negotiation of arbitration treaties between Germany and her other neighbors. The note in conclusion stated that France would be glad to see the United States associated “in this work of general peace and security.”
French Press Favorable (From New York Times of June 20).—Paris, June 19.—The French press almost unanimously agrees the compact offered to Germany in response to the Reich’s proposals of February 9 is as complete a guarantee of European peace as could possibly be realized under present conditions. Obviously the weak point from the French view is the refusal of England to bind herself to intervention on the east front as she does on the Rhine front, but even this difficulty is believed to be solved in Great Britain’s agreement to fulfill all obligations that may be imposed upon her by membership in the League of Nations should the League establish a case of aggression against the territories of France’s allies in Eastern Europe.
In fact, for the French the most important document published in connection with the note itself is that concerning the liberty of France to occupy the Rhine zone in event of an act of aggression by Germany against any of her eastern allies. It is generally conceded the note itself is not any too clear on the subject. Foreign Minister Briand, in order not to offend German pride, evidently had to glide over this aspect of the situation gently and diplomatically, but the French insist the stipulation is unquestionably there by reason of Austen Chamberlain’s letter of June 9 in which the British Premier agrees the Rhine compact must in no way prevent France “from exercising any action conforming with the guarantees which she shall have been accorded under arbitration treaties between Germany and her neighbors.”
One viewpoint which deviates from the general tone of optimism in the French press is that of Pertinax in the Echo de Paris, who declares the success of the Briand-Chamberlain compact is theoretical rather than real. “The pact is essentially bilateral, as noted in the speech of Mr. Chamberlain on March 24 and the recent speech of Mr. Baldwin,” he says. “Between France and Germany the pact establishes British arbitration. If we ever want to cross the Rhine, this arbitration, determined by British interests and conceptions at the moment, will become for us a powerful obstacle.
In the main, however, the French press agrees the compact will constitute full protection of French interests if Germany becomes a member of the League of Nations and thereby binds herself to decisions of the League. The compact conforming sufficiently to German proposals of February 9, the French do not see how Germany can avoid acceptance.
In this discussion of the security compact considerable regret is being expressed that it must go into effect without the adherence of the United States. General Taufleib, examining this aspect of the situation in the Information, lays stress on the advantages to the United States from participation should trouble arise in the Far East.
“Ever since participation of the United States in regulating the problem of reparations through application of the Dawes plan, says General Tauflieb, “the United States, in fact, has adopted a course of action which logically should result in adhesion to a pact guaranteeing the security of the principal European nations. Would not such an accord help to solve the question of disarmament which our American friends hold so much to heart? In attaching its signature to a pact of this kind the American Government would give it force and authority such as would make the pact an irresistible instrument of peace. I know the reluctance of our American friends to become involved in new European quarrels. But let them turn their eyes to the clouds menacing from the direction of the Pacific and Asia. Are not events developing between Moscow and Peking which are likely to change the scene of international preoccupations? The struggle of tomorrow in all likelihood will find Asiatic peoples encouraged by Communist propaganda and supported by Japan on one side and the United States on the other, assisted by European powers in an effort to defend the present social state. In this struggle the United States will feel the necessity of having behind it the support of Europe, united, strong and fully prepared to concentrate itself to its cause.”
British Press Comment (From Living Age of June 13).—The Outlook (London) is not hopeful that France and Great Britain will be able to agree upon a security pact under any circumstances, and whatever hope it cherished in this direction has been dashed by the uncompromising attitude manifested by the Little Entente at the Bucharest Conference last month. Britain will never consent to go to war to maintain the present frontiers in Eastern Europe, while France can hardly permit a change in these frontiers.
France, then, must choose between the sea power of Britain and the land power of Central Europe, and is, of course, free to avail herself of that arm which she thinks will benefit her most. No British statesman and no British journalist would presume to guide her choice. But one word of caution may be uttered. Before 1914 she combined an entente with Britain with an alliance with Russia. That combination cannot be repeated because there is no German fleet a-building nowadays. She can have her pact in the West or her pact in the East; but not both.
Sisley Huddleston says in the New Statesman that France cannot surrender her present system of alliances for any kind of general pact without discussion, and then only subject to the following conditions:
(1) The unconditional entry of Germany into the League of Nations before the pact comes into force. Those who derive amusement from the inconsistencies of diplomacy will appreciate the irony which is to be found in France’s insistence on Germany’s admission into the League from which she was anxious not long ago to exclude her former enemy.
(2) The strict observance of all the Articles of the Versailles Treaty, particularly in respect of Germany’s disarmament and the demilitarization of Rhineland.
(3 The consolidation of the territorial status quo for the German frontiers in the East as in the West.
(4) The inclusion of England as a party to such a pact, with all that such inclusion implies in the shape of direct action against the one country which France fears may denounce any of its clauses.
The Little Entente is alarmed not only by Germany’s reservations in her proposal for a security pact, which imply an eventual readjustment of her eastern frontiers at the expense particularly of Poland, but also by the rumor that she may use this reservation to trade upon in securing a union with Austria. It is the latter possibility that has alarmed Czecho-Slovakia which is not directly threatened by Germany’s other frontier claims. As a correspondent in the Nation and the Athenæum says:
Such a union would be the first and least contestable change which Germany could claim on her eastern frontier, for it is indeed hard to see by what principle of nationality, self-determination, or international comity German-Austria is refused the right to decide her own fate by a free plebiscite, and, if she desires, to put an end to the miserable, unnatural existence she has been forced to lead for these last six and a half years this, however, the Czechs are determined to prevent. “The deadly blows to us, said Dr. Benes once, “have always come from the South; but Vienna can never deliver them unless she has the strength of Germanv behind her.”
Allies to Evacuate Ruhr (From New York Times of June 24).—Paris, June 23.—The Council of Ministers today approved the plans of premier Painlevé and Foreign Minister Briand for fulfillment of the promise given in London by Premier Herriot to evacuate the Ruhr region a year after the Dawes plan became effective—August 15.
The retirement of the troops, according to the Cabinet’s plans, will begin at an early date, however, and it is expected that the anniversary of the Dawes plan will see the departure of the last French and Belgian detachments.
This is another indication of the new order of things in France and shows the firm intention of the French Government to place the fullest reliance on the Dawes plan for reparations and on the League of Nations. It is also assumed that France is confident an agreement with Germany for the protection of the Rhine front will be effected and that the four or five conversations in Paris and Berlin between the governments and ambassadors of the two countries which have taken place since Tuesday of last week when the French reply to the German offer of a compact delivered to Berlin are considered as indications that Germany is fairly satisfied with the terms the French offered.
DEBT NEGOTIATIONS
Great Britain Asks Settlement.—It was announced on July 1 that the British Government had sent a memorandum to France and all other nations in debt to Great Britain suggesting that a date be set for opening negotiations for settlement. The note, while couched in friendly terms, laid down the principle that Great Britain’s debts were entitled to the same treatment accorded those of other powers.
Italy and United States Open Parley.—During the last week in July preliminary conferences were held in Washington between Treasury officials and the Italian Ambassador over a settlement of the Italian debt to the United States. This amounts to about $2,138,500,000, of which about $500,000,000 represents accrued interest. Ambassador di Martino was accompanied by Mario Alberti, of the Credito-Italiano, as financial representative of the Italian Government. Further negotiations were postponed until August, during which interval Mr. Alberti went to Italy to collect needed data.
Arms Traffic Agreement.—After forty-one days in session the Arms Traffic Conference ended on June 17. The convention adopted was reported to be entirely satisfactory to the American delegation. It was signed by nineteen of the forty-four nations taking part, and becomes valid for each nation upon formal ratification. On the last day protocols were added outlawing the use of poison gas and bacteria in warfare.
The anti-gas protocol closely adheres to the Washington five-power convention It declares that as the use in war of asphyxiating gas has been justly condemned by the civilized world, the signatories to the protocol agree to prohibit its employment or the use of bacteria in warfare.
The arms traffic convention purposes permitting international knowledge of all movements of arms and war materials from one country to another by a system of licenses and certificates and a requirement for publicity of transfers of such arms and materials. Elaborate classifications of various forms of arms and munitions are made. In some cases licenses or certificates are required for exports and in other cases publicity of the exports must be made.
FRANCE
The War in Morocco.—During June the military situation in Morocco developed few changes. The Riffian offensives, although they inflicted slight material losses, seriously injured French prestige in Morocco and spread disaffection among the tribes under French authority. On the other hand, the defensive policy employed by the French gave no promise of an early end of hostilities, while the adoption of aggressive measures was made difficult not only by complications with Spain but by the firm opposition of the Socialist party in France. Premier Painlevé visited Fez and the Moroccan front in the middle of June.
Conferences at Madrid between French and Spanish commissioners to agree upon a joint policy in Morocco continued through June and promised to extend through July. Agreement was reached upon a plan for a cooperative blockade of the Mediterranean coast of Morocco by French and Spanish warships to prevent smuggling of munitions to the warring tribesmen. Although kept informed daily regarding the negotiations, and especially concerned in any agreement affecting Tangier, Great Britain did not take active part in the Madrid Conferences.
According to Spanish reports, the peace terms demanded by Abd-el-Krim, leader of the Riff tribesmen, included cession of the whole Wergha valley and recognition of the complete independence of the “Riff Free State.”
Caillaux Finance Measures.—On June 26 Finance Minister Caillaux introduced in the French Chamber his measures designed to relieve the difficulties of the French Treasury and make a beginning of the consolidation of the floating debt. His proposals included a temporary limited increase in circulation of 6,000,000,000 francs to meet immediate calls on the Treasury, and a new issue of bonds at an interest lower than that on old bonds, but with the inducement that the bonds will be paid at the gold rate.
UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA
Warning to Mexico.—After conferences with James R. Sheffield, American Ambassador to Mexico, Secretary of State Kellogg on June 12 made a public statement in which he announced that relations with Mexico were not entirely satisfactory, that the United States Government expected Mexico to restore properties illegally taken and to indemnify American citizens, and that the Calles Government could have the support of the United States only so long as it protected American lives and rights and fulfilled its international obligations.
President Calles gave to the press a reply on June 14 declaring that Mexico was duly carrying out her international obligations, and resenting what he referred to as the “threat to the sovereignty of Mexico” in Mr. Kellogg’s statement. It was announced on June 24 that Ambassador Sheffield would return to Mexico with a note specifying the complaints of the United States over the treatment of American nationals.
NEAR EAST
Revolution in Greece.—On June 25, by a coup d’ etat without bloodshed, General Pangalos, head of the Greek army, overthrew the Michalakopoulos Cabinet and took over the government. Admiral Konduriotis remained president, and General Pangalos became head of the new ministry. General Pangalos is an ambitious soldier and strong nationalist.
CHINA
Anti-Foreign Disturbances.—Anti-foreign feeling in China came to a head at Shanghai during the first week in June as a result of a strike in a Japanese cotton mill, which quickly spread to other factories, and was encouraged by students and radical political agitators. A general strike was proclaimed. The movement spread to other cities and threatened to develop into a nation-wide uprising against foreigners. On June 16 W. W. Mackenzie, a British engineer, was shot and killed near Shanghai, and on the following day a British motorcycle policeman of the foreign concession was mobbed and seriously injured.
At Canton the situation was complicated by warfare between two factions of the former followers of Sun Yat Sen, the conservative group, the Yunnanese, being finally driven out of the city by the radical faction. On June 23 it was reported that British and French machine guns had been used against Chinese demonstrators who threatened the foreign concession, and on the following day a French merchant was killed and several foreigners injured.
Both the French and the British Governments lodged protests against the killing of their citizens, and strong notes were presented to the Chinese Government by the diplomatic corps at Peking.
On July 1, when the situation in China had apparently become quieter, it was announced at Washington that the American State Department was considering with other powers the advisability of holding in the near future an international conference on Chinese problems, to consider especially the surrender of extra-territorial privileges and to permit China to raise the customs rates on foreign goods. According to the terms of the Nine Power Treaty negotiated in Washington in 1921, a customs conference to permit increased duties must be held in China within three months after all nations had ratified the treaty.
Ratification of Chinese Treaties.—On July 1 Foreign Minister Briand before a committee of the French Chamber strongly urged immediate ratification by France of the pending treaties relating to China. Up to this time France was the only nation that had withheld ratification, with the motive, apparently, of forcing the Chinese Government to full payment in gold francs of the French share of the Boxer indemnity. According to press reports, however, this indebtedness had been settled by an arrangement between the French and Chinese Governments by which China agreed to a loan—equivalent to a subsidy on account of the low interest—to the bankrupt French Banque Industriclle de Chine. Complete ratification of the Chinese treaties would be followed by a customs conference pledged to grant China an increase of the Chinese tariff rates from 7½ per cent to 12½ per cent, thus providing the Chinese Government with essential revenues.