DIPLOMATIC NOTES
From December 20 to January 20
Prepared by Allan Westcott, Ph.D., Instructor, U. S. Naval Academy
OPENING OF THE PEACE CONFERENCE
Preliminary Meetings of Supreme Council.—Following his visit to Italy, President Wilson returned to Paris on January 7. The first meeting of the Supreme Council of the Peace Congress, consisting, of the Premiers, Foreign Ministers, and other representatives of Great Britain, France, the United States, Italy, and later Japan, met at the Foreign Office in Paris on Monday, January 12, and sessions of this body were continued throughout the week. Questions of rules of procedure, admission of delegates, etc., were considered.
It was agreed that for the present no representative of any government in Russia could be admitted, since such recognition would commit the conference to a decision on the whole Russian question.
Following two sessions on January 15, this joint communiqué was issued, giving the number of delegates allotted to various nations:
"The President of the United States and the Prime Minister and Foreign Ministers of the Allied Powers, assisted by the Japanese Ambassadors in Paris and London, held two meetings to-day. In the course of these meetings the examination of the rules of the conference has been continued and almost completed.
"It was decided that the United States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan should be represented by five delegates apiece. The British Dominions and India, besides, shall be represented as follows: Two delegates respectively for Australia, Canada, South Africa, and India, including the native States, and one delegate for New Zealand.
"Brazil will have three delegates. Belgium, China, Greece, Poland, Portugal, the Czechoslovak Republic, Rumania, and Serbia will have two delegates apiece, Siam one delegate, and Cuba, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, and Panama one delegate apiece.
"Montenegro will have one delegate, but the rules concerning the designation of this delegate shall not be fixed until the moment when the political situation in this country shall have been cleared up.
"The meeting adopted the following two general principles:
"One—Each delegation being a unit, the number of delegates forming it shall have no influence upon its status at the conference.
"Two—In the selection of its delegation each nation may avail itself of the panel system. This will enable each State at discretion to entrust its interests to such persons as it may designate.
"The adoption of the panel system will in particular enable the British Empire to admit among its five delegates representatives of the dominions, including Newfoundland, which has no separate representation, and of India."
Compromise on Admission of the Press.—The question of rules for the admission of press representatives, involving the whole problem of secret or "open" diplomacy and publicity of discussion, came up in the preliminary sessions of January 16 and 17. The American delegates, according to Secretary Lansing, admitted the necessity of closed doors during preliminary discussion, but favored admission of the press when questions came up for final action, and immediate publication of all agreements reached.
The Council on January 17 issued a long and convincing argument in support of its final decision. This was that preliminary discussions and committee meetings should be held in private. "Representatives of the press shall be admitted to the meetings of the full conference, but upon necessary occasions the deliberations of the conference may be held in camera."
First Plenary Session.—The Peace Conference was formally opened at 3.00 p. m. on Saturday, January 18, in the Salle d'Horloge, now rechristened the Salle de la Paix, of the French Foreign Office. President Poincarl; welcomed the delegates. President Wilson and Premier Lloyd George then nominated Premier Clemenceau as permanent chairman. In his speech of acceptance M. Clemenceau stated that the program of the Conference included three main subjects of general order: (1) responsibility of the authors of the war; (2) responsibility for crimes committed during the war; and (3) legislation in regard to international labor. On these three questions all powers represented would be invited to present memoranda. The powers particularly concerned would be invited to present memoranda on various territorial, economic, and financial questions.
The league of nations, he added, would be placed at the head of the order of the day of the next full session. The session was then adjourned.
It appears that few full sessions are likely to be held. It may be remembered that the Congress of Vienna met but once in plenary session and did nothing then. At the Congress of Vienna the four victorious powers made the decisions. In the present conference there is a prospect that the Supreme Council of five powers may play a similar role, acting as arbiters of the conflicting claims of small nations.
Peace Aims of France.—On December 20 Foreign Minister Pichon answered in the Chamber of Deputies certain inquiries as to the peace policies of France, as follows:
"First.—That the government was in accord that the utmost publicity should be given to the Peace Conference.
"Second.—That the French Government had adopted the principle of a League of Nations and was now busy working toward its effective realization.
"Third.—That the government did not desire any annexation, but reserved the right to fix the Alsace-Lorraine frontiers, to guard against future attack.
"Fourth.—That the government did not think that the question of diplomatic representation of the Vatican arose at the present moment.
"Fifth.—That intervention in Russia was inevitable.
"Pichon explained, reading from instructions issued by Premier Clemenceau to the General commanding, that such intervention was not offensive for the time being, but defensive, in order to prevent the Bolsheviki from invading the Ukraine, the Caucasus, and Western Siberia. In the future an offensive intervention might be necessary in order to destroy Bolshevism. Such an operation must be carried out by Russian troops, of which 100,000 were at the present time ready at Odessa."
Marshal Foch Wants Rhine Barrier.—In a statement to American newspaper correspondents at Treves on January 17, Marshal Foch advocated barring German military establishments or control of strongholds west of the Rhine; in other words, while France sought no territorial accessions west of the Rhine other than Alsace Lorraine, he advocated making the Rhine a military barrier against future German aggression.
"The Rhine," he said, "is the common barrier of all the Allies; it is the guaranty of peace for all those peoples who have shed their blood for liberty in this war.
"We have no idea of attacking Germany or reopening the war. Democracies such as ours never force an attack. They ask only to live and develop in peace. But who can say that Germany—where democratic ideas are new and perhaps very superficial—will not recover rapidly from her defeat and in a few years attempt a second time to crush us?
"Russia is hors de combat for years. England must cross the channel. America is far away.
"France should be in a position (en mesure) to safeguard the general interests of humanity. These meet at the Rhine. It is there that we must plan to prevent surprises, unfortunate for the future."
Marshal Foch declared that his plan linked up with the League of Nations, since it would be the duty of such a league to see that decisions regarding the Rhine provinces were carried out.
Aims of Great Britain.—An interpreter of the war aims and claims of Great Britain, in an interview of January 17, mentioned her desire for a League of Nations, for a good working agreement with the United States, for peace and facilities of trade and transit in Europe. Regarding freedom of the seas and free trade, he spoke as follows:
"As to the freedom of the seas, Great Britain, it is maintained, will in the future as in the past aim at securing the greatest possible freedom for commerce to all nations in times of peace. This is what she means by the freedom of the seas. The question of the rules of warfare by sea she considers quite separate and as requiring discussion, but she hopes that the causes of the war will be removed.
"Great Britain desires the greatest freedom of trade on land and sea and she expects a League of Nations to guarantee this. Before the war British colonies were open to the world. The British consider that Germany abused the privileges offered and that each German tradesman was a potential spy and Great Britain has no desire to return to this condition of affairs. She wants to rid trade of the political element which Germany injected into it.
"Great Britain does not want to become a protectionist power, but she does not wish free trade to put her at a disadvantage. Unless the Peace Conference eliminates the objectionable features existing before the war, it is probable that Great Britain would be forced to defend herself by special laws."
The Allies in the Near East.—Paris, Jan. 1 (Associated Press).— France plans to assume the guidance of the destinies of Armenia, Syria, and Lebanon in the new order of world affairs, in conformity with treaties signed with Great Britain and Russia in 1915, if the Peace Conference does not rule otherwise, according to authoritative information furnished the Associated Press.
Palestine, according to the plan under consideration, would, with its complexity of nationalities and religions, be placed under international protection. England would be responsible for the Arabian peninsula, with the exception of the Kingdom of Hedjaz, which would be free.
France, it is emphatically stated, eschews the term "protectorate" in connection with her proposed supervision of these countries, and it is probable that some such relation with them as exists between England and her Dominions would be established.
These facts were given as an explanation of the declaration of Stephen Pichon, Foreign Minister, in the Chamber of Deputies Sunday. Referring to the manner in which France would deal with Asia Minor and nationalities formerly ruled by Turkey, M. Pichon said:
"We have nothing but friendly feelings for the Turks, and we have testified to them in protecting subjugated nations in the Ottoman Empire over which we have century-old rights…Our rights are incontestable in Armenia, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine. They are based on historic conventions and on more recent contracts. While admitting the entire liberty of the Peace Conference to deal with the subject, we consider our rights are fully established by our agreements with Great Britain."
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Essential Agreement Anticipated.—Among the 40 or more plans of a League of Nations submitted to the Peace Conference, no definite choice was made, or at least no official announcement issued by the American or other delegates, prior to the opening of formal sessions of the Conference. Press reports, however, indicated that essential agreement had been reached on this point between President Wilson and British leaders during the President's visit to England, and that the President was willing to accept British views regarding freedom of the seas.
It was further reported on January 16 that as a result of recent conferences between Lord Robert Cecil, Secretary Lansing, and Col. House, a covenant had already been drawn up embracing 13 articles and eight supplementary provisions, which brought together the main features of all plans presented.
The American delegation, it was said, would urge that whatever project was adopted should be included in the peace treaty, and that the League of Nations should be one of the first topics considered at the plenary conference.
The French Plan.—On December 21, M. Leon Bourgeois and Baron d'Estournelles de Constant presented to Premier Clemenceau the plan for a League of Nations formulated by the French association for promoting such a league. This plan, as summarized in the New York Nation, included the following points:
1. Compulsory arbitration without limitation or any exception of questions involving national honor or dignity. 2. Limitation of armaments. 3. The establishment of a council of administration of the nations for the formulation of new international administration and international legal procedure. 4. The application of diplomatic, judicial, economic, and, as a final resort, military sanctions to enforce upon recalcitrant nations the decisions of the league. In explaining the plan Baron d' Estournelles de Constant is reported as saying: "There will be different views concerning the military enforcement of peace. Our aim is to reconcile these differences and secure some workable basis of agreement."
The "American Plan."—An Associated Press dispatch from Paris dated January 7 gave the following suggestions as to the plan favored by the American representatives:
The American point of view, as it is now being formulated by the specialists, seeks to reach an accord on fundamentals on which all agree and present them in simple working form. One of the chief of these fundamentals is the formation of a league which will embrace all the nations of the world, but not one which will establish any balance of power among the group of nations.
Also, care is being taken that the influence of the various nations in the league shall be in accordance with their size and importance, so that the great powers and the small will have voices according to their standing.
Another feature especially concerning small, undeveloped nations, is to be established, according to the American plan—a system of international trusteeship whereby the various larger nations, having a developed and stable civilization, will act as trustees for the Society of Nations in fostering the progress and development of undeveloped communities.
It is recognized that the League of Nations will have to have some established and permanent seat for its extensive international work, and the gradual conviction is taking form that this seat will be Versailles.
CLEMENCEAU FAVORS BALANCE OF POWER
No franker or more authoritative indication can be found not only of the conciliatory attitude of the allied nations, but also of their divergences of opinion, than in the remarks of Premier Clemenceau to the Chamber of Deputies on the night of December 29.
The Chamber afterward supported the Premier by a strong vote of confidence, only the Socialist wing failing to approve his views.
Replying to charges made by Albert Thomas, Socialist leader, that he had kept the Chamber without information, Premier Clemenceau said:
"The question of peace is a tremendous problem. It is a question which is one of the most difficult ever submitted to the nation at any time. In a few days a conference of delegates will meet at Paris which will settle the fate of nations in all parts of the world.
"People say: 'Premier Lloyd George has spoken, President Wilson has spoken, but you have said nothing.' I have given explanations whenever you have asked me. But it isn't because Mr. Lloyd George has spoken, or because Mr. Wilson has arrived from America with elevated thoughts that I am obliged to explain myself and keep running to the Speaker's rostrum.
"France was in an especially difficult situation. It was the country nearest Germany. America was far away and took her time to come into the war. England came at once at the call of Mr. Asquith. We suffered and fought; our men were mowed down and our towns and villages were destroyed.
"There is an old system of alliances called the 'balance of power.' It seems to be condemned nowadays, but if such a balance had preceded the war; if England, the United States, France, and Italy had agreed; say, that whoever attacked one of them attacked the whole world, the war would not have occurred. This system of alliances, which I do not renounce, will be my guiding thought at the Peace Conference if your confidence sends me there.
"I have been reproached with deceiving President Wilson. I do not understand why. I have made it a rule not to question him, but to let him develop his views. That is what he did. President Wilson, to whom certain persons, in the interest of their parties, attribute intentions which, perhaps, are not his, has opened his mind and has inspired respect through his simple speech and the nobility of it. President Wilson said to me: 'I will try to convince you, but perhaps you will convince me.'
"You know that reservations have been made on the question of freedom of the seas. Premier Lloyd George said to me one day: ' You will admit that without the British fleet you could not have continued the war.' I answered in the affirmative. The British Premier then asked me if I was disposed to do anything in opposition to British ideas on the freedom of the seas. I answered in the negative. Concerning this question, President Wilson said to me:
"'I approve of what you said. What I have to offer the allied governments will change in no way your answer to Premier Lloyd George.'"—N. Y. Times, 31/12.
America Will Join with All or None.—At Manchester, the stronghold of British liberalism, on December 30, at almost the same time as M. Clemenceau's speech in favor of a permanent league of the Allies. President Wilson declared that the United States "will join no combination of power which is not a combination of all." There follows the part of this speech which refers to a League of Nations:
"And so it does seem to me that the theme that we must have in our minds now in this great day of settlement is the theme of common interest and the determination of what it is that is our common interest. You know that heretofore the world has been governed, or at any rate the attempt has been made to govern it, by partnerships of interest, and that they have broken down. Interest does not bind men together. Interest separates men. For, the moment there is the slightest departure from the nice adjustment of interests, then jealousies begin to spring up. There is only one thing that can bind peoples together, and that is common devotion to right.
"Ever since the history of liberty began men have talked about their rights, and it has taken several hundred years to make them perceive that the principal condition of right is duty, and that unless a man performs his full duty he is entitled to no right. It is a fine co-relation of the influence of duty that right is the equipoise and balance of society.
"And so, when we analyze the present situation and the future that we now have to mold and control, it seems to me there is no other thought than that that can guide us. You know that the United States has always felt from the very beginning of her history that she must keep herself separate from any kind of connection with European politics. I want to say very frankly to you that she is not now interested in European politics, but she is interested in the partnership of right between America and Europe. If the future had nothing for us but a new attempt to keep the world at a right poise by a balance of power the United States would take no interest, because she will join no combination of power which is not a combination of all of us. She is not interested merely in the peace of Europe, but in the peace of the world.
"Therefore it seems to me that in the settlement which is just ahead of us something more delicate and difficult than was ever attempted before has to he accomplished—a genuine concert of mind and of purpose. But, while it is difficult, there is an element present that makes it easy. Never before in the history of the world, I believe, has there been such a keen international consciousness as there is now.
"There is a great voice of humanity abroad in the world just now which he who cannot hear is deaf. There is a great compulsion of the common conscience now in existence which if any statesman resist, will gain for him the most unenviable eminence in history. We are not obeying the mandate of parties or of politics. We are obeying the mandate of humanity.
"That is the reason why it seems to me that the things that are most often in our minds are the least significant. I am not hopeful that the individual items of the settlement which we are about to attempt will be altogether satisfactory. One has only to apply his mind to any one of the questions of boundary and of altered sovereignty and of racial aspirations to do something more than conjecture that there is no man and no body of men who know just how they ought to be settled; and yet if we are to make unsatisfactory settlements we must see to it that they are rendered more and more satisfactory by the subsequent adjustments which are made possible. We must provide the machinery for readjustments in order that we have the machinery of good-will and friendship.
"Friendship must have a machinery. If I cannot correspond with you, if I cannot learn your minds, if I cannot co-operate with you, I cannot be your friend; and if the world is to remain a body of friends, it must have the means of friendship, the means of constant friendly intercourse, the means for constant watchfulness over the common interests.
"That makes it necessary to make some great effort to have with one another an easy and constant method of conference, so that troubles may be taken when they are little and not allowed to grow until they are big. I never thought I had a big difference with a man that I did not find when I came into conference with him that, after all, it was rather a little difference, and that if we were frank with one another and did not too much stand upon that great enemy of mankind which is called pride, we could come together.
"It is the wish to come together that is more than half of the process. It is a doctrine which ought to be easy of comprehension in a great commercial centre like this. You cannot trade with a man who suspects you. You cannot establish commercial and industrial relations with those who do not trust you. Good-will is the forerunner of trade. Good-will is the foundation of trade, and trade is the great amicable instrument of the world on that account."
ARMISTICE EXTENDED ONE MONTH
Paris, Jan. 17.—The German armistice has been extended one month by the Commissioners, who have concluded their session at Treves.
The clauses offered by the Allies concerning agricultural implements, Russian prisoners of war, naval conditions, and the restitution of material stolen by the Germans from invaded countries were signed by the enemy delegates.
The Havas Agency announces the signature of the new clauses of the armistice as they stood concerning the surrender of German submarines ready for sea and the destruction of the submarines in course of construction which the allied Commissioners discovered in German ports in December. The clause placing the German merchant fleet at the disposal of the Allies also was signed. Under the terms of the prolongation of the armistice Germany must deliver by February 17 some 58,000 agricultural machines of various kinds.—N. Y. Times, 18/1.
In the extended armistice it was provided that Germany should turn over her shipping in neutral and German ports for the use of the Allies, the ships to be allotted among the Allies according to their needs. Remuneration for this shipping would be applied in payment of foodstuffs to be sent to Germany, which included 70,000 tons of pork and 200,000 tons of cereals.
GREAT BRITAIN
Election a Triumph for Lloyd George.—The complete returns of the Parliamentary elections in the United Kingdom were announced on December 20. They showed an increased majority for the coalition government of Premier Lloyd George. The figures follow:
Coalition
Coalition Unionists 334
Coalition Liberals 127
Coalition Labor 10
Total coalitionists 471
Other Parties
Unionists 46
Asquith Liberals 37
Labor 65
National Party 2
Socialist 1
Irish Nationalists 7
Sinn Feiners 73
Independents 5
Total of other parties 236
Coalition majority 235
Coalition majority with 46 Unionists 327
Grand total 707
The chief surprises of the election were the almost complete success of the Sinn Feiners and the falling off of the Labor vote. The government majority will be increased by the refusal of the Sinn Feiners to take seats in the British House of Commons. While the elections indicate that Great Britain has turned away from labor, socialism and pacifism, it should be remembered that only about 50 per cent of the registered voters appeared at the polls.
Cabinet Changes.—In the new Cabinet announced by Premier Lloyd George on January 10 the majority consists of Conservatives. Some of the more important appointments follow:
Lord Privy Seal and Leader in the House of Commons—Andrew Bonar Law.
President of the Council and Leader in the House of Lords—Earl Curzon of Kedleston.
Ministers Without Portfolio—George Nicoll Barnes and Sir Eric Geddes.
Foreign Secretary—Arthur J. Balfour.
Secretary for the Colonies—Viscount Milner.
Secretary of War and the Air Ministry—Winston Spencer Churchill.
First Lord of the Admiralty—Walter Hume Long.
Sir Eric Geddes, appointed Minister Without Portfolio, will undertake the management of demobilization; and Mr. Barnes, also without portfolio, will represent Labor at the Peace Conference.
The Cabinet is regarded as temporary in character, and likely to be altered following the Peace Conference and upon the resumption of home policies.
Plans of the Sinn Feiners.—Following their election of 73 out of 80 Irish members of parliament, the Sinn Feiners declared their intention to refrain from taking seats in the House of Commons and to meet instead in Dublin as an Irish National Assembly. The plans for the Assembly were delayed by the fact that 34 of those elected were still in jail, though it was rumored that the government would soon release them. The London Globe published on January 9 a draft of what purported to be a Sinn Fein constitution for Ireland, making the country an independent republic. January 21 was set as the date for the Dublin Assembly.
Shift of Gibraltar Discussed.—Paris, Dec. 26.—The cession of Spanish Morocco to France in exchange for a cash consideration of 1,000,000,000 francs, the return of Gibraltar to Spain by Great Britain and the abandonment of Ceuta, Morocco, to Great Britain by Spain are being openly discussed. It is asserted that the Spanish Premier, Count Romanones, recently, during his visit to Paris, made such a proposal to President Wilson and M. Clemenceau, the French Premier. While officials have declined either to confirm or deny this report, the question was freely discussed in the corridors of the Chamber of Deputies this afternoon.
There also has been a renewal of the talk of building a tunnel across the Strait of Gibraltar and making a direct all-land connection between Africa and France which might be extended to England if the English Channel were tunneled.—N. Y. Times, 28/12.
Disposition of German Colonies.—Special Cable to The New York Times.—Paris, Dec. 23.—In the course of a conversation on peace conference problems a French statesman surprised me to-day by saying that France was not particularly interested in the question of the German colonies.
"That is a matter," he said, "which the French consider as exclusively British, and we are prepared to agree unquestioningly to any conclusion Great Britain reaches."
I asked him if he meant that literally to the extent of agreeing to the restoration of part of the colonies, should England so decide.
"Yes, we would agree to anything," he replied, "but there is no danger of the British consenting to their restoration.
"There are three sufficient reasons for not restoring the colonies.
"The first concerns the naval activity of future wars. There is no question in French opinion that the submarine will be the chief naval machine of the future. It is true that after peace is signed and we get to a second congress for such matters as a League of Nations, we shall try to formulate some rule to prohibit submarine atrocities in future wars; but nevertheless it will not be forgotten that we have to deal with Germany and have to watch her submarine activities. For that reason England cannot afford to let Germany have colonies which would serve as building places and bases for powerful submarine fleets.
"Second, it is greatly to be feared that Germany would in future use her colonies as places in which to raise, train, and equip vast black armies to be transported to Europe.
"Third, there are the political relations between England and her African possessions. They constitute a great factor in the German colony problem. The German colonies were conquered not by the English, but by British colonial troops, largely from South Africa, where there is a mixed English and Dutch population. These English colonics will not tolerate the restoration of the German colonies and the consequent menace to themselves. So Great Britain now has a chance, by letting Cape Colony keep what it has won, to build up in that colony the same loyalty and devotion to the Crown that exists in Canada and Australia."
Japan Would Retain Pacific Islands.—In a statement of November 18 regarding Japan's attitude in the Peace Conference, Premier Okuma declared that in general Japan should approve all decisions reached by her allies. Regarding problems in the Pacific, he is reported as follows:
"The future of the Samoan Islands, which has caused various diplomatic controversies between Great Britain, the United States, and Germany, should be decided in accordance with the will of the former two powers for the purpose of destroying German bases in the Pacific.
"The German New Guinea, which is now occupied by the British, should not be returned to Germany. The principle should also be applicable to the Bismarck Islands.
"Japan should hold islands like the Marshall, Caroline, and others, which are now occupied by the Japanese Navy, as it is dangerous to return them to Germany, and as there is no reason to let other powers occupy them.
"The cable line between Tsingtao and the Southern Islands, which is now occupied by the Japanese Navy, should be held by Japan. The cable line is a property owned by a private concern, so that Germany should buy it up before conceding it to Japan.
"The problems relating to the maintenance of order in Siberia should be settled by the allied conference, but all the allied powers should refrain from any action or demand for acquiring concessions in Siberia.
"The relations between China and other powers should be based upon the principle of open-door and equal opportunity."—N. Y. Times,19/11.
GERMANY
Soviets Vote Power to Ebert Cabinet.—Before its dissolution in the third week of December, the Congress of German Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils voted to transfer legislative and executive power to the People's Commissioners (the six members of the Ebert Cabinet). The Congress also elected a permanent Soviet Advisory Council of 27 majority Socialists, and voted down a resolution to exclude bourgeois parties from participation in elections to a National Assembly.
The Christmas Revolt in Berlin.—Serious disturbances were renewed in Berlin during Christmas week, the immediate cause being an order of City Commandant Wels that the pay of marine divisions from Kiel should be withheld unless they disbanded or left Berlin. Sailors and marines on the night of December 23-24 seized the royal palace and stables, and made attacks on other government buildings. The forces of Police President Eichhorn, afterward dismissed as an adherent of the Sparticides, supported the mutineers. After considerable bloodshed, a compromise was effected with the government in control.
Independents Quit Cabinet.—When on December .28 the Central Soviet Council of Twenty-Seven approved the action of Ebert, Scheidemann, and Landsberg in employing force to put down insurrection, the three Independent Socialists of the Cabinet—Haase, Barth, and Dittmann—resigned. They stated, however, that their action did not signify approval of the violent Sparticide tactics. Three Majority Socialists, Noske, Loebe, and Wissel, were appointed in their stead. Herr Noske, formerly Military Governor at Kiel, undertook control of the government military forces in Berlin.
Sparticide Revolt Suppressed.—With the evident policy of breaking up the Ebert government and preventing the convocation of a National Assembly, the Sparticide or Liebknecht faction in Berlin carried on violent disturbances throughout the week of January 6-12. Eichhorn, the deposed Sparticide police chief, refused to turn over his office, and his headquarters became a center of the revolutionary movement. During these days immense crowds thronged the streets of Berlin, rioters fired on government troops and attacked public buildings, and bloody struggles ensued for possession of the strongholds of each side. The Sparticides for a time held the War Office, Police Headquarters, several railway stations, and the chief newspaper offices. On January 11 government troops forced the surrender of the Vorwaerts Building after it had been in the hands of the Sparticides for almost a week. Some 400 of its defenders were taken prisoners. On January 15 the revolution apparently was completely suppressed. Dr. Karl Liebknecht on that date was shot by soldiers while attempting to escape from custody; and the woman agitator, Rosa Luxemburg, was beaten and shot to death by a mob. Estimates placed the number of rioters killed at over 1000. The total number killed on both sides in street fighting was far greater.
Peace Conference Considers Lifting Blockade.—In view of the Bolshevistic agitation in Germany and the necessity of military occupation of the entire country if the Ebert government were overthrown, the allied delegates at the Peace Conference took under consideration a partial lifting of the blockade and the sending of food to Germany. This was provided for in the renewal of the armistice referred to elsewhere. In response to an urgent message from President Wilson, the United States Congress appropriated $100,000,000 for immediate relief measures in Europe.
New Constitution Drafted.—Berlin, Jan. 15 (via Copenhagen).—The Ebert Government has prepared a draft of a new constitution which will be submitted to the National Convention soon after it assembles, probably on February 10.
The draft provides that the President shall be elected for ten years by direct vote of the whole people. He may be re-elected.
The union of States yet to be formed will be on the American principle. Statehood being accorded to any population over 2,000,000. It is planned to divide Prussia into eight separate Slates.—N. Y. Times, 17/1.
Elections for National Assembly.—While civil war was raging in Berlin, election campaigns were proceeding throughout Germany for the choice of delegates to the National Assembly. Elections already held indicated overwhelming popular support for the more conservative parties.
Elections were held in Berlin on Sunday, January 19. Foreign Secretary Scheidemann at that time announced that the Assembly would be convoked on February 16.
Luxembourg Duchess Deposed.—An opera bouffe revolution occurred in Luxembourg in the middle of January, when the Grand Duchess Marie Adelaide abdicated and her younger sister, Princess Charlotte, succeeded.
While the opposition to the Grand Duchess aimed at a republic, Premier Alweiss succeeded in limiting the change to a shift of rulers. The new regime is, however, more acceptable to the Allies, since the Grand Duchess Marie Adelaide was said to be reconciled to German occupation of her territory.
ITALY
Italy Split Over Peace Claims.—At the close of December Minister of Pensions Leonida Bissolati resigned from the Orlando Cabinet, giving as his reasons his failure to induce Foreign Minister Sonnino to compromise with the Jugoslavs.
"I have failed," he said, "to move Baron Sonnino away from these three clauses of the secret treaty of London: (1) Annexation of a large portion of Dalmatia from Hissariki and Trebuije to Cape Planpa (Article 5); (2) Permanent retention of all the 13 islands of so-called Dodecannese with their almost exclusively Greek population (Article 8), and (3) Inclusion within Italian territory of the German population of the Northern Tyrol as far as the Brenner (Article 4). Baron Sonnino insists on the absolute intangibility of the secret treaty of London."
While war was still going on, the moderate attitude of Bissolati received strong popular support, especially from the Socialists; but victory strengthened the hand of the Annexationists. The position of the latter is stated in the following extracts from a letter issued by Captain Tozzi and Lieut. Pecorini, members of the Italian Mission to the United States:
"No matter how much Italy and the other Allies may desire the union and prosperity of future Jugoslavia, the present status of the Slovenes. Croatians, Bosnians, and Herzegovinians is the same as that of the Prussians; they are defeated enemies. England believes that a truly repentant Prussia is necessary in order to have peace in the North Sea; Italy believes that a truly repentant Slavonia and Croatia are necessary in order to have peace in the Adriatic.
"The terms of the present armistice are the terms of the Allies and not only of Italy.
"Even not considering historical, cultural, and strategic rights, Italy possesses to-day enough military and naval strength to obtain and maintain for a long time to come the settlement which she considers necessary for her security. Besides the strength she has a treaty which, secret or not, desirable or otherwise, has no more and no less validity than all other similar treaties and understandings between the Allies, and constitutes an integral part of a general situation, involving not only the interests and the policy of Italy, but the interests and the policy of England and France as well.
"The Jugoslavs of the former Austrian Empire have furnished all through the war and to the very last battle the divisions that fought with most bitterness against the Allies on the Italian front; all Italian soldiers confirm this fact.
"Before pleading, as they now do, for a united Jugoslavia outside of Hapsburg influence, a very large number of Slovenes and Croats agitated and intrigued for months to constitute a Jugoslav State federated with Austria, and have only unwillingly come to their present position.
"These facts, which unfortunately Italian liberals are not able to deny, have been strengthening more and more the position of the conservatives, who are unwilling to take any chances with the Jugoslavs, and insist on absolute guarantees.—N. Y. Times, 8/1.
Orlando Cabinet Reorganized.—On January 13, Premier Orlando was recalled from Paris by the resignation of Finance Minister Nitti and other members of his cabinet. Nitti is leader of the Catholic party in Italy, which has recently been greatly strengthened by fears of Bolshevism and a consequent withdrawal from Socialistic parties. His action was therefore regarded as a move to secure control of the government. Premier Orlando, however, succeeded in reforming his Ministry, and on January 16 announced a new slate, with Baron Sonnino still in charge of foreign affairs.
President Wilson in Italy.—During President Wilson's visit to Italy in the first week of January, he gave no indication, other than might be drawn from his general principles, of his position regarding Italy's Adriatic claims. His closest approach to the Balkan question is contained in the following extract from his speech to the Italian Chamber of Deputies on January 3:
"The great difficulty among such states as those of the Balkans has been that they were always accessible to secret influence; that they were always being penetrated by intrigue of some sort or another, that north of them lay disturbed populations which were held together not by sympathy and friendship, but by the coercive force of a military power.
"Now the intrigue is checked, and the bonds are broken, and what we are going to provide is a new cement to hold the people together. They have not been accustomed to being independent. They must now be independent.
"I am sure that you recognize the principle as I do—that it is not our privilege to say what sort of a government they should set up. But we are friends of those people, and it is our duty as their friends to see to it that some kind of protection is thrown around them—something supplied which will hold them together.
"There is only one thing that holds nations together, if you exclude force, and that is friendship and good-will. The only thing that binds men together is friendship, and by the same token the only thing that binds nations together is friendship. Therefore our task at Paris is to organize the friendship of the world—to see to it that all the moral forces that make for right and justice and liberty are united and are given a vital organization to which the peoples of the world will readily and gladly respond.
"In other words, our task is no less colossal than this: To set up a new international psychology; to have a new real atmosphere. I am happy to say that, in my dealings with the distinguished gentlemen who lead your nation, and those who lead France and England, I feel that atmosphere gathering, that desire to do justice, that desire to establish friendliness, that desire to make peace rest upon right; and with this common purpose no obstacles need be formidable."
SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
Czecho-Slovak Republic Organized.—On December 22 Prof. T. G. Masaryk took the oath of office as president of the new Czecho-Slovak state. A temporary National Assembly of 259 members was created, with each party represented according to its estimated strength; and a cabinet of 17 members was formed under Premier Kramarz, including eight Socialists and a Catholic priest as Minister of Railways. The tasks of the new government are stated as follows:
"The drafting of a constitution, the delimitation of Slovak territory withdrawn from Hungary, an agreement with the Poles as to claims in Austrian Silesia, an arrangement as to the debts of the defunct empire, a settlement of the status and rights of the German Bohemians, provision for the Czecho-Slovak troops still in Russia, and an emergency currency."
Jugoslav Government and Aspirations.—A dispatch from Belgrad dated December 21 announced the formation of a Jugoslav cabinet, with M. Protitch as Premier and M. Trumbitch as Foreign Minister. M. Protitch was formerly Minister of the Interior in the Serbian cabinet, and M. Trumbitch is head of the Jugoslav Committee in Paris. On January 5 representatives of all the Jugoslav states—Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia—met at Belgrad to carry forward the organization of the union. All manifestoes of the Jugoslavs assert their intention to press their territorial claims at the Peace Conference. Thus the Washington headquarters writes on December 25:
"The first thing the delegation will ask will be the full political and territorial recognition of the new State. The territorial claims, based upon the principle of justice and national self-determination, include in the new state all those territories where Jugoslavs live in compact masses and where they have formed since time immemorial an undisputed territorial continuity. These territories are Serbia and Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, Dalmatia. Carniola, Istria and Trieste, Gorizia, parts of Southern Styria, parts of Carinthia, Baoska, and parts of Banat and Megjumurje.
"Except in the Adriatic coast lands there is no dispute about the righteousness of the Jugoslav claims. Trieste and the western part of Istria have a majority of Italians, but Trieste is a component and indivisible part of the whole Jugoslav hinterland, whereas the proportion of the population in the whole of Istria shows 224,000 Jugoslavs as against 145,516 Italians. But Italy claims besides Istria and Trieste the whole of Gorizia and the greater part of Dalmatia, where the Italian population is negligible, being 108,147, as against 767.708 Jugoslavs. ,
"Between Italian imperialistic and Jugoslav national claims there cannot be any compromise whatever. Only force can impose upon the Jugoslavs acceptance, for the moment, of a decision contrary to their rights. Any unjust settlement would unavoidably result in far-reaching future trouble. The Jugoslav peace delegation will have to make this point clear to the Peace Conference and to induce the Allies and America to arrange a settlement such as will assure not only peace in the Adriatic, but the very necessary good relations between Italy and the Jugoslavs."
That the Jugoslav Union is not yet fully established is suggested by a report on January 16 that a force of some 20,000 Montenegrins had organized to oppose Serbian troops. The so-called Montenegrin National Assembly which met and deposed King Nicholas was declared by the latter to be without popular sanction.
POLAND
Paderewski Heads New Government.—A Warsaw dispatch of January 16 announced that Ignace Paderewski, who as the representative of the Polish National Committee in Paris and with the somewhat more dubious sanction of American Polish organizations in America had for some time been attempting to establish a new national government in Poland, had reached an agreement with General Pilsudski, the military dictator then in control. In accordance with this agreement, a new government had been formed with M. Paderewski as Premier.
In the meantime German forces were organizing to resist Polish troops which had already occupied German Poland and were threatening the frontiers of Silesia and East Prussia. Czechs and Poles were at odds on the southern boundary of Poland. On the north, the advance of Bolshevik forces, following the German evacuation, threatened to interfere with Poland's ambition to extend her northern frontier.
Reports of dubious authenticity suggested that France and other of the western powers might favor a strong Polish state as a protection against Bolshevism, and on the condition that Poland should assume responsibility for a part of the repudiated Russian national debt.
RUSSIA
Kolchak Declares for Popular Rule.—An Omsk Associated Press dispatch of January 13 stated that Admiral Kolchak, the dictator at the head of the Omsk Government, had signed a paper proclaiming an All Russian election of delegates to a Constituent Assembly, the election to be held "at the earliest practical moment." Admiral Kolchak at the same time defended his rule on the ground that he had been merely selected by his colleagues to guide Russia through her crisis, after which he would at once turn the country over to properly constituted civil authorities.
Allies Undecided Over Russian Policy.—Aside from the conclusion that representatives of no government in Russia could be admitted to the Peace Conference for the present, the allied nations at the opening of the Conference had reached no definite decision as to their future policy toward Russia.
Early in January Great Britain made tentative proposals to her allies to the effect that all the various governments in Russia be invited to cease hostilities and make peace at home and abroad, following which these governments would be allowed to send delegates and present their claims at Paris.
To this proposal France expressed a vigorous dissent. On January n, Foreign Minister Pichon issued a statement denouncing the regime of the Bolsheviki and declaring that negotiations with such a government would be counter to the principles which had guided the Allies, and virtually a compact with crime.
Japan Recalls Reserves.—Reports from Japan on January 9 stated that Japanese forces would be largely withdrawn from Siberia, the first withdrawal to be made in the latter part of February and to affect some 30,000 men.
BOLSHEVISM IN ARGENTINA
On January 10 a general strike was declared in Buenos Ayres and other cities of Argentina, and serious rioting and bloodshed occurred in the capital. General Deluepaine, commanding the government forces, assumed a temporary military dictatorship, ordered troops to fire on rioters, and within three days arrested some 8000 disturbers, thus checking disorder. It was stated that 800 of those arrested were Russians. Subsequent police investigation in Buenos Ayres, and also at Montevidio, Uruguay, showed that the disturbances were in large part the outcome of a Bolshevist movement started by foreign agitators.