DIPLOMATIC NOTES
From February 18 to March 18
Prepared By Allan Westcott, Ph. D., Instructor, U. S. Naval Academy
COUNT VON HERTLING ON PEACE PRINCIPLES
In words which might be given a favorable interpretation if borne out in practice, Count von Hertling on February 25 addressed the Reichstag on President Wilson's essential principles for a satisfactory peace. He expressed assent, with certain reservations, to these principles, but raised the objection that they were not fully endorsed by America's allies, and that the world at large was not ready for them. He invited separate proposals from Belgium, and again suggested a confidential meeting of diplomats of the opposing powers. The speech in full follows:
The Reichstag has a right to receive an explanatory statement in regard to the foreign situation and the attitude of the government concerning it. I will meet the obligation arising therefrom, even though I entertain certain doubts as to the utility and success of dialogues carried on by ministers and statesmen of belligerent countries.
Suggests "Intimate Meeting."—Mr. Runciman in the House of Commons recently expressed the opinion that we would get much nearer peace if, instead of this, responsible representatives of the belligerent powers would come together in an intimate meeting for discussion. I can only agree with him that that would be the way to remove numerous intentional and unintentional understandings and compel our enemies to take our words as they are meant, and on their part also to show their colors.
I cannot at any rate discover that the words which I spoke here on two occasions were received in hostile countries objectively and without prejudice. Moreover, discussion in an intimate gathering alone could lead to understanding on many individual questions which can really be settled only by compromise.
Invites Offer from Belgium.—It has been repeatedly said that we do not contemplate retaining Belgium, but that we must be safeguarded from the danger of a country, with which we desire after the war to live in peace and friendship, becoming the object or the jumping-off ground of enemy machinations. If, therefore, a proposal came from the opposing side, for example from the government in Havre, we should not adopt an antagonistic attitude, even though the discussion at first might only be unbinding.
Meanwhile it does not appear as if Mr. Runciman's suggestion has a chance of assuming tangible shape, and I must adhere to the existing methods of dialogue across the Channel and ocean.
Reply on Wilson Principles.—Adopting this method, I readily admit that President Wilson's message of February 11 represents, perhaps, a small step toward a mutual rapprochement. I, therefore, pass over the preliminary and excessively long declarations in order to address myself immediately to the principles, which, in President Wilson's opinion, must be applied in a mutual exchange of views.
The first clause says that each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential justice of that particular case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent.
Who would contradict this? The phrase, coined by the great father of the church, Augustine, 1500 years ago—"justitia fundamentum regnorum"—is still valid to-day. Certain it is that only peace based in all its parts on the principles of justice has a prospect of endurance.
The second clause expresses the desire that peoples and provinces shall not be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power.
This clause, too, can be unconditionally assented to. Indeed, one wonders that the President of the United States considered it necessary to emphasize it anew. This clause contains a polemic against conditions long vanished, views against cabinet politics and cabinet wars, against mixing state territory and princely and private property, which belong to a past that is far behind us.
Suggests Illusion by President.—I do not want to be discourteous, but when one remembers the earlier utterances of President Wilson, one might think that he is laboring under the illusion that there exists in Germany an antagonism between an autocratic government and a mass of people without rights.
And yet President Wilson knows (as, at any rate, the German edition of his book on the state proves) German political literature, and he knows, therefore, that with us princes and governments are the highest members of the nation as a whole, organized in the form of a state, the highest members, with whom the final decision lies. But, seeing that they also, as the supreme organs, belong to the whole, the decision is of such a nature that only the welfare of the whole is the guiding line for a decision to be taken. It may be useful to point this out expressly to President Wilson's countrymen.
Then finally at the close of the second clause the game of the balance of power is declared to be forever discredited. We, too, can only gladly applaud. As is well known, it was England which invented the principle of the maintenance of the balance of power in order especially to apply it when one of the states on the European continent threatened to become too powerful for her. It was only another expression for England's domination.
The third clause, according to which every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims among rival states, is the only application of the foregoing in a definite direction, or a deduction from it, and is therefore included in the assent given to that clause.
Now, in the fourth clause he demands that all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe, and consequently of the world. Here, also, I can give assent in principle, and I believe, therefore, with President Wilson, that a general peace of such a basis is discussable.
Wilson "in Advance of Realities."—Only one reservation is to be made. These principles must not be proposed by the President of the United States alone, but they must also be recognized definitely by all states and nations. President Wilson, who reproaches the German Chancellor with a certain amount of backwardness, seems to me in his flight of ideas to have hurried far in advance of existing realities.
Certainly a League of Nations, erected upon justice and mutual unselfish appreciation, a condition of humanity in which war, together with all that remains of the earliest barbarism, should have completely disappeared and in which there should be no bloody sacrifices, no self-mutilation of peoples, no destruction of laboriously acquired cultural values—that would be an aim devoutly to be desired.
But that aim has not yet been reached. There does not yet exist a court of arbitration set up by all nations for the safeguarding of peace in the name of justice. When President Wilson incidentally says that the German Chancellor is speaking to the court of the entire world, I must, as things stand to-day, in the name of the German Empire and her allies, decline this court as prejudiced, joyfully as I would greet it, if an impartial court of arbitration existed and gladly as I would cooperate to realize such ideals.
Unfortunately, however, there is no trace of a similar state of mind on the part of the leading powers in the Entente. England's war aims, as recently expressed in Lloyd George's speeches, are still thoroughly imperialistic and want to impose on the world a peace according to England's good pleasure. When England talks about peoples' right of self-determination, she does not think of applying the principle to Ireland, Egypt, or India.
Rejects Conquest Aim in Russia.—Declaring that the new German operations against Russia were taken at the request of the populations to restore order, and that they did not aim at conquest, the Chancellor continued:
Our war aims from the beginning were the defence of the Fatherland, the maintenance of our territorial integrity, and the freedom of our economic development. Our warfare, even where it must be aggressive in action, is defensive in aim. I lay especial stress upon that just now in order that no misunderstandings shall arise about our operation in the east.
After the breaking off of peace negotiations by the Russian delegation on February 10, we had a free hand as against Russia. The sole aim of the advance of our troops, which was begun seven days after the rupture, was to safeguard the fruits of our peace with Ukraine. Aims of conquest were in no way a determining factor. We were strengthened in this by the Ukrainians' appeal for support in bringing about order in their young state against the disturbances carried out by the Bolsheviki.
If further military operations in other regions have taken place, the same applies to them. They in no way aim at conquest. They are solely taking place at the urgent appeals and representations of the populations for protection against atrocities and devastation by red guards and other hands. They have, therefore, been undertaken in the name of humanity. They are measures of assistance, and have no other character. It is a question of creating peace and order in the interest of peaceable populations.
We do not intend to establish ourselves, for example, in Esthonia or Livonia. In Courland and Lithuania our chief object is to create organs of self-determination and self-administration. Our military action, however, has produced a success far exceeding the original aim.
News was received yesterday that Petrograd had accepted our conditions and had sent its representatives to Brest-Litovsk for further negotiations. Accordingly, our delegates traveled thither last evening. It is possible that there will still be dispute about the details, but the main thing has been achieved. The will to peace has been expressly announced from the Russian side, while the conditions have been accepted and the conclusion of peace must ensue within a very short time.
To safeguard the fruits of our peace with Ukraine, our army command drew the sword. Peace with Russia will be the happy result.
With regard to Rumania, too, the guiding principle will be that we must, and desired to, convert into friends the states with which on the basis of the success of our army we now conclude peace.
Peace negotiations with Rumania began at Bucharest yesterday. It appeared necessary that Secretary von Kuhumann should be present there during the first days when the foundations were laid. Now, however, he will presumably soon go to Brest-Litovsk. It is to be remembered regarding negotiations with Rumania that we are not taking part in them alone, and are under obligation to champion the interests of our allies, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, and to see to it that a compromise is arranged there regarding any divergent desires that will possibly give rise to difficulties, but these difficulties will be overcome.
I will say a word regarding Poland, in behalf of whom the Entente and President Wilson have recently appeared specially to interest themselves, as a well-known country liberated from oppressive dependence on Czarist Russia by the united forces of Germany and Austria-Hungary, for the purpose of establishing an independent state, which, in unrestricted development of its national culture, shall at the same time become a pillar of peace in Europe.
The constitutional problem—in the narrower sense the question what constitution the new state shall receive—could not, as is easily understood, be immediately decided, and is still in the stage of exhaustive discussions between the three countries concerned. A fresh difficulty has been added to the many difficulties which have in this connection to be overcome, difficulties especially in the economic domain in consequence of the collapse of old Russia. This difficulty results from the delimitation of the frontier between the new state and adjacent Russian territory. For this reason the news of peace with the Ukraine at first evoked great uneasiness in Poland. I hope, however, that with good-will and proper regard to the ethnographical conditions a compromise on the claims will be reached. The announced intention to make a serious attempt in this direction has greatly calmed Polish circles.
In the regulation of the frontier question only what is indispensable on military grounds will be demanded on Germany's part.
The Entente are fighting for the acquisition of portions of Austro-Hungarian territory by Italy and for the severance of Palestine, Syria, and Arabia from the Turkish Empire. England hopes by the creation of a dependent protectorate to annex new portions of territory to the British Empire and to increase and round off the British possessions, especially in Africa.
In the face of this policy Entente statesmen dare to represent Germany as the disturber of peace, who, in the interest of world peace, must be confined within the narrowest bounds. By a system of lies and calumny they endeavor to instigate their own people and neutral countries with the specter of the violation of neutrality by Germany.
Regarding the intrigues recently carried on in Switzerland we never thought, nor will we think, of assailing Swiss neutrality. We are much indebted to Switzerland. We express gratitude to her, Holland, the Scandinavian countries and Spain, which by her geographical position is exposed to especial difficulties, and no less to the extra-European countries which have not entered the war, for their manly attitude in that, despite all temptations and oppressions, they preserve their neutrality.
The world is longing for peace, but the governments of the enemy countries are again inflaming the passion for war. There are, however, other voices to be heard in England; it is to be hoped that these voices will multiply.
The world yearns for peace and desires nothing more than that the sufferings of war under which it groans should come to an end. But the governments of the enemy states contrive ever anew to stir up the war fury among their peoples. A continuation of the war to utmost was, so far as has transpired, the most recent watchword issued by the Conference of Versailles, and in the English Premier's speeches it again finds loud echo. There are, however, other voices to be heard in England; it is to be hoped that these voices will multiply.
Our people will hold out further, but the blood of the fallen, the agonies of the mutilated and the distress and sufferings of the peoples will fall on the heads of those who insistently refuse to listen to the voice of reason and humanity.
Speech Only a "Political Game."—The Hague, March 1.—The annexationist Weser Zeitung, commenting on von Hertling's speech, remarks that the Chancellor's words indicate descending one step of the ladder of the old Bethmann-Hollweg policy, but expresses the hope that as the situation of Germany at present is much more favorable, Hertling's formula may be considered as merely a political means and not as an expression of the whole nation.
"If it were otherwise," says the paper, "the Chancellor would have to count on opposition from the best and truest, as he seems to have forgotten his words about the continuation of the fight."
The paper says that the Chancellor does not mention the dangers of invasion nor the question of indemnities for "countless sacrifices," nor the settlement of evacuated territories with German inhabitants, but argues that this defensive speech is probably only a political game like Wilson's peace talk. It asserts that this policy is certainly not dangerous in the east, but holds that the Chancellor's speech creates uncertainty as to the west, as by declaring a lack of intention of annexing Belgium he releases a valuable pawn. The paper holds that, everything considered, it is questionable whether Hertling brought peace any nearer.
"The Chancellor," it says, "approves Wilson's four points merely to play them against other members of the Entente."
The Zeitung concludes that only by the use of the sword in the east and the west will peace willingness be created, and that talk is useless in view of the big offensive expected in the west.—N. Y. Times, 2/3.
Balfour Sees No Peace Basis.—London, February 27.—Foreign Secretary Balfour, replying in the House of Commons to the speech of Count von Hertling, regarding the doctrine of the balance of power, said that until German militarism had become a thing of the past, and there was in existence a hall or court armed with executive powers making the weak as safe as the strong, it would never be possible to ignore the principles underlying the struggle for the balance of power.
Mr. Balfour told the House that he was unable to find in von Hertling's speech any basis for fruitful conversation or hope for peace. The Chancellor's attitude concerning Belgium, said Mr. Balfour, was completely unsatisfactory, and his lip service to President Wilson's proposition was not exemplified in German practice.
Belgium the Touchstone.—Mr. Balfour declared Count Hertling's reference to Belgium to be unsatisfactory to everybody—except Richard Holt, a Radical M. P.—and continued:
"Many questions must be settled at the peace conference, but the question of Belgium is the best touchstone of the honesty of purpose of Central European diplomacy, and especially of German diplomacy. There is only one course for the offending nation in this case, namely, unconditional restoration and reparation.
"When was Belgium the jumping off ground of enemy machinations and why should Germany suppose it is going to be? Belgium has been the victim, not the author, of these crimes, and why should she be punished because Germany is guilty? Germany always had in mind new territorial, commercial or military conditions which would prevent Belgium from taking an independent place among the nations, which Germany and ourselves were pledged to preserve.
"What we have to consider is how far von Hertling's lip service to President Wilson's four propositions really is exemplified by German practice."
The Foreign Secretary then analyzed the four Wilson propositions and von Hertling's attitude concerning them, as well as the Chancellor's frame of mind regarding Alsace-Lorraine. He said:
"I could understand a German taking a different view from the view of the French, British, Italian, or American Government, but not a German discussing the principles of essential justice and saying: 'There is no question of Alsace-Lorraine to go before a peace conference.'
"Regarding President Wilson's second proposition, we have had within the last few weeks a specimen of how von Hertling interprets in action the principle he so glibly approves in theory. To take one instance only, there is the cession of Polish territory to the Ukraine. We would like to know how the Germans came to make this gross violation of their principle.
Turkey and Palestine.—"Coming to the third proposition, von Hertling says, with justice, that the doctrine of the balance of power is a more or less antiquated doctrine. He further accuses England of being the upholder of that doctrine for purposes of aggrandizement. That is a profoundly unhistorical method of looking at the question. Great Britain has fought time and again for the balance of power, because only by fighting could Europe be saved from the domination of one overbearing and aggressive nation.
"If von Hertling wants to make the balance of power antiquated, he can do it by inducing his countrymen to abandon that policy of ambitious domination which overshadows the world at this moment.
"As to President Wilson's third and fourth principles: Consider for a moment how von Hertling desires to apply the principle that the interest and benefit of the populations concerned should be considered in peace arrangements. He mentions three countries he wishes to see restored to Turkey, namely, Armenia, Palestine, and Mesopotamia.
"Does any one think that this would be to the interest and benefit of the populations concerned? Von Hertling accuses us of being animated with purely ambitious designs when we invaded Mesopotamia and captured Jerusalem. I suppose he would say that Russia was similarly moved when she occupied Armenia. But when Turkey went to war she picked a quarrel with us for purely ambitious purposes. She was promised by Germany the possession of Egypt. Would the interest and happiness of the population of Egypt be best conserved by Turkish conquest of Egypt?
"The Germans in the search for the greatest happiness of these populations would have restored Egypt to the worst rule the world has ever known. They would have destroyed Arab independence and abandoned Palestine to those who had rendered it sterile all these centuries.
"How could any one preach seriously a profession of faith about the interests of populations after this evidence of the manner in which von Hertling desired to see it carried out? If the Reichstag had any sense of humor it must surely have smiled when it heard the Chancellor dealing in that spirit with the dominating doctrine of every important German statesman, soldier, and thinker for two generations at least.
"So much for the four principles which Mr. Holt says von Hertling accepts, and which he thinks the British Government is backward in not accepting. I hope my short analysis may have convinced him that there are two sides to that question."—N. Y. Times Current History, April.
Lord Robert Cecil, Minister of Blockade, referring to the von Hertling speech, said:
"It would be foolish to enter into negotiations unless there were a reasonable prospect of success. We do not desire to repeat the experiment of the Brest-Litovsk negotiations."—N. Y. Times, 28/2.
RUSSIA MAKES PEACE WITH CENTRAL POWERS
Following Trotzky's abandonment of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk in January, and immediately upon the expiration of the armistice on February 18, German forces crossed the Dvina River and advanced toward Petrograd, capturing the port of Reval and occupying the Russian Baltic provinces not already under their control. At the same time both Germany and Austria sent troops to assist the bourgeois government of Ukraine in driving out the Bolsheviki, and announced on March 2 the "liberation" of Kief.
On February 19, Lenine and Trotzky despatched a wireless message of capitulation in the following terms:
The Council of Peoples' Commissaries protests against the fact that the German Government has directed its troops against the Russian Councils' republic which has declared the war was at an end and which is demobilizing its army on all fronts.
The Workmen's and Peasants' Government of Russia could not anticipate such a step because neither directly nor indirectly has any one of the parties which concluded the armistice given the seven days' notice required in accordance with the treaty of December 15 for terminating it.
The Council of People's Commissaries in the present circumstances regards itself as forced formally to declare its willingness to sign a peace upon the condition which had been dictated by the delegations of the Quadruple Alliance at Brest-Litovsk.
The Council of People's Commissaries further declares that a detailed reply will be given without delay to the conditions of peace as proposed by the German Government.
(Signed) For the Council of People's Commissaries:
Lenine,
Trotzky.
This was followed, on request from General Hoffman in command of the German forces, by a messenger bearing a copy of the message with Lenine's and Trotzky's signatures.
The German advance, however, continued, encountering little active resistance, in spite of a series of proclamations from the Lenine Government, on February 21 and later, calling for "war to the death." According to approximate estimates, the captures included 6800 officers, 57,000 men, 2400 guns, 5000 machine guns, and large quantities of munitions and railroad supplies. The advance extended at one point to Jamburg, on the Reval-Petrograd line 68 miles from the capital. It did not stop till the peace treaty was signed.
On February 23, Germany again laid down her terms to Russia, to which the Petrograd council agreed. A Russian delegation went to Brest-Litovsk and without effort to debate signed the treaty on March 3, subject to ratification by the All-Russian Congress of Councils of Workmen's, Peasants', and Cossacks' Delegates within two weeks. The German terms were, in brief, as follows:
By this treaty Russia is forced to accede to the ultimatum of the Central Powers made on February 21, and in addition must cede to Turkey lands taken from her in the wars of 1828-9, 1854-5, 1877-8, and in the present war. The terms in detail include the following provisions:
- The surrender of Courland, Poland, and Lithuania, except part of the Province of Grodno, and Russia's renunciation of every claim to intervention in the internal affairs of these regions.
- The evacuation of Livonia and Esthonia, these provinces to be policed by Germany until "the constitution of the respective countries shall guarantee their social security and political order."
- Russia to conclude peace with the Ukraine.
- Russian troops and Red Guards to evacuate the Ukraine and Finland.
- Immediate and complete demobilization of the Russian Army.
- Russian warships to be disarmed or kept in Russian harbors until the conclusion of peace; warships of the Entente in Russian waters to be treated likewise.
- Merchant navigation of the Black and Baltic seas to be renewed, mines to be cleared away promptly, the blockade of the Arctic Ocean to remain in force until a general peace.
- Free export of ores without tariff from Russia and other wide commercial concessions.
- Russia to promise not to attempt Bolshevik propaganda in Teuton territory.
An indemnity variously reported at $1,500,000,000 and $4,000,000,000 was added.—N. Y. Nation, 7/3.
Text of Treaty
Article 1.—The Central Powers and Russia declare the state of war between them to be terminated, and are resolved henceforth to live in peace and friendship with one another.
Article 2.—The contracting nations will refrain from all agitation or provocation against other signatory governments and undertake to spare the populations of the regions occupied by the powers of the quadruple entente.
Article 3.—The regions lying west of the line agreed upon by the contracting parties, an formerly belonging to Russia, shall no longer be under Russian sovereignty. It is agreed that the line appears from the appended map. No. I, which, as agreed upon, forms an essential part of the peace treaty. The fixing of the line in the west will be settled in the German-Russian mixed commission. The regions in question will have no obligation whatever toward Russia arising from their former relations thereto. Russia undertakes to refrain from all interference in the internal affairs of these territories and to let Germany and Austria determine the future fate of these territories in agreement with their populations.
Article 4.—Germany and Austria agree, when a general peace is concluded and Russian demobilization is fully completed, to evacuate the regions east of the line designated in Article 3, No. 1, in so far as Article 6 does not stipulate otherwise. Russia will do everything in her power to complete as soon as possible the evacuation of the Anatolian provinces and their orderly return to Turkey. The districts of Erivan, Kars, and Batum will likewise without delay be evacuated by the Russian troops. Russia will not interfere in the reorganization of the constitutional or international conditions of these districts, but leave it to the populations of the districts to carry out the reorganization in agreement with the neighboring states, particularly Turkey.
Article 5.—Russia will without delay carry out the complete demobilization of her army, including the forces newly formed by the present government. Russia will further transfer her warships to Russian harbors and leave them there until a general peace or immediately disarm. Warships of states continuing in a state of war with the quadruple alliance will be treated as Russian warships in so far as they are within Russian control.
The barred zone in the Arctic continues in force until the conclusion of peace. An immediate beginning will be made of the removal of mines in the Baltic and in so far as Russian power extends in the Black Sea. Commercial shipping is free in these waters and will be resumed immediately. A mixed commission will be appointed to fix further regulations, especially for the announcement of routes for merchant ships. Shipping routes are to be kept permanently free from floating mines.
Article 6.—Russia undertakes immediately to conclude peace with the Ukrainian People's Republic and to recognize the peace treaty between this state and the powers of the quadruple alliance. Ukrainian territory will be immediately evacuated by the Russian troops and the Russian Red Guard. Russia will cease all agitation or propaganda against the government or the public institutions of the Ukrainian People's Republic.
Esthonia and Livonia will likewise be evacuated without delay by the Russian troops and the Russian Red Guard.
The eastern frontier of Esthonia follows in general the line of the Narova River. The eastern frontier of Livonia runs in general through Peipus Lake and Pskov Lake to the southeasterly corner of the latter, then over Lubahner (Luban) Lake in the direction of Lievenhof, on the Dvina.
Esthonia and Livonia will be occupied by a German police force until security is guaranteed by their own national institutions and order in the state is restored. Russia will forthwith release all arrested or deported inhabitants of Esthonia and Livonia and guarantee the safe return of deported Esthonians and Livonians.
Finland and the Aland Islands will also forthwith be evacuated by the Russian troops and the Red Guard, and Finnish ports by the Russian fleet and Russian naval forces.
So long as the ice excludes the bringing of Russian warships to Prussian ports only small detachments will remain behind on the warships. Russia is to cease all agitation or propaganda against the government or the public institutions in Finland.
The fortifications erected on the Aland Islands are to be removed with all possible dispatch. A special agreement is to be made between Germany, Russia, Finland, and Sweden regarding the permanent non-fortification of these islands, as well as regarding their treatment in military, shipping, and technical respects. It is agreed that at Germany's desire the other states bordering on the Baltic are also to be given a voice in the matter.
Article 7.—Starting from the fact that Persia and Afghanistan are free and independent states, the contracting parties undertake to respect their political and economic independence and territorial integrity.
Article 8.—Prisoners of war of both sides will be sent home.
Article 9.—The contracting parties mutually renounce indemnification of their war costs—that is to say, state expenditure for carrying on the war, as well as indemnification for war damages—that is to say, those damages which have arisen for them and their subjects in the war regions through military measures, inclusive of all requisitions undertaken in the enemy country.
Article 10.—Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately after notification of the peace treaty. Special agreements are reserved relative to the admittance of the respective consuls.
Article 11.—The prescriptions contained in Appendices 2 to 5 shall govern the economic relations between the powers of the quadruple alliance and Russia—namely, Appendix 2 for German-Russian, Appendix 3 for Austro-Hungarian-Russian, Appendix 4 for Bulgarian-Russian, and Appendix 5 for Turkish-Russian relations.
Article 12.—The restoration of public and private relations, the exchange of prisoners of war, interned civilians, the amnesty question, as well as the treatment of merchant ships which are in enemy hands will be regulated by separate treaties with Russia, which shall form an essential part of the present peace treaty, and as far as is feasible shall enter into force at the same time.
Article 13.—For the interpretation of this treaty the German and Russian text is authoritative for the relations between Germany and Russia; for the relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia, the German, Hungarian, and Russian text; for the relations between Bulgaria and Russia, the Bulgarian-Russian text; for the relations between Turkey and Russia, the Turkish and Russian text.
Article 14.—The present peace treaty will be ratified. Instruments of ratification must be exchanged as soon as possible in Berlin. The Russian Government undertakes at the desire of one of the quadruple alliance powers to exchange ratifications within two weeks. The peace treaty enters into force on its ratification, in so far as its articles, appendices, or supplementary treaties do not prescribe otherwise.—N. Y. Times Current History, April.
Emperor William's Congratulations.—Emperor William, according to another official announcement, has sent a telegram to Count von Hertling, the German Imperial Chancellor, reading as follows:
"The German sword, wielded by great army leaders, has brought peace with Russia. With deep gratitude to God, who has been with us, I am filled with proud joy at the deeds of my army and the tenacious perseverance of my people. It is of especial satisfaction to me that German blood and German Kultur have been saved. Accept my warmest thanks for your faithful and strong cooperation in the great work."—N. Y. Times, 5/3.
President Wilson to Russian Congress.—On March 11, President Wilson addressed a message of friendship and encouragement to the All-Russian Congress about to assemble at Moscow. This message was regarded as expressing the feeling of the United States Government that the Allies should not abandon Russia and the assurance that Russia might depend on the consistent friendship of this country. The text follows: Washington, March 11.
"May I not take advantage of the meeting of the Congress of the Soviets to express the sincere sympathy which the people of the United States feel for the Russian people at this moment when the German power has been thrust in to interrupt and turn back the whole struggle for freedom and substitute the wishes of Germany for the purpose of the people of Russia?
"Although the government of the United States is, unhappily, not now in a position to render the direct and effective aid it would wish to render, I beg to assure the people of Russia through the congress that it will avail itself of every opportunity to secure for Russia once more complete sovereignty and independence in her own affairs and full restoration to her great role in the life of Europe and the modern world.
"The whole heart of the people of the United States is with the people of Russia in the attempt to free themselves forever from autocratic government and become the masters of their own life."
(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.
The message was telegraphed to the American Consul General at Moscow for delivery to the congress.
This message was received favorably by the Russian Congress and on March 14 was answered in characteristic fashion as follows:
The All-Russian Congress of Soviets expresses its appreciation to the American people and, first of all, the laboring and exploited classes in the United States for the message sent by President Wilson to the Congress of Soviets, in this time when the Russian Socialist Soviet Republic is living through most difficult trials.
The Russian Republic uses the occasion of the message from President Wilson to express to all peoples who are dying and suffering from the horrors of this imperialistic war its warm sympathy and firm conviction that the happy time is near when the laboring masses in all bourgeois countries will throw off the capitalist yoke and establish a Socialist state of society, which is the only one capable of assuring a permanent and just peace as well as the culture and well-being of all who toil.
Soviet Congress Ratifies Peace.—The All-Russian Congress of Soviets, meeting at Moscow on March 14, ratified by a vote of 453 to 30 the peace treaty with the Central Powers. Only slightly more than half the delegates expected to attend the Congress were reported as voting. The Congress adjourned on March 16, after passing a resolution for organizing the defence of the country by creating a national army of both sexes.
The independent government established in the Caucasus at the same time issued a statement refusing to surrender Kars, Batoum, and Ardahan to Turkey, as provided in the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and stating that the Caucasus had sent delegates to negotiate with Turkey at Trebizond.
The Bolshevik Dilemma.—Petrograd, March 11.—Premier Lenine and the other People's Commissaries left for Moscow last night. Petrograd is to be governed by a special committee headed by Zinoviev and nominated by the Petrograd Soviet. The work of this committee will be to maintain order and defend the approaches to Petrograd. The president of the military organization is Leon Trotzky, who had resigned his post as Commissary for Foreign Affairs, and will not attend the Moscow Congress.
The peace party headed by Lenine, now, obviously, has got the upper hand. Not, I imagine because any one, even among the most infatuated Bolsheviki, regards peace as tolerable or in the least degree final, but because a continuation of hostilities against the Germans at the present moment would be suicidal for the Bolshevist Government. They could not seriously fight. They would have to beat a precipitate retreat, with the certainty of being compelled ultimately to submit to a still more humiliating and destructive peace.
So far Lenine's logic is absolutely convincing. His argument from a contrast between the first and second Brest-Litovsk Conference is irrefutable, but then the position after peace is concluded will be hardly less difficult. Every clause of the peace treaty bristles with danger for the Bolsheviki. Lenine talks of a breathing space, and has outlined a program of further communist reforms to be put into execution when the war finally stops. But the execution of this program is incompatible with the practical fulfillment of the peace treaty. The financial and economic obligations imposed by Germany on Russia simply cannot be carried out under the present communal regime. Conflicts are inevitable as soon as the Germans come in and begin trading with Russia.
The peace terms will be enforced at the bayonet's point, and Socialist absolutism will no longer be possible.
This is why the war party do not rest. They know that a conflict with the Germans in some form is inevitable. For the sake of their Socialist aims they are driven into an attitude of bitter hostility to the Germans. They now regard the Germans as the chief enemy, and they are infusing into the masses a strong anti-German feeling.—Harold Williams.—N. Y. Times, 11/3.
GERMANY IN FINLAND
Germany Occupies Aland Islands.—On February 24, it was announced from Stockholm that Sweden had sent 500 troops to maintain order in the Aland Islands, which control the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia. Professor Eden, the Swedish Premier, stated that the measure was only temporary, and was in accordance with an agreement between the warring "Red" and "White Guard" factions in the islands.
That Sweden's move was merely temporary was shown by the news, on March 4, that German forces had seized the islands, as a preliminary move to the despatch of troops to Finland. Sweden, according to this despatch, protested against the Aland Islands being placed in the war zone; and her vital interest in the islands, together with the presence of her troops there, suggested the possibility of friction with Germany.
The German Government has already arranged for the severance in some form of Russian territory of 524,600 square miles with a population of 66,100,000. Various excuses and explanations of this work are given. Some provinces are to "self-determine" their own form of government. Others are to be given outright to the "Ukraine People's Republic," and Rumania has been notified that in consideration of signing a peace treaty she may give up the mouth of the Danube to Bulgaria and take Bessarabia from Russia. About one-fourth the total area of Russia, containing more than one-third the population, is thus taken from her. Should Germany succeed in her project these states in some form or other will, of course, be suzerainties of the Fatherland.—Baltimore Star, 1/3.
Germany and Sweden.—London, March 10.—Germany's dealings with Finland thus far seem to be designed to make Finland a minor German kingdom, with the Emperor's son. Prince Oscar, on the throne, and to make another Heligoland of the Aland Islands. This scheme is a direct blow against Sweden, and, in a less degree, against Denmark and Norway, and is in line with the German Emperor's boast that the Baltic lands have been made permanently German.
The Aland Islands, geographically, are as much a part of Sweden as Newfoundland is of Canada. Throughout the war Sweden has been troubled by the fear that Russia would take them. Germany now occupies the islands temporarily, but the German flag flies over the public buildings, and no one believes that it will ever come down except by force.
The most practical effect of German control of Finland and the Aland Islands is pointed out by Reventlow, who says that they will no longer be used as a commercial bridge between Scandinavia and Russia. This is a bar to American as well as British trade with Russia.
That the Scandinavian countries have been overfriendly to the Entente came here as an amusing charge. Sweden has been generally rated the most pro-German of the neutral European nations, except possibly Spain. The royal family, the aristocracy, the universities, and the army have been outspokenly pro-German.
For a long time it was feared that Sweden would join the Germanic alliance. According to one newspaper, 55 per cent of the steel Germany has used for munitions has been furnished by Sweden.
Denmark has never been considered overfriendly to the Entente, but considering the fact that she is a small nation living under the muzzles of the German guns and with the mailed fist at her throat, the fact that she is leaning backward in maintaining her neutrality toward the Entente countries is understood to have caused no ill-feeling.
The latest German move appears to be a familiar one. Germany feels that she is now in a position where she is so strong in the north that she need no longer cultivate the friendship of the Scandinavian countries, and that she may make whatever damaging arrangements she desires and threaten them.
The Cologne Gazette, in commenting on the Swedish press editorials regarding the occupation of the Aland Islands, says:
"The Swedes have no cause for complaint. They reap simply the result of their policy of over-prudence during the war."—N. Y. Times, 10/3.
German Treaty with Finland.—According to a London rumor of March 8, the Finnish Government had offered the throne of that country to Prince Oscar, fifth son of Emperor William. Prince Oscar is in his 30th year.
An Amsterdam despatch of March 7 stated that a treaty had been signed on March 7 between Germany and Finland containing the following terms:
"Article 1 declares that no state of war exists between Germany and Finland; that the contracting parties are resolved henceforth to live in peace and friendship, and that Germany will exert herself to secure recognition by all the powers of Finland's autonomy and independence. On the other hand, Finland will cede no portion of her territory to a foreign power nor grant such power any easement on territory over which she is sovereign without previously coming to an understanding with Germany on the subject."
The following articles relate to the resumption of diplomatic and consular relations immediately after the ratification of the peace treaty, renunciation by each party by compensation for war costs and indemnities, restoration of state treaties and private rights, exchange of prisoners of war and interned civilians, and compensation for civil damages.—N. Y. Times, 9/3.
RUMANIA FORCED TO PEACE WITH CENTRAL POWERS
Despatches of February 28 stated that Count Czernin had communicated to Rumania the peace terms offered by the Central Powers and had granted King Ferdinand a short time to consider them.
Negotiations were soon afterwards begun at Bufftea, near Bucharest, and a preliminary treaty was signed on March 5. This treaty forced Rumania to surrender the territory of Dobrudja including her Black Sea coast as far north as the Danube; to permit a "rectification" of her Austro-Hungarian frontier for "strategic reasons"; to demobilize her army, and to allow transport of troops of the Central Powers through her territories to Ukraine. The terms follow in summary form:
"I. Rumania cedes to the Central Allied Powers Dobrudja as far as the Danube.
"II. The powers of the Quadruple Alliance will provide and maintain a trade route for Rumania by way of Constanza to the Black Sea.
"III. The frontier rectifications demanded by Austria-Hungary on the frontier between Austria-Hungary and Rumania are accepted in principle by Rumania.
"IV. Economic measures corresponding to the situation are conceded in principle.
"V. The Rumanian Government undertakes to demobilize immediately at least eight divisions of the Rumanian Army. Control of the demobilization will be undertaken jointly by the upper command of Field Marshal von Mackensen's army group and the Rumanian chief army command. As soon as peace is restored between Russia and Rumania the remaining parts of the Rumanian Army also will be demobilized in so far as they are not required for security service on the Russo-Rumanian frontier.
"VI. The Rumanian troops are to evacuate immediately the territory of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy occupied by them.
"VII. The Rumanian Government undertakes to support with all its strength the transport of troops of the Central Powers through Moldavia and Bessarabia to Odessa.
"VIII. Rumania undertakes immediately to dismiss the officers of the powers who are at war with the Quadruple Alliance still in the Rumanian service. The safe conduct of these officers is assured by the Quadruple Alliance. This treaty enters into operation immediately."
Germany's Eastern Opening.—The treaty with Rumania was received with joy in Germany and Austria, it being hailed as the "oil peace" while that with Ukraine was the "bread peace."
Among allied diplomats the terms forced on Rumania by Count Czernin were considered a sufficient commentary on his previous sentiments for a liberal peace. Interest centered rather in the possibilities opened to Germany by control of the Black Sea. With this route at her disposal, and control of the Trans-Caucasian railway surrendered by Russia to Turkey, Germany would have a road to India other than the Bagdad line, and might stir in Great Britain the same fears (largely groundless) that Russia caused in the past. Naturally, however, the difficulties of this route and the eccentric character of an offensive along it, would make its usefulness to Germany entirely dependent on a successful issue in the west.
SPAIN
Spain Grows Peevish.—The calm persistence with which Germany continues to violate the neutrality of Spain is at last beginning to react upon all except the most pro-German of the Spaniards. Within a month German submarines sank no less than six Spanish vessels in spite of vigorous protests made to Berlin. The Madrid Imperial says: "The persistence of the submarines is exhausting our patience. We receive, in spite of the gratitude which is our due, the same treatment as an enemy power." Discussing the latest sinking, the Liberal writes in a tone of pained surprise: "We are confronted by another violation of international law. It is a criminal, brutal act, and deserves a virile protest from the whole country against the ingratitude and insults of Germany." The Madrid Sol is indignant that the press is so apathetic, and says:
"We know that any pro-German when asked about his feelings regarding the war usually protests that he is pro-Spanish. The pro-Germans have discovered in this love for Spain a convenient cushion on which to fall without hurting themselves, and claim a monopoly of solicitude for the dignity, honor, and interests of Spain. We awaited comments in the pro-German newspapers on the torpedoing of the Giralda, and found them merely interested in an entertainment at the German college attended by Prince Ratibor. Not a word about the outrage committed off Guardia by a German submarine against a Spanish coasting-vessel.
"In certain papers we can understand this attitude. They must obey their masters. But it is not so intelligible in others which a few months ago were full of indignation at a similar attack on our mercantile marine. These papers, formerly so angered, dare not say a word to-day. The reason of this is plain enough to those who are in the secret.
"We are condemned, it seems, to find people who approve of the destruction of our ships and the killing of our sailors. But that is not all. On the Emperor of Germany's birthday some Madrid churches officially prayed for him. They have not yet prayed that the torpedoing may continue, but that may come."—Literary Digest, 16/3.
Spanish Agreement Ratified Under Which Supplies May Be Sent to Pershing's Forces; Also Provides French Credit.—U. S. in Return to Give Spain a Limited Amount of Needed Goods, with Guarantee That They Will Not Be Reshipped to Germany.—The war trade board authorizes the following:
The negotiations between the United States and Spain for the conclusion of a commercial agreement have been brought to a successful conclusion. The war trade board has received word from Ambassador Willard that ratifications of the new agreement, which had been delayed a few days on account of the changes in the Spanish cabinet, were interchanged in Madrid Thursday afternoon. The agreement takes immediate effect.
Of a Three-Sided Character.—These negotiations have been of a three sided character, dealing not only with the trade relations between the United States and Spain but also with arrangements for a French credit in Spain.
The American representatives have been able, in addition to securing considerable amounts of desired supplies for General Pershing's forces in Spain and satisfactorily arranging the problems of American exports and imports, to materially assist the French Government in securing a large credit in Spain to finance payments for the supplies which the republic draws from Spanish sources.
Free Export to Allies.—Under the agreement Spain permits free export to the Allies of pyrites, minerals, and manufactured wool, a concession of decided value to the Entente powers, and the export to the extent permitted by home requirements of various other commodities, in addition to the specific licensing of the supplies required by General Pershing. In return, the United States assures to Spain its necessary supplies of cotton and petroleum, the amount of the monthly export of these commodities being fixed in the agreement at a figure which will cover the genuine Spanish requirements, but bar the possibility of German agents in Spain secretly buying up and hoarding a stock of cotton against the time of the conclusion of peace. Spain is granted other supplies to the extent that they can be spared after satisfying home requirements in the United States and providing for the needs of its associates in the war.
As has already been stated, special concessions have been made in regard to locomotives and railway material, which are required to increase the carrying capacity of the Spanish railway system, a measure of decided importance to America and its associates, which are drawing supplies from Spanish territory.
The agreement has been practically completed for some time, but as the Spanish Minister of Finance, whose signature was required to the agreement, was one of the ministers affected by the cabinet changes last week, ratification had been delayed until the new minister had been installed and had had opportunity to consider the final text.—Official Bulletin, 9/3.
The Situation in Spain.—Madrid despatches of February 21 stated that three notes relative to submarine sinkings had been forwarded to Germany. The first referred to the Italian S. S. Duca di Genova sunk February 10 in Spanish territorial waters; the second to the Giralda sunk January 28 while engaged in coastwise traffic; and the third to the loss of the Ceferhio on February 13. Further indications of submarine activity against Spanish shipping were the sinking on February 22 of the Spanish vessel Mar-Caspio (2723 tons) on her way to New York with a cargo of cork, the loss of the Neguire (1859 tons) on the following day, and the announcement from Berne on March 2 that a Spanish ship had been sunk while under charter by the Swiss Government with a cargo of wheat for Switzerland.
The general elections in Spain on February 24 gave the Liberal Democrats 93 seats in Parliament; Dato Conservatives, 86; Romanones Liberals, 35; Republicans, 33. According to reports, Germanophile candidates were everywhere defeated. The Alhucemas Cabinet, which had been in office since the preceding April, resigned on February 28, owing to disagreement over a change of policy toward Germany. It was reconstructed with two changes, resigned again on March 8, and was again patched together on March 10.
An article by Dr. Dillon in the February Nineteenth Century spoke despairingly of the complete political apathy of the Spanish people. The country lay subject to the control of a junta in the Spanish Army. Labor conditions were slightly improved by the call for Spanish workmen in France.
THE NORTHERN NEUTRALS
Effect of Trade Agreements with Scandinavia.—The trade agreement between the Allies and Norway provided that Norway should receive 10,000,000 bushels of wheat and rice and certain specified amounts of meat, cotton, wool, sugar, oil, lead, and other commodities. In return, she promised that no part of these imports should reach the Central Powers, and no food whatever except 28,000 tons of fish per annum.
Referring to the effect upon Germany, and the bitter attacks on the northern neutrals in the German press, the N. Y. Times of March 12 wrote as follows:
"What have the Central Powers lost? For a long time Germany was importing iron of fine quality from Sweden, receiving from that source, it is estimated, more than half of the quantity consumed in her munition factories. Norway sold to her food, nickel for torpedoes, and other metals. A daily meat train crossed the boundary from Denmark, and food of many kinds came in from Holland. These supplies are reduced by at least 75 per cent, owing mainly to the new agreements, although the neutrals now have not so much to sell. At the same time Germany sees 2,100,000 tons of Norwegian, Dutch, and Swedish shipping, about 400 vessels, chartered to our government or the Allies. Many of these will carry foodstuffs to Germany's foes in Europe, and some will release American ships for the transportation of troops to France.
"All of these countries—even Sweden, whose royal family, aristocracy, and army have been pro-German—must now expect Germany's hostility. How will it be shown? Warning has been given that their ships will be torpedoed. But this will not be a new manipulation of enmity, for nearly 1300 of their vessels have already been sunk; and several thousand sailors went down with them or were killed in life-boats. Norway lost 12 ships last month. There is complaint at Berlin that the Norwegian press 'minimizes German successes.' It has not minimized the destruction of 726 ships." —N.Y. Times, 12/3.
NETHERLANDS
Dutch Ships Taken Over By Allies.—Washington, March 14.—The United States and Great Britain have notified Holland of their intention to take over Dutch ships in American and Entente ports on March 18, unless Holland is able to reach a definite agreement regarding the vessels by that time.
There are 2,000,000 tons of Dutch shipping, but only 600,000 will be seized next Monday. The remaining 1,400,000 tons in Dutch ports will not be touched. It is only the purpose to take over the 400,000 tons in American ports and the 200,000 tons in Entente ports.
The decision of the American and British Governments is based on the fact that this tonnage is vitally needed and the fact that Germany has refused to permit the Dutch Government to live up to the modus vivendi into which Holland recently entered.
The American Government and its co-belligerents have been influenced by the fact that Holland is obviously in a state of duress and has been so terrorized by the German submarine menace that she fears to put into effect the voluntary agreement with the Allies regarding the ships. This agreement provided for food supplies for Holland and contained other benefits for that country. It provided for the departure of Dutch ships now in Dutch waters to replace Dutch ships sailing from this side with supplies for Holland and for Belgian relief, a step for which the justification is obvious when it is considered that, otherwise, the Dutch ships now on this side of the Atlantic would gradually have been transferred to German control upon reaching harbors on the other side which can be largely sealed up by German submarines.—N. Y. Times, 15/3.
Holland Offers to Give Up Ships.—Holland, on the eve of her shipping being taken over by the United States and Great Britain, has given evidences of a readiness to make a voluntary agreement to that purpose, even agreeing that the ships shall be sent through the war zone.
In view of the continued pressure upon the Netherlands by Germany in opposition to such a step, officials here were mystified at the sudden change in the situation.
It was stated that Holland probably would make liberal concessions to Germany, but it was feared that the sudden acquiescence with the long-opposed provision that the ships be sent through the war zone might indicate that the Netherlands Government was proposing something new in connection with the negotiations which Great Britain and the United States would be unable to accept.
It was stated that if Holland desires to turn over the ships on the terms already laid down, by voluntary agreement, it would be considered very agreeable, but that they must be taken over Monday on the final terms presented by the American and British diplomatic representatives.—Washington Post, 17/3.
GERMANY
Germany’s Huge Debt.—The financial status of Germany was clearly analyzed by Professor E. L. Bogert, of the University of Illinois, in the N. Y. Times of March 14. Between August 1, 1914, and December 1, 1917, the Reichstag had granted ten votes of credit appropriating money for the use of the government, aggregating 109,000,000,000 marks or $27,000,000,000. The recent vote of an additional 15,000,000,000 marks brought the total to $31,000,000,000.
Since a small part of this expenditure has been met by taxation, a better indication of the war debt is given by the loans negotiated by the Imperial Government. These, occurring with clock-like regularity every March and September, have been ten in number, amounting in all to $18,340,415,000. Of the discrepancy of 12 ½ billion dollars between these loans and the expenditures, not more than one billion can be accounted for by taxation, leaving between 11 and 12 billion dollars of floating debt.
While these figures make it evident that the imperial debt of Germany has not yet reached the sum of 124,000,000,000 marks, it is evident that it has already passed the limit of 100,000,000,000 marks which Herr Rudolph Haverstein, President of the Reichsbank, thought was all that Germany could stand, and which he was sure would never be reached. If this figure be compared with the modest debt of $1,250,000,000 which Germany owed before the war, some measure of the financial burden imposed upon the empire can be gained. And this figure does not take into account the debts of the separate states or of the communes, which are already large and steadily growing.
The total budget of the Imperial German Government in 1913-1914 was $830,000,000; the interest on the existing debt is already $900,000,000, and the next loan will bring it up to $1,000,000,000 annually, or more than all the peace and military expenditures before the war. Existing taxes are insufficient to meet these demands, and interest is being paid out of new loans. Whether this situation will lead to repudiation or not, no man can now decide. But it is certain that the financial position of Germany, deprived of her expected indemnities, will be a desperate one after the war.
Prussian Suffrage Reform Beaten in Diet Committee.—Amsterdam, February 21.—The Franchise Committee of the lower house of the Prussian Diet has accepted by a vote of 20 to 15 the Conservatives' substitute proposal for a system of plural voting and representation based on professions and guilds, according to a Berlin telegram to-day.
Consequently the government's proposal, which provided for equal suffrage, was declared "disposed of."
GREAT BRITAIN
Lloyd George Weathers Crisis.—At the close of February, the British Government was subjected to sharp opposition, centering in the resignation of General Robertson as Chief-of-Staff and the shift of Admiral Jellicoe from the position of First Sea Lord. General Robertson's resignation was due to his disapproval of the powers given to the Versailles War Council.
A vote in Parliament on February 19, on a resolution expressing disapproval of the position taken by the Versailles Council toward German peace offers, sustained the Council and the British Ministry by 159 to 28. Referring to the powers of the Council, Mr. Lloyd George spoke as follows:
The general principle laid down at Versailles was agreed to wholeheartedly by everybody. There was no conflict as regarded the policy, but only as to the method of giving effect to it. There was agreement as to the policy ; there was agreement that there must be central authority to exercise supreme direction of that policy; there was agreement that authority must be inter-allied authority, and there was complete agreement that that authority should have executive power. The only question that arose was as to how that central authority should be constituted.'
"The Premier asserted that the conclusions reached at Versailles were the result of very powerful representations by the delegates of other governments, notably the American Government.
"'I hesitated for some time,' said the Premier in referring to the American representations, 'whether I should not read in the House of Commons the very cogent document submitted by the American delegation, which put the case for the present proposal. It is one of the ablest documents ever submitted to a military conference. The only reason why I do not read it to the House is that it is mixed with the plan of operations.'
"'The case is presented with irresistible power and logic,' he added. 'What happened? We altered the proposal here and there. There was a good deal of discussion, which took some hours. There was not a single dissentient voice, so far as the plan was concerned.'
"The British commander, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, was present at the session of the Supreme War Council, Mr. Lloyd George went on. He drew attention to two weak points in the proposal, which were thereupon adjusted by the conference. General Robertson was present when the decision was reported to the War Cabinet and did not object.
"It was agreed, said Mr. Lloyd George, that the permanent military adviser at Versailles should be a member of the Army Council. It was a part of this arrangement that the Chief of the Imperial Staff was to remain the supreme military adviser to the government.
"General Robertson, said the Premier, suggested a modification of the proposal by making the representative at Versailles a deputy of the Chief of Staff. The government felt bound to reject this suggestion, as it involved putting a subordinate in a position of the first magnitude, which might impose upon him the necessity of making vital decisions under instruction given him before the full facts were known.
"Being under the impression that all the difficulties had been overcome, continued the Premier, the government offered General Robertson a position on the Versailles Council, but he was unwilling to acquiesce in the system, objecting to it on military grounds. General Robertson, the Premier added, then refused the post of Chief of Staff with the powers which the Versailles conferences had decided to be proper to it.
"The country, said the Premier, was faced with terrible realities. He begged the House to have done with all controversy, adding that the government was entitled to know to-night whether the House and the country wished it to proceed with the policy deliberately arrived at.
"If the House of Commons repudiated the policy for which he was responsible, on which he believed the safety of the country depended, Mr. Lloyd George declared he would quit office. His one regret would be that he had not greater strength and ability to place at the disposal of his country in its gravest hour."—N. Y. Times, 20/2.
Labor Conference Backs Allied War Aims.—The Inter-Allied Labor Conference, representing the Socialist or Labor parties of France, England, Italy, Belgium. Portugal, and South Africa, met in London during the week ending February 23. The war aims, practically endorsing those of the British Labor Conference on December 28, are stated as involving the establishment of a league of nations, with international cooperation for disarmament and the prevention of future warfare; the restoration of Belgium, Servia, Rumania, and Montenegro; the determination of future territorial changes to be based on justice and right, and the repudiation of economic boycotts after the war. Arthur Henderson, leader of the British Labor Party: Albert Thomas, the French delegate; and Emile Vandervelde, Socialist leader in the Belgian Chamber of Deputies, were the most influential leaders of the conference. It was voted to convene an immediate conference between the Socialists of the Allies and of Germany; to call an international Socialist conference to sit concurrently with the future official peace conference; and to demand that a Socialist representative be included by every nation in its official delegation to the peace conference. A delegation of five members, headed by Camille E. Huysmans, secretary of the international Socialist organization, is to be sent to the United States "for the purpose of conferring with the representatives of the American democracy on the war situation."—N. Y. Nation, 7/3.
JAPAN
Japan Still Refrains from Siberian Action.—Japan has not come to a decision regarding the dispatch of troops to Siberia, Premier Terauchi declared in replying to a question in the House of Representatives, according to a Renter dispatch from Shanghai carrying Tokio advices under date of March 9.
The government, said the premier, would "take the utmost care and precaution in dealing with this momentous situation."
The agitation in favor of active measures against the German eastern menace continues. Professor Juretsu Shiga, of the Tokio Higher Technical School, affirms that the greatest crisis in the history of the country is approaching, and that this is no time for the 60,000,000 Japanese to go out looking for plums and cherry blossoms and taking life easy.
The Japan Advertiser says that Japan cannot stand off in splendid isolation while the rest of the world is in travail.
The Yorosu Shimbun says:
"When a fire starts in your neighbor's house can you still remain in bed?" It acknowledges that a more active participation in the war would lead to economical disadvantages, but says it is a bigger problem than mere economics, being a question of life and death. Though it might be economically disadvantageous, the paper asks, "which will be better to sacrifice, wealth and future advantage or to take measures to prevent permanent anxiety and possibly the utter ruin of the country?"—Washington Evening Star, 12/3.
JAPANESE INTERVENTION IN SIBERIA
Negotiations with the Allies.—On February 24, following the capitulation of Russia to Germany, Viscount Motono, Japanese Foreign Minister, stated that, if peace were ratified, "it goes without saying Japan will take steps of the most decided, most adequate character, to meet the occasion." Such action would have for its object protection of munitions and supplies shipped by the Allies to Russia and lying at Vladivostok and other points along the Trans-Siberian railway.
In accordance with this purpose, Japan during the last week in February directed informal inquiries to the Allied Powers. Press reports indicated that Great Britain and France were favorable to such action, but were of the opinion that difficulties would be avoided if Japan gave assurances of her intention to evacuate Russian territory when the emergency had passed.
On March 5, Washington despatches stated that the United States Government, by means of informal conversations with the Japanese Foreign Office, had withheld consent to such a move, on the grounds that it was not clearly justified as an effective move against Germany, might further alienate Russia, and might be construed as inconsistent with the stated war aims of the Allies. The attitude of the United States was further indicated by President Wilson's friendly note of March 11 to the Russian Congress.
China's Attitude.—China at a Cabinet Meeting on March 5 decided to despatch 20,000 troops with the Japanese expedition. Japanese and Chinese troops were already cooperating in control of that part of the Trans-Siberian railway traversing northern Manchuria—a move which gave control of the Siberian railway further east. China assumed control of the railway at Harbin on January 26.
British Opinion Favorable to Intervention.—In a statement to the press on March 8, Lord Robert Cecil, Minister of Blockade, called attention to the possibilities opened up by Germany's peace compacts in the east, and strongly advocated Japanese occupation of Siberia. Speaking more guardedly in Parliament on March 14, Foreign Minister Balfour expressed perfect confidence in Japan's absolute loyalty in carrying out any decision that might be reached, and declared that in this question he had drawn no distinction between Japan and the other Allies.
Moderate Feeling in Japan.—Tokio, March 16.—Premier Terauchi and Foreign Minister Motono told Parliament to-day that nothing had been decided upon with reference to the Siberian situation.
Japan realizes, it is authoritatively stated, that if the United States declines its support, the situation will be extremely delicate because financial and material assistance must come from America. Any feeling of distrust or unfriendliness seems to be lacking. A large section of influential men in Japan favor the American viewpoint, while only a few chauvinists jeer at Premier Terauchi and Foreign Minister Motono as being under American influence.
Leading men, such as Baron Shibusawa, President of the American-Japanese Association, for the commercial section, and Yukio Ozaki, leader of the Constitutional Party, for the "outs," advocate extreme caution. Similarly, many strong supporters of the administration point out that the hour for action has not yet struck.
They say that first it is absolutely necessary for all of Russia and the rest of the world to understand that Japan is engaged in no chauvinistic adventure, and desires nothing more than to safeguard the Far East, assist the Allies, and, if possible, save Russia from German domination, which means the mailed fist in the Far East.
The Chinese problem is one of the most serious features. It is recognized that this is China's great opportunity, and Japan is urging the leaders in the North and South to settle their differences by a sound compromise, form a capable national government at Peking, and join Japan and the Allies in guarding the frontiers and helping Russia. Some indications are manifest that this effort may be successful.—N. Y. Times, 17/3.