The Battle of Jutland
The treatment of the Battle of Jutland, which follows, was compiled from the most accurate published information that has been obtainable. The three accounts here published corroborate each other to a remarkable extent, when it is considered that they emanate from widely different independent sources. It is regretted that a more accurate and more detailed reconstruction of the battle cannot be furnished, but the information necessary is not as yet available. The first detailed account of the battle received in the United States and widely published (viz.: the account by British Naval Officers in the Glasgow Herald) has been proved in the light of subsequent reports to be quite inaccurate. Its principal errors are that (a) it credits Vice Admiral Beatty which a squadron of nine battle cruisers at the beginning of the action; (b) it states that the High Seas fleet stood down from the northeast, under cover of a smoke screen, to join the action; (c) it asserts that the British Grand fleet “crossed the T” of the High Seas fleet when within gun range (and by inference urges us to believe that Admiral Jellicoe permitted “low visibility” to keep him from taking advantage of such an opportunity). [Secretary’s note, J.W.G.]
Admiral Jellicoe’s Report
“Be pleased to inform the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that the German High Sea fleet was brought to action on the 31st of May, 1916, to the westward of Jutland Bank, off the coast of Denmark.”
In these words Vice Admiral Sir John R. Jellicoe, commander-in-chief of the home fleets, opens his report to the Admiralty on the battle over which there has been so much discussion. Continuing, Admiral Jellicoe says:
“The ships of the Grand fleet, in pursuance of the general policy of periodical sweeps through the North Sea, had left their base on the previous day in accordance with instructions issued by me. In the early afternoon of Wednesday, 31st of May, the first and second battle cruiser squadrons, the first, second, and third light cruiser squadrons and destroyers from the first, ninth, tenth, and thirteenth flotillas, supported by the fifth battle squadron, were, in accordance with my directions, scouting to the southward of the battle fleet, which was accompanied by the third battle cruiser squadron, the first and second cruiser squadrons, the fourth light cruiser squadron, and the fourth, eleventh, and twelfth flotillas.
“The junction of the battle fleet with the scouting force after the enemy had been signed was delayed owing to the southerly course steered by our advanced force during the first hour after commencing their action with the enemy battle cruisers. This, of course, was unavoidable, as had our battle cruisers not followed the enemy to the southward the main fleets would never have been in contact.
“The battle cruiser fleet, gallantly led by Vice Admiral Beatty, and admirably supported by the ships of the fifth battle squadron under Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas, fought the action under, at times, disadvantageous conditions, especially in regard to light, in a manner that was in keeping with the best traditions of the service.”
The report states that “the list of ships and commanding officers which took part in the action has been withheld from publication for the present in accordance with the usual practice.”
Admiral Jellicoe estimates the German losses at two battleships of the dreadnought type, one of the Deutschland type, which was seen to sink; the battle cruiser Lützow, admitted by the Germans; one battle cruiser of the dreadnought type, “one battle cruiser seen to be so severely damaged that its return was extremely doubtful”; five light cruisers, seen to sink – one of them possibly a battleship; six destroyers, seen to sink; three destroyers so damaged that it was doubtful if they would be able to reach port, and a submarine sunk. (In the foregoing Admiral Jellicoe enumerates 21 German vessels as probably lost. The last British report placed the total at 18.) In concluding, Admiral Jellicoe says:
“The conditions of low visibility under which the day action took place and the approach of darkness enhanced the difficulty of giving an accurate report of the damage inflicted or the names of the ships sunk by our forces. But after a most careful examination of the evidence of all the officers who testified to seeing enemy vessels actually sink, and personal interviews with a large number of these officers, I am of the opinion that the list shown in the enclosure gives the minimum numbers, though it is possible it is not accurate as regards the particular class of vessel, especially those which were sunk during the night attack. In addition to the vessels sunk, it is unquestionable that many other ships were very seriously damaged by gunfire and torpedo attack.
“I deeply regret to report the loss of his Majesty’s ships Queen Mary, Indefatigable, Invincible, Defence, Black Prince, Warrior, Tipperary, Ardent, Fortune, Shark, Sparrow Hawk, Nestor, Nomad and Turbulent. Still more do I regret the resultant heavy loss of life. The death of such gallant and distinguished officers as Arbuthnot, Hood, Captain Sowerby, Captain Prowse, Captain Cay, Captain Bonham, Captain Charles J. Wintour and Captain Stanley B. Ellis, and those who perished with them, is a serious loss to the navy and to the country. They led officers and men who were equally gallant, and whose death is mourned by their comrades in the Grand fleet. They fell doing their duty nobly – a death which they would have been first to desire.
“The enemy fought with the gallantry that was expected of him. We particularly admired the conduct of those on board a disabled German light cruiser which passed down the British line shortly after deployment under a heavy fire, which was returned by the only gun left in action. The conduct of the officers and men was entirely beyond praise.
“On all sides it is reported that the glorious traditions of the past were most worthily upheld, whether in the heavy ships, cruisers, light cruisers or destroyers; the same admirable spirit prevailed. The officers and men were cool and determined, with a cheeriness that would have carried them through anything. The heroism of the wounded was the admiration of all. I cannot adequately express the pride with which the spirit of the fleet filled me.
“It must never be forgotten that the prelude to action is the work of the engine-room department … Several ships attained speeds that had never before been reached, thus showing very clearly their high state of steaming efficiency. Failures in material were conspicuous by their absence.”
Of the medical officers Admiral Jellicoe says:
“Lacking in many cases all essentials for performing critical operations, with their staffs seriously depleted by casualties, they worked untiringly with the greatest success.”
The hardest fighting fell to the battle cruiser fleet, says Admiral Jellicoe, the units of which were less heavily armored than their opponents, and he expressed high appreciation of the handling of all the vessels and commends Admiral Burney, Jerram, Sturdee, Evan-Thomas, Duff, and Leveson, and continues:
“Vice Admiral Sir David Beatty once again showed his fine qualities of gallant leadership, firm determination, and correct strategic fighting. He appreciated situations at once on sighting the first enemy’s lighter forces, then his battle cruisers, finally his battleships. I can fully sympathize with his feelings when the evening mist and fading light robbed the fleet of that complete victory for which he had maneuvered, for which the vessels in company with him had striven so hard. The services rendered by him, not only on this but on two previous occasions, have been of the very greatest value.”
Vice Admiral Beatty’s report to Admiral Jellicoe particularly mentions the work of the Engadine, Commander Robinson, which towed the Warrior 75 miles during the night of May 31, and continues:
“It is impossible to give a definite statement of the losses inflicted on the enemy. Visibility was for the most part low and fluctuating. Caution forbade me to close the range too much with my inferior force. A review of all the reports leads me to conclude that the enemy’s losses were considerably greater than those we sustained in spite of their superiority, and included battleships, battle cruisers, light cruisers, and destroyers. This is eloquent testimony to the very high standard of gunnery and torpedo efficiency of his Majesty’s ships. The control and drill remained undisturbed throughout in many cases, despite the heavy damage to material and personnel.
“Our superiority over the enemy in this respect was very marked, their efficiency becoming rapidly reduced under punishment, while ours was maintained throughout. As was to be expected, the behavior of the ships’ companies under the terrible conditions of a modern sea battle was magnificent without exception. The strain on their morale was a severe test of discipline and training. The officers and men were imbued with one thought – a desire to defeat the enemy.
“The fortitude of the wounded was admirable. A boy of the first class, John Travers Cornwall, of the Chester, was mortally wounded early in the action. He nevertheless, remained standing alone at a most exposed post quietly awaiting orders until the end of the action, with the gun’s crew dead or wounded all around him. His age was under 16 ½ years. I regret that he has since died. I recommend his case for special recognition, in justice to his memory and as an acknowledgment of the high example set by him
“In such a conflict as raged for five hours it was inevitable that we should suffer severe losses. It was necessary to maintain touch with greatly superior forces in fluctuating visibility, often very low. We lost the Invincible, the Indefatigable, and Queen Mary, from which ships there were few survivors. The casualties in other ships were heavy. I wish to express my deepest regret at the loss of so many gallant comrades, officers and men. They died gloriously.”
Extracts from Vice Admiral Beatty’s report give the course of events before the battle fleet came on the scene of action. At 2.20 o’clock in the afternoon the Galatia reported the presence of enemy vessels. At 2.35 o’clock considerable smoke was sighted to the eastward. This made it clear that the enemy was to the northward and eastward, and that it would impossible for him to round Horn Reef without being brought to action. The course of the British ships consequently was altered to the eastward and subsequently north-eastward.
The enemy was sighted at 3.31 o’clock. His force consisted of five battle cruisers. Vice Admiral Beatty’s first and third light cruiser squadrons, without awaiting orders, spread eastward, forming a screen in advance of the battle cruiser squadron under Admiral Evan-Thomas, consisting of four battleships of the Queen Elizabeth class. The light cruisers engaged the enemy and the cruiser squadron came up at high speed, taking station ahead of the battle cruisers. At 3.30 o’clock Vice Admiral Beatty increased the speed to 25 knots and formed the line of battle, the second battle cruiser squadron forming astern of the first, with two destroyer flotillas ahead.
Vice Admiral Beatty then turned east-southeast slightly, converging on the enemy now at a range of 23,000 yards. The fifth battle cruiser squadron was then bearing north-northwest 10,000 years distant. The visibility was good. Continuing his report, Vice Admiral Beatty said:
“The sun was behind us. The wind was southeast. Being between the enemy and his base, our situation was both tactically and strategically good.
“Both forces opened fire simultaneously at 3.48 at a range of 18,500 yards. The course was altered southward, the enemy steering parallel distant 18,000 to 14,500 yards. The fifth battle squadron opened fire at a range of 20,000 yards at 4.08. The enemy fire then seemed to slacken. Although the presence of destroyers caused inconvenience on account of smoke, they preserved the battleships from submarine attack.
“Two submarines being sighted, and a flotilla of ten destroyers being ordered to attack the enemy with torpedoes, they moved out at 4.15 o’clock simultaneously with the approach of German destroyers. The attack was carried out gallantly with great determination. Before arriving at a favorable position to fire torpedoes they intercepted an enemy force consisting of one light cruiser and 15 destroyers. A fierce engagement at close quarters ensued and the enemy were forced to retire on their battleships, having two destroyers sunk and their torpedo attack frustrated. Our destroyers sustained no loss, but the attack on the enemy cruisers was rendered less effective.
“The Nesior, Nomad, and Minotaur, under Commander Edward Bingham, pressed the attack on the battle cruisers and fired two torpedoes. Being subjected to a heavy fire at 3000 yards, the Nomad was badly hit and remained between the lines. The Nestor also was badly hit, but was afloat when last seen. The Petard, Nerissa, Turbulent, and Termagant also are praised.
“These destroyer attacks,” continues Vice Admiral Beatty, “were indicative of the spirit pervading the navy and worth of its highest traditions.”
From 4.15 to 4.43 o’clock the conflict between the battle cruiser squadrons was fierce and the resolute British first began to tell. The rapidity and accuracy of the Germans’ fire depreciated considerably. The third German ship was seen to be afire. The German battle fleet was reported ahead and the destroyers were recalled.
Vice Admiral Beatty altered his course to the northward to lead the Germans toward the British battle fleet. The second light cruiser squadron closed to 13,000 yards of the German battle fleet and came under heavy but ineffective fire. The fifth battle squadron engaged the German battle cruisers with all guns, and about 5 o’clock came under the fire of the leading ships of the German battle fleet.
The weather became unfavorable, Vice Admiral Beatty’s ships being silhouetted against a clear horizon to the Germans, whose ships were mostly obscured by mist.
Between 5 and 6 o’clock the action continued at 14,000 yards on a northerly course, the German ships receiving very severe punishment, one battle cruiser quitting the line considerably damaged. At 5.35 o’clock the Germans were gradually hauling eastward and receiving severe punishment at the head of the line, probably action on information from their light cruisers which were engaged with the third battle cruiser squadron or from Zepplins which possibly were present.
At 5.56 o’clock the leading ships of the British battle fleet were sighted bearing north, distant five miles. Vice Admiral Beatty thereon proceeded east at the greatest speed, bringing the range to 12,000 yards. Only three German battle cruisers were then visible, followed by battleships of the Koenig type.
Vice Admiral Jellicoe then takes up the story of the battle fleet. Informed that the Germans were sighted, the fleet proceeded at full speed on a southeast by south course during two hours before arriving on the scene of battle. The steaming qualities of the older ships were severely tested. When the battle fleet was meeting the battle cruisers and the fifth battle squadron great care was necessary to insure that the British ships were not mistaken for the German warships.
Vice Admiral Beatty reported the position of the German battle fleet at 6.15 o’clock. Vice Admiral Jellicoe then formed the line of battle, Vice Admiral Beatty meantime having formed the battle cruisers ahead of the battle fleet, and the fleets became engaged. During the deployment the Defence and Warrior were seen passing between the British and German fleets under heavy fire. The Defence disappeared and the Warrior passed to the rear, disabled.
Vice Admiral Jellicoe considers it probably that Sir Robert K. Arbuthnot, the Rear Admiral who was lost on board the Defence, was not aware, during the engagement with the German light cruisers, of the approach of their heavy ships owing to the mist, until he found himself in close proximity to the main German fleet. Before he could withdraw his ships were caught under heavy fire and disabled. When the Black Prince of the same squadron was sunk was not known, but a wireless signal was received from her between 8 and 9 o’clock.
Owing principally to the mist, it was possible to see only a few ships at a time. Toward the close of the battle only four or five were visible and never more than eight to twelve.
The third battle cruiser squadron, under Rear Admiral Horace Alexander Hood, was in advance of the battle fleet and ordered to reinforce Vice Admiral Beatty. While en route the Chester, Captain Lawson, engaged three or four German light cruisers for 20 minutes. Despite many casualties, her steaming qualities were unimpaired.
Describing the work of the third squadron, Vice Admiral Beatty said Rear Admiral Hood brought it into action ahead of the Lion “in the most inspiring manner, worthy of his great naval ancestors.” Vice Admiral Hood, at 6.25 p.m., was only 8,000 yards from the leading German ship, and the British vessels poured a hot fire into her and caused her to turn away. Vice Admiral Beatty, continuing, reports:
“By 6.50 o’clock the battle cruisers were clear of our leading battle squadron and I ordered the third battle cruiser squadron to prolong the line astern and reduced the speed to 18 knots. The visibility at this time was very indifferent, not more than four miles, and the enemy ships were temporarily lost sight of after 6 p.m. Although the visibility became reduced, it undoubtedly was more favorable to us than to the enemy. At intervals their ships showed up clearly, enabling us to punish them very severely and to establish a definite superiority over them. It was clear that the enemy suffered considerable damage, battle cruisers and battleships alike. The head of their line was crumpled up, leaving their battleships as a target for the majority of our battle cruisers. Before leaving, the fifth battle squadron also was engaging battleships.
“The report of Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas shows excellent results were obtained. It can safely be said that his magnificent squadron wrought great execution.”
The action between the battle fleets lasted, intermittently, from 6.17 to 8.20 o’clock at ranges between 9000 and 12,000 yards. The Germans constantly turned away and opened the range under the cover of destroyer attacks and smoke screens as the effect of the British fire was felt, and alterations of the course from southeast by east to west in an endeavor to close up brought the British battle fleet, which commenced action in an advantageous position on the Germans’ bow; to a quarterly bearing from the German battle line, but placed Vice Admiral Jellicoe between the Germans and their bases.
Vice Admiral Jellicoe says: “During the somewhat brief periods that the ships of the High Sea fleet were vicible through the mist, a heavy and effective fire kept up by the battleships and battle cruisers of the Grand fleet caused me much satisfaction. The enemy vessels were seen to be constantly hit, some being observed to haul out of the line. At least one sank. The enemy’s return fire at this period was not effective and the damage caused to our ships was insignificant.”
Vice Admiral Beatty’s report covering this period says the German ships he was engaging showed signs of punishment. The visibility improved at sunset at 7.17, when he re-engaged, and destroyers at the head of the German line emitted volumes of gray smoke, covering their capital ships as with a pall, under cover of which they turned away and disappeared. At 7.45, the light cruiser squadrons, sweeping westward, located two German battleships and cruisers. At 8.20, Vice Admiral Beatty heavily engaged them at 10,000 yards. The leading ship, being repeatedly hit by the Lion, turned away in flames with a heavy list. The Princess Royal set fire to a three-funneled battleship. The New Zealand and Indomitable reported that the ship they engaged left the line heeling over and afire. At 8.40, the battle cruisers felt a heavy shock as if struck by a mine or torpedo. This was assumed to be a vessel blowing up.
Vice Admiral Beatty reported that he did not consider it desirable or proper to engage the German battle fleet during the dark hours, as the strategical position made it appear certain he could locate them at daylight under most favorable circumstances.
Vice Admiral Jellicoe reports that, as anticipated, the Germans appeared to have relied much upon torpedo attacks which were favored by low visibility and by the fact that the British were in the position of a following or chasing fleet. Of the large number of torpedoes apparently fired only one took effect and this was upon the Marlborough, which was able to continue in action. The efforts of the Germans to keep out of effective gun range were aided, he says, by weather ideal for that purpose. The Germans made two separate destroyer attacks. The first battle squadron at 11,000 yards administered severe punishment to battleships, battle cruisers and light cruisers. The fire of the Marlborough was particularly effective and rapid. She commenced by firing seven salvos at a ship of the Kaiser class and then engaged a cruiser and next a battleship. The Marlborough was hit by a torpedo at 6.54 p.m. and took a considerable list to starboard, but reopened fire at 7.03 at a cruiser. At 7.12 she fired 14 rapid salvos at a cruiser of the Koenig class, hitting her frequently until she left the line.
During the Action the range decreased to 5000 yards. The first battle squadron received more of the enemy’s fire than the remainder of the fleet, excepting the fifth squadron. The Colossus was hit, but not seriously.
The fourth squadron, led by the flagship Iron Duke, engaged a squadron consisting of the Koenig and Kaiser classes with battle cruisers and light cruisers. The British fire was effective, although a mist rendered range-taking difficult. The Iron Duke fired on a battleship of the Koenig class at 12,000 yards. The hitting commenced at the second salvo and only ceased when the target turned away. Other ships of the squadron fired principally at German ships as they appeared out of the mist and several of the German vessels were hit.
The second squadron under Admiral Jerram engaged vessels of the Kaiser and Koenig classes and also a battle cruiser, which apparently was severely damaged. A squadron under the command of Rear Admiral Heath, with the cruiser Duke of Edinburgh, acted as a connecting link between the battle fleet and the battle cruiser fleet, but did not get into action.
The German vessels were entirely out of the fight at 9 o’clock, says the report. The threat of destroyer attacks during the rapidly approaching darkness made it necessary to dispose the fleet with a view to its safety, while providing for a renewal of action at daylight. Vice Admiral Jellicoe maneuvered the fleet so as to remain between the Germans and their bases, placing flotillas of destroyers where they could protect the fleet and attack the heavy German ships.
The British heavy ships were not attacked during the night, but three British destroyer flotillas delivered a series of gallant and successful attacks, causing heavy losses. The fourth flotilla, under Captain Wintour, suffered severe losses, including the Tipperary. The twelfth flotilla, under Captain Stirling, attacked a squadron of six large vessels of the Kaiser class, taking it by surprise and firing many torpedoes. The second, third, and fourth ships in the line were hit and the third blew up. The destroyers were under a heavy fire of German light cruisers. Only the Onslaught received material injuries. The Castor sank a German destroyer at point-blank range.
The thirteenth flotilla, under Captain Farie, was stationed astern of the battle fleet. A large vessel crossed in the rear of the flotilla after midnight at high speed. Turning on her searchlights, she fired heavily on the Petard and the Turbulent and the latter was disabled. The Champion was engaged for a few minutes with four German destroyers while the Moresby fired a torpedo at a ship of the Deutschland class and felt an explosion.
Concluding his account of the battle, Vice Admiral Jellicoe wrote:
“At daylight on the first of June, the battle fleet, being southward of Horn Reef, turned northward in search of the enemy vessels and for the purpose of collecting our own cruisers and torpedo-boat destroyers. The visibility early on the first of June was three to four miles less than on May 31, and the torpedo-boat destroyers, being out of visual touch, did not rejoin the fleet until 9 a.m. The British fleet remained in the proximity of the battlefield and near the line of approach to German ports until 11 a.m., in spite of the disadvantage of long distances from fleet bases and the danger incurred in waters adjacent to the enemy’s coasts from submarines and torpedo craft.
“The enemy, howeer, made no sign, and I was reluctantly compelled to the conclusion that the High Sea fleet had returned into port. Subsequent events proved this assumption to have been correct. Our position must have been known to the enemy, as, at 4 a.m., the fleet engaged a Zeppelin about five minutes during which time she had ample opportunity to note and subsequently report the position and course of the British fleet.
“The Waters from the latitude of Horn Reef to the scene of action were thoroughly searched and some survivors from the destroyers Ardent, Fortune, and Tipperary were picked up. The Sparrow Hawk, which had been in collision, was no longer seaworthy and was sunk after the crew was taken off. A large amount of wreckage was seen, but no enemy ships, and at 1.15, it being evident that the German fleet had succeeded in returning to port, our course was shaped for our bases, which were reached without further incident on Friday, the second of June.
“The cruiser squadron was detached to search for the Warrior, which had been abandoned while in tow of the Engadine on the way to the base, owing to bad weather setting in, and the vessel becoming unseaworthy. No trace of her was discovered, and further subsequent search by the light cruiser squadron having failed to locate her, it was evident she had foundered.
“The fleet was fueled, replenished its ammunition, and at 9.30 p.m., on the second of June, was reported ready for further action.”
Two estimates of the total tonnage lost by the Germans in the Jutland battle have been made by British officials. The more conservative one, who included in his list only vessels “seen to sink,” and based his estimate on the theory that the battleships sunk were of the oldest dreadnought type, gives the German tonnage lost as 109,220, as compared with a British loss in tonnage of 112,350. He concludes that the Germans lost two battleships of the dreadnought type of 18,900 tons each, one of the Deutschland type of 13,200 tons, the battle cruiser Lützow of 28,000 tons, five cruisers of the Rostock type, making a total of 24,500 tons for this type; six destroyers aggregating 4920 tons, and one submarine of 800 tons.
The more liberal estimate places the German loss at 117,220 tons, as follows:
One dreadnought of the Kronprinz type, 25,480 tons; one of the Helgoland type, 22,440 tons; battleship Pommern, 13,000 tons; battle cruiser Lützow, 28,000 tons; five Rostocks aggregating 24,500 tons; destroyers aggregating 4000, and a submarine of 800 tons.
Under the caption “The Battle of Jutland and What It Means,” the British Government will issue in London (July 7) a statement, in part, as follows:
“Seen in its broadest aspect, the battle stands out as a case of a tactical division of the fleet, which had the effect of bringing an unwilling enemy to battle. Such a method of forcing an action was obviously drastic and necessarily attended with a certain measure of risk.
“In the present case there was only an appearance of division. The battle fleet was to the north and the battle cruiser fleet to the south, but they formed, in fact, one fleet, under a single command, and were acting in combination with one another. They were at the time actually engaged in carrying on, as they had been in the habit of doing periodically, a combined sweep of the North Sea, and Admiral Beatty’s fleet was, in effect, the observation of advance squadron.”
Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge has prepared the following commentary on Admiral Jellicoe’s report:
“To put the situation succinctly, it may be said that before the battle the British fleet at sea was divided into two parts, one force under Sir David Beatty and the other, the battle fleet or main body, under the commander in chief, Sir John Jellicoe. This distribution of the ships was the dominating factor in bringing on the battle. Had the whole British fleet been massed and close together it is more than likely that no battle would have occurred at all. So with the British fleet divided the Germans were encouraged to give battle with Beatty. Sir David, determined to get them into a fight, arranged the management of the action so that he could draw them nearer and nearer to Jellicoe’s main body which was coming up in support. He thus greatly shortened the interval between the first collision and eventual participation in the action by Jellicoe’s battleships.” – New York Times, 7/7.
Early German Reports
The preceding report of Admiral Jellicoe is so complete that it is unnecessary to publish the official bulletins previously issued by the British Admiralty. On the other hand, the German Admiralty’s account is incomplete without the series of statements which went before it; they are therefore published. It will be noticed that the times given in the German report are two hours later than those of Admiral Jellicoe’s; after correcting the time discrepancy the two reports check each other very closely even down to details of maneuvering.
The first German communique, dated June 1, was as follows:
“During an enterprise directed towards the north, our High Sea fleet on Wednesday last met a considerably superior main portion of the British battle fleet. In the course of the afternoon between the Skager-Rack and the Horn Reef a number of severe and, for us, successful engagements developed and continued all night.
“In these engagements, as far as is at present ascertained, we destroyed the great battleship Warspite, the battle cruisers Queen Mary and Indefatigable, two armored cruisers of the Achilles class, one small cruiser and the new destroyer-leaders Turbulent, Nestor, and Alcaster. According to trustworthy evidence a great number of British battleships suffered heavy damage from the artillery of our vessels and the attacks of our torpedo-boat flotillas during the day battle and during the night. Among others the great battleship Marlborough was hit by a torpedo, as is confirmed by the statements of prisoners. A portion of the crews of the British vessels that were sunk were picked up by our vessels. Among them are two sole survivors of the Indefatigable.
“On our side the small cruiser Wiesbaden was sunk by enemy’s artillery in the day engagements, and during the night the Pommern was sunk by a torpedo. Regarding the fate of the Frauenlob, which is missing, and some torpedo-boats, which have not returned up to the present, nothing is known. The High Sea fleet returned to our harbors in the course of to-day.”
This was supplemented on June 3 by the following:
“In order to prevent the spread of fantastic reports, it is again stated that in the battle off Skager-Rack on May 31 the German High Sea forces engaged the entire modern British fleet. To the statements already published it must be added that according to the official British report the battle cruiser Invincible and the armored cruiser Warrior were also destroyed.
“We were obliged to blow up the small cruiser Elbing, which on the night of May 31 was heavily damaged owing to collision with another German war vessel, so that it was impossible to take her back to port. The crew were rescued by torpedo boats, with the exception of the commander, two officers, and 18 men who remained on board in order to blow up the vessel and who, according to subsequent Dutch reports, have been brought to Ymuiden in a tug and landed there.”
On June 8, the longest of the German communiques was received. It opens by controverting “all official and semi-official press reports from the British side, which are systematically spread abroad in order to deny the greatness of the British defeat in the naval battle on May 31 and create the impression that the battle was a victory for the British arms.” The telegram continues:
“It is asserted, for instance, that the German fleet left the battlefield, and that the British fleet remained master of it. As regards this, it is stated that by the repeated and effective attacks of our torpedo-boat flotillas during the battle on the evening of May 31 the British main fleet was forced to turn round and never again came within sight of our forces, and in spite of its superior speed and reinforcements by a British battle squadron of 12 vessels, which came up from the southern region of the North Sea, never attempted to come again into touch with our forces to continue the battle or to effect a junction with the above-mentioned squadron in order to bring about the desired destruction of the German fleet.
“The British assertion that the British fleet in vain endeavored to reach the fleeing German fleet in order to defeat it before reaching its home points d’appui is contradicted by the alleged official British statement that Admiral Jellicoe with his Grand fleet had already reached his base at Scapa Flow (Orkneys), 300 miles from the battlefield, on June 1.
“Our numerous German torpedo-boat flotillas which were sent out after the battle to make a night attack towards the north beyond the theatre of the day battle did not find the British main fleet in spite of a keen search. Moreover our torpedo-boats were able to rescue a large number of British survivors of various vessels which had been sunk.
“As further proof of the fact disputed by the British of the participation of the entire battle fleet in the battle, it is pointed out that the British Admiralty report announced that the Marlborough was disabled. Furthermore, one of our submarines on June 1 sighted another vessel of the Iron Duke class heavily damaged steering toward the English coast. Both the vessels mentioned belong to the British main fleet.
“In order to belittle the great German success, the British press also attributes the loss of several British vessels to German mines, submarines, and airships. In this connection it is expressly pointed out that neither mines (which, by the way, would have been just as dangerous to our own fleet as to that of the enemy) nor submarines were employed by our High Seas fleet, and German airships were exclusively used for reconnaissance work.
“The German victory was gained by able leadership and by the effect of our artillery and torpedoes. Until now we have refrained from contradicting many of the alleged official British assertions regarding German losses. The latest assertion, again and again repeated, is that the German fleet lost not less than two vessels of the Kaiser class, the Westfalen, two battle cruisers, four small cruisers, and a great number of destroyers.
“Moreover, the British indicate that the Pommern, which we reported lost, is not a ship of the line of 13,000 tons, built in 1905, but a modern dreadnought of the same name. We state that the total loss of German High Seas forces during the battle of May 31 and June 1 and subsequently are:
“One battle cruiser.
“One ship of the line of older construction.
“Four small cruisers, and
“Five torpedo-boats.
“Of these losses, the Pommern, launched in 1905, the Wiesbaden, the Elbing, the Frauenlob, and five torpedo-boats have already been reported sunk in official statements.
For military reasons we refrained till now from making public the loss of the vessels Lützow and Rostock. In view of the wrong interpretation of this measure, and, moreover, in order to frustrate English legends about gigantic losses on our side, these reasons must now be dropped. Both vessels were lost on their way to the harbor after attempts had failed to keep the heavily damaged vessels afloat. The crews of both ships, including all severely wounded, are in safety. While the German list of losses is hereby closed, positive indications are to hand that the actual British losses are materially higher than established and made public by us on the bases of our own observation.
“British prisoners state that besides the Warspite, the Princess Royal, and the Birmingham were also destroyed. According to reliable reports the dreadnought Marlborough also sank before reaching port.
“The battle of the Skager-Rack was and remains a German victory, even if the result is judged solely by the losses in ships officially admitted by the British.
“The total tonnage of German losses is 60,720 tons, against 117,750 tons British losses.” – The Army and Navy Gazette, 17/6.
Estimate of Forces Engaged
Berlin, June 8, by wireless to Sayville, NY.
At the high tide of battle during the North Sea action of last week the strength of the British and German fleets engaged as given to-day from an authoritative German source was:
“British – at least 25 dreadnoughts, six battle cruisers, and at least four armored cruisers.
“German – 16 dreadnoughts, five battle cruisers, six older German battleships, and no armored cruisers.”
In addition, numerous light warships were engaged. – Washington Star, 8/5.
German Admiralty’s Account
Berlin, June 29 (via London, June 30).
The German Admiralty has given to The Associated Press a detailed account of the recent naval battle in the Skagerak. The following abstract has been taken from the Admiralty statement:
“The High Seas fleet, consisting of three battleship squadrons, five battle cruisers, and a large number of small cruisers, with several destroyer flotillas, was cruising in the Skagerak on May 31 for the purpose, as on earlier occasions, of offering battle to the British fleet. The vanguard of the small cruisers at 4.30 o’clock in the afternoon suddenly encountered, 90 miles west of Hanstholm (a cape on the west coast of Jutland), a group of eight of the newest cruisers of the Calliope class and 15 or 20 of the most modern destroyers.
“While the German light forces and the first cruiser squadron under Vice Admiral Hipper were following the British, who were retiring northwestward, the German battle cruisers sighted to the westward Vice Admiral Beatty’s battle cruiser squadron of six ships, including four of the Lion type and two of the Indefatigable type. Beatty’s squadron developed a battle line on a southeasterly course and Vice Admiral Hipper formed his line ahead of the same general course and approached for a running fight. He opened fire at 5.49 o’clock in the afternoon with heavy artillery at a range of 13,000 meters against the superior enemy. The weather was clear and light, and the sea was light with a northwest wind.
“After about a quarter of an hour a violent explosion occurred on the last cruiser of the Indefatigable type. It was caused by a heavy shell, and destroyed the vessel.
“About 6.20 o’clock in the afternoon five warships of the Queen Elizabeth type came from the west and joined the British battle cruiser line, powerfully reinforcing with their 15-inch guns the five British battle cruisers remaining after 6.20 o’clock. To equalize this superiority Vice Admiral Hipper ordered the destroyers to attack the enemy. The British destroyers and small cruisers interposed, and a bitter engagement at close range ensued, in the course of which a light cruiser participated.
“The Germans lost two torpedo-boats, the crews of which were rescued by sister ships under heavy fire. Two British destroyers were sunk by artillery, and two others – the Nestor and Nomad – remained on the scene in a crippled condition.
“While this engagement was in progress a mighty explosion, caused by a big shell, broke the Queen Mary, the third ship in line, asunder at 6.30 o’clock.
“Soon thereafter the German main battleship fleet was sighted to the southward, steering north. The hostile fast squadrons thereupon turned northward, closing the first part of the fight, which lasted about an hour.
“The British retired at high speed before the German fleet, which followed closely. The German battle cruisers continued the artillery combat with increasing intensity, particularly with the division of the vessels of the Queen Elizabeth type, and in which the leading German battleship division participated intermittently. The hostile ships showed a desire to run in a flat curve ahead of the point of our line to cross it.
“At 7.45 o’clock in the evening British small cruisers and destroyers launched an attack against our battle cruisers, who avoided the torpedoes by maneuvering, while the British battle cruisers retired from the engagement, in which they did not participate further as far as can be established. Shortly thereafter a German reconnoitering group, which was parrying the destroyer attack, received an attack from the northeast. The cruiser Wiesbaden was soon put out of action in this attack. The German torpedo flotillas immediately attacked the heavy ships.
“Appearing shadow-like from the haze bank to the northeast was made out a long line of at least 25 battleships, which at first sought a junction with the British battle cruisers and those of the Queen Elizabeth type on a northwest to westerly course and then turned on an easterly to a southeasterly course.
“With the advent of the British main fleet, whose center consisted of three squadrons of eight battleships each, with a fast division of three battle cruisers of the Invincible type on the northern end, and three of the newest vessels of the Royal Sovereign class, armed with 15-inch guns, at the southern end, there began about 8 o’clock in the evening the third section of the engagement, embracing the combat between the main fleets.
“Vice Admiral Scheer determined to attack the British main fleet, which he now recognized was completely assembled and about doubly superior. The German battleship squadrons, headed by battle cruisers, steered first toward the extensive haze bank to the northeast, where the crippled cruiser Wiesbaden was still receiving a heavy fire. Around the Wiesbaden stubborn individual fights under quickly changing conditions now occurred.
“The light enemy forces, supported by an armored cruiser squadron of five ships of the Minotaur, Achilles, and Duke of Edinburgh classes coming from the northeast, were encountered and apparently surprised on account of the decreasing visibility by our battle cruisers and leading battleship division. The squadron came under a violent and heavy fire, by which the small cruisers Defence and Black Prince were sunk. The cruiser Warrior regained its own line a wreck and later sank. Another small cruiser was damaged severely.
“Two destroyers already had fallen victims to the attack of German torpedo-boats against the leading British battleships and a small cruiser and two destroyers were damaged. The German battle cruisers and leading battleship division had in these engagements come under increased fire of the enemy’s battleship squadron, which, shortly after 8 o’clock, could be made out in the haze turning to the northeastward and finally to the east. Germans observed, amidst the artillery combat and shelling of great intensity, signs of the effect of good shooting between 8.20 and 8.30 o’clock particularly. Several officers on German ships observed that a battleship of the Queen Elizabeth class blew up under conditions similar to that of the Queen Mary. The Invincible sank after being hit severely. A ship of the Iron Duke class had earlier received a torpedo hit, and one of the Queen Elizabeth class was running around in a circle, its steering apparatus apparently having been hit.
“The Lützow was hit by at least 15 heavy shells and was unable to maintain its place in line. Vice Admiral Hipper, therefore, transhipped to the Moltke on a torpedo-boat and under a heavy fire. The Derfflinger meantime took the lead temporarily. Parts of the German torpedo flotilla attacked the enemy’s main fleet and heard detonations. In the action the Germans lost a torpedo-boat. An enemy destroyer was seen in a sinking condition, having been hit by a torpedo.
“After the first violent onslaught into the mass of the superior enemy the opponents lost sight of each other in the smoke by powder clouds. After a short cessation in the artillery combat Vice Admiral Scheer ordered a new attack by all the available forces.
“German battle cruisers, which with several light cruisers and torpedo-boats again headed the line, encountered the enemy soon after 9 o’clock and renewed the heavy fire, which was answered by them from the mist, and then by the leading division of the main fleet. Armored cruisers now flung themselves in a reckless onset at extreme speed against the enemy line in order to cover the attack of torpedo-boats. They approached the enemy line although covered with shot from 6000 meters distance. Several German torpedo flotillas dashed forward to attack, delivered torpedoes, and returned despite the most severe counterfire with the loss of only one boat. The artillery fight was again interrupted, after this second violent onslaught, by the smoke from guns and funnels.
“Several torpedo flotillas, which were ordered to attack somewhat later, found, after penetrating the smoke cloud, that the enemy fleet was no longer before them; nor, when the fleet commander again brought the German squadrons upon the southerly and southwesterly course, where the enemy was last seen, could our opponents be found. Only once more – shortly before 10.30 o’clock – did the battle flare up. For a short time in the late twilight German battle cruisers sighted four enemy capital ships to seaward and opened fire immediately. As the two German battleships squadrons attacked, the enemy turned and vanished in the darkness. Older German light cruisers of the fourth reconnaissance group also were engaged with the older enemy armored cruisers in a short fight. This ended the day battle.
“The German divisions, which, after losing sight of the enemy, began a night cruise in a southerly direction, were attacked until dawn by enemy light force in rapid succession. The attacks were favored by the general strategic situation and the particularly dark night.
“The cruiser Frauenlob was injured severely during the engagement of the fourth reconnaissance group with a superior cruiser force, and was lost from sight.
“One armored cruiser of the Cressy class suddenly appeared close to a German battleship and was shot into fire after 40 seconds, and sank in four minutes.” – New York Times, -- 1/7.
The Battle of Jutland
By Arthur Pollen
In the early afternoon of Wednesday, May 31, a battle was begun between the battle cruisers of the British and German fleets. The action was fought in misty weather in which contact between the two fleets was occasionally lost. The fighting, therefore, was necessarily of an intermittent character. More especially was this the case in its later phases. From a quarter to four until a quarter to five the engagement was between the battle cruisers only. By this time von Hipper had been driven back on to the High Seas fleet and the British fast squadron, reinforced by four Queen Elizabeths fought a holding action for the next hour and a quarter, drawing the German High Seas fleet towards the forces that were approaching under Admiral Jellicoe. During this phase the British squadron was greatly outnumbered, of course, by the Germans, but at 6 they were reinforced by Rear Admiral Hood with three further battle cruisers, and at 6.20 by Rear Admiral Sir Robert Arbuthnot with four armored cruisers of the Defence and Duke of Edinburgh classes.
Shortly after 6.30 Sir John Jellicoe brought the Grand fleet on to the field of the battle, upon which von Sheer retreated incontinently. From 7 o’clock until darkness fell, the bad light, the thick weather, and the disorderly retreat of the German squadron made anything like an artillery duel between the two fleets impossible. The German destroyers did all in their power to hamper the pursuit by the British dreadnoughts, and when pursuit by the capital ships was made impossible by darkness, the British destroyers were sent forward amongst the German ships. There then followed a night action, the pursuit being carried on by the British cruisers and destroyers until 3 on the following morning, when such of the German fleet as survived had reached the mine defences of their main base. The commander-in-chief then recalled his fleet, and at daylight made a systematic search of the scene of the previous day’s engagement, but without finding any disabled ships. At noon the British force returned to its bases, refuelled, and 24 hours later was once more ready for action. * * * *
The Germans had entered the North Sea according to their own account to engage and destroy the British ships that have been systematically sweeping the waters north and east of the Horn Reef. The plan of overwhelming the British fast division with superior numbers was defeated by the masterly handling of the British force, combined with the effective use that force made of its artillery. So far from Sir David Beatty having been overwhelmed, he succeeded admirably in his main object, which was to draw the German fleet into a position where Sir John Jellicoe’s squadrons could engage it. * * * *
The Story of the Battle
I have attempted in the following pages to collate all the available information and to elucidate it by a series of sketch charts to illustrate the principal phases of the action. But I offer this narrative and these sketches with considerable reserve. Practically nothing is known of the movements of the main fleet after contact was made around 7 o’clock in the evening. Of the pursuit from then till darkness all the accounts are most confused. And of the final phase – the night attack by the British light craft on the flying German fleet – nothing is known whatever, except that the commander-in-chief seems to have recalled all his units at about 3 in the morning of June 1. The narrative and sketches then, are offered for what they are worth, and no more can be claimed for them than that they contain nothing, so far as I am aware, inconsistent with reliable information to hand. Though the positions of the fleets are, I believe, generally correct, the sketches are not to scale and indicate only the general direction and character of each movement. In the phase, for instance, in which Sir David Beatty, weakened by the loss of Indefatigable and Queen Mary was reinforced by Admiral Evan-Thomas’s four Queen Elizabeths, I have indicated the courses of the British vice admiral and of the German fleet as straight and continuous. It is most improbably that this can represent the events of an hour and a quarter of fighting. So, too, with the rest. At many periods during the afternoon the shifting mists and fogs made it impossible for the British to see their opposite numbers in the German line, and again and again the gunlayers had no other mark to aim at but the flashes of their opponents’ guns. These conditions not only made gunnery extremely difficult, they made it quite impossible for participants to keep any clear recollection of the courses steered.
The Disposition of the Opposing Fleets
This sketch indicates the approximate position at 2.15[i] of the forces engaged in the course of the afternoon of Wednesday, May 31, Sir David Beatty was at position 1, steering southeast or east-southeast. He had with him four Lions, Indefatigable, and New Zealand. There were of course some flotillas of destroyers and probably more than one squadron of light cruisers. Throughout these sketches the small craft have not been indicated, but they must be assumed to accompany all of the main squadrons. Slightly astern and a little to the southward of Sir David Beatty, Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas, flying his flag in Barham, commanded a squadron of four Queen Elizabeths, the name ship only being absent. Some 75 miles north by east of Admiral Beatty was the Grand fleet under Sir John Jellicoe, steering a south-easterly course. With Sir John Jellicoe was a squadron of three battle cruisers under Rear Admiral Hood, Invincible, Inflexible and Indomitable, and, in addition to light cruisers and small craft, Sir Robert Arbuthnot’s squadron of four armored cruisers of the Defence and Duke of Edinburgh classes. Ten miles to the northeast of Sir David Beatty, von Hipper – who commanded in the affair of the Dogger Bank, January, 1915 – was in command of five German battle cruisers, Derflinger, Lützow, Moltke, Seydlitz, and either Von der Tann or Hindenburg, probably the latter. This squadron was heading north by west; and some 60 miles astern of him was the High Seas fleet under Vice Admiral von Scheer, consisting of all the German dreadnoughts, 16 in number. He also had with him half a dozen pre-dreadnoughts of the Deutschland and Braunschweig classes.
It was when the fleets were so disposed that the advanced light cruisers of Sir David Beatty and von Hipper’s squadrons sighted each other and Sir David thereupon closed the German squadron at top speed. Von Hipper immediately turned his squadron eight points to starboard, and steered either east or east-souteast, and a stern chase followed. After about an hour and a half the battle cruisers got within 18,000 years of the enemy, now bearing northwest[ii] from them, and opened fire. The four Queen Elizabeths had necessarily been left behind in this chase. The mist being thick and visibility poor, Sir David Beatty closed the range fairly rapidly and 10 minutes after the engagement had become general Indefatigable was hit, blew up and sank. Twenty minutes later Queen Mary shared the same fate. One German cruiser was also sunk at this stage. Von Hipper had meanwhile been gradually changing course southward, Sir David conforming to the same movement as soon as he had got to a range that it was imprudent further to reduce. His squadron, it must be remembered, had now been reduced from six to four. Southerly courses were followed until at about a quarter to five, the entire fleet of German dreadnoughts was seen coming straight up to von Hipper.
The Holding Action
The latter then put his helm over, turned 16 points to starboard and took station at the head of the German line, where he had three Koenigs and five Kaisers immediately astern of him. The gradual turn southwards had enabled Sir Evan-Thomas to bring up his squadron, and when Sir David turned 16 points, so as to keep a course approximately parallel to the enemy’s, but a position slightly ahead of the German line,[i] Admiral Thomas was able to fall in behind the battle cruisers and engage both those of the German battle cruisers that had survived and the leading ships of the German dreadnought fleet. At this stage of the action the British fast division had maneuvered itself into a position so much in advance of its opponents that the leading enemy ship bore about 40 degrees abaft the beam. There ensued an action lasting for about an hour and a quarter between these very disproportionate forces. But the English ships had the speed of the German, and seven out of eight vessels had guns that would have been much more effective at long range had the weather conditions permitted of their being used to the full advantage. It is uncertain how many of the German battle cruisers were still in action at this point. Certainly not more than four, and possibly only three. But even with a lesser number the German force would be 19 ships to the British 8, and obviously it was Sir David’s duty to draw them northward, rather than to seek close and decisive action. At about 6 o’clock the first reinforcement from the Grand fleet came upon the scene, and Sir David now being sufficiently ahead of the Germans to execute the right maneuver, turned eight points to starboard, thus forcing[ii] the German line to turn also or be enfiladed. Shortly after this turn, say at about 6.10 or 6.15, Admiral Hood with Invincible, Inflexible and Indomitable swung gallantly into line ahead of the vice admiral, and at once opened a very accurate fire on the leading German ships. Almost immediately, however, Invincible shared the fate of Queen Mary and Indefatigable.
Sir John Jellicoe’s fleet was now deploying for an immediate attack on the German fleet. To enable the Grand fleet to make its attack, Sir David Beatty forged ahead as fast as possible to the east, after ordering Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas to take station with the battleships. The battle cruisers had by this time done their task and the finish of the action was to be handed over to the commander-in-chief. The Germans, to whom the imminent participation of Sir John Jellicoe in the action was apparent, promptly sent destroyers and light cruisers forward to hamper the British advance by torpedo attacks. It was apparently to ward off or thwart these that Sir Robert Arbuthnot – who was some little distance ahead of the battle squadron with his four cruisers – made a dash at the advancing line of light craft. This brought him under the fire of the German main fleet, and two of his ships, one of them Defence, the flagship, were immediately sunk, and a third, Warrior was disabled. It was at this stage that Warspite (Captain Phillpotts) distinguished herself by her brilliant shielding of Warrior.
The next phase of the action was the short and indecisive engagement between the main fleets. It was indecisive largely because the fog had become thicker, and short because von Scheer realized the hopelessness of a regular artillery combat with the British commander-in-chief’s forces. But it lasted long enough to show von Scheer what would happen if it continued. Iron Duke and the other leading ships got in some useful salvos, but hardly had the leading squadrons become to engaged than a disorderly flight began, the details of which are far too confused for narration or diagrammatic reproduction. So long as daylight lasted the German destroyers and light craft did all that was possible to protect their main forces. First they sent up barrages of smoke, which mixing with the fog and mist made a barrier impenetrable to sight; secondly, they darted in groups of four and five out of this barrage to launch torpedoes against the advancing British ships. In the result the German fleet was well off in its flight before Sir John Jellicoe could either locate its position or shake off the destroyers for an organized pursuit. The pursuit was, however, carried on until the gradually fading daylight made gunnery impossible and the battleships consequently useless.
Sir David Beatty, in the meantime, in pushing forward eastward to enable the battleships of the Grand fleet to come into action, had a second objective in view as well. In getting between the German fleet and the coast of Jutland, he headed off the possibility of a German retreat into the Sound or any attempt, by either single fast ships or commerce raiders, to break past the British fleet and gain the Atlantic. There seems some authority for supposing that, almost as darkness fell, that is at 8.30 or shortly afterwards, he exchanged shots with the group of ships that had been leading the German line before. At this stage there were seemingly only two German battle cruisers left, but the Koenigs and Kaisers that composed the rest of the squadron could not be usefully engaged in the light that gave the British 13.5 guns no range advantage.
The General Chase
The final stage of the battle was the pursuit of the retreating German ships by the British destroyers and light craft. This continued for no less than six hours, and it was not until 3 in the morning that the commander-in-chief was satisfied that all such German ships as could still steam had found their way behind the mine defences of Heligoland and the main German bases. All battleships, cruisers and destroyers were now recalled – the battle cruiser squadron being at this point as far south as latitude 55. By daybreak on the anniversary of the glorious first of June, the victorious British fleet reformed and made a systematic search of the scene of the previous day’s engagements. It was a vast area that had to be swept. The fighting and pursuit had extended by daylight alone over an equilateral nearly 100 miles by 100. But by noon no trace of friends of enemy had been found and the fleet returned to its bases.
Interpretations and Comments
The suggestion has been made many times that the loss of Queen Mary, Indefatigable and Invincible is to be explained by their having been employed “in rash and impetuous” tactics, or sent to engage a superior force by the “over-confidence” of the admiral responsible for their movements. One critic has gone so far as to say that the opportunity afforded the German commander-in-chief to overwhelm an inferior British force with greatly superior numbers was exactly what the enemy was looking for. No impartial examination of the events, as I have recorded them, affords the slightest justification for any such aspersions. When Sir David Beatty, with his six battle cruisers sighted von Hipper with five, he certainly went for them at his top speed and fought them as hard as he could. Von Hipper probably though that he was carrying out his own plan and not Sir David’s, in falling back upon the German High Seas fleet, and, doubtless, when he effected a junction with that force, at a quarter to five, thought he would get the opportunity which the Times critic says he was awaiting. If so, he must have been signally disappointed by the skill and adroitness with which the British admiral defeated his intentions. For the maneuver that had enabled von Hipper to join the main German squadron, also enabled Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas to join Admiral Beatty’s squadron, and the British having now a minimum speed of 25 knots, were able to keep the entire German fleet in play, without exposing themselves unduly, for a period of no less than an hour and a quarter, during which Sir David acted the part that in the first hour’s engagement fell to von Hipper. But the difference between the two exponents of the same maneuver was this: Von Hipper led Sir David Beatty into what was no trap at all, and Sir David led von Hipper and Von Scheer into a veritable trap, from which they only escaped by incontinent retreat and the favor of the weather.
If there is anything in this criticism surely it would be supported by some facts. But Indefatigable and Queen Mary were lost, not when Sir David was engaging eight ships against nineteen, but when he was engaging six ships against five. Again Sir David Beatty’s cruisers were continuously in action from 3.40 till nearly 7 o’clock. We do not hear that Lion, Princess Royal, Tiger, New Zealand, Indomitable or Inflexible were at all seriously hurt. Yet had they been continuously, or even, rashly and imprudently exposed; it at any stage, they had been trapped and overwhelmed, surely more than one of the first four would have been knocked to pieces between a quarter to five and six, and one at least of the others before a quarter to seven.
As to the true explanation of the loss of the three ships that did blow up, the Admiralty, no doubt, will give this to the public if it is thought wise to do so. But there can be no harm in saying this: The explanation of the sinking of each of this ships by a single lucky shot – both they and practically all the other cruisers were hit repeatedly by shots that did no harm – is, in the first place, identical. Next, it does not lie in the fact that the ships were insufficiently armored to keep out big shell. Next, the fatal explosion was not caused by a mine or by a torpedo. Lastly, it is in no sense due to any instability or any other dangerous characteristic of the propellants or explosives carried on board. I am free to confess that when I first heard of these ships going down as rapidly as they did, one of two conclusions seemed to be irresistible – either a shell had penetrated the lightly armored sides and burst in the magazine, or a mine or torpedo had exploded immediately beneath it. But neither explanation is right. – Land & Water, 8/6/16
Plan of Action
The plan of the action followed by the British fleet was undoubtedly that formulated by the commander-in-chief. He had not on this occasion to consider any new or unrehearsed problem. The fleet was embarking on a maneuver which it had performed on innumerable previous occasions. The task allotted to each section of the fleet was the result of past experience and a careful consideration of all the probabilities. The objective was to bring the enemy’s fleet as a whole to action. The plan, therefore, had to take into consideration a thousand contingencies and obviously could not be the best possible plan for dealing with any particular one of them. The question is in point of fact one that can only be discussed intelligibly when all the experience and information available to the commander-in-chief are known, and conclusions, as misleading as they may be unjust, will be put forward if the disposition of the fleet is discussed, as if the position and plans of the enemy were known before the British fleets left their ports.
* * * *
I have to make tow corrections in the account of the action which I gave last week and in the diagrams. First, it seems clear that Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas’s battleships got into action before 4.45; they seem to have fallen into line behind Sir David’s battle cruisers in the course of the southerly pursuit of von Hipper. I was also wrong in supposing that Sir Robert Arbuthnot’s dash with the armored cruisers was made after Sir David Beatty formed the gap between himself and Evan-Thomas. The incident took place while the battle cruisers and fast battleships were still fighting as a single squadron – Land & Water, 15/6/16.
Effect of Shell Fire
Far too few details as to the effect of modern shell fire on modern ships are as yet available for it to be safe to draw sweeping deductions. But when it is remembered that the bad light made it necessary to engage at a range which this war has taught us to consider only moderate it seems astonishing that the battle cruisers should have come through such severe punishment with such insignificant injuries. One hears of a ship receiving over 50 hits of 11 and 12-inch shell without losing a knot of speed, one-tenth of her complement, or having one-quarter of her guns out of action – as an actual fact, needing no essential repairs to make her just as fit for fighting at the end as she was at the beginning of the action, and suffering no damages that very few weeks in dockyard cannot put right again.
This is a thing that should perhaps make one cautious in believing every enemy ship that was for any time under effective fire must be virtually destroyed, or shot to pieces. But it must be remembered that all through the action the British were using guns of far heavier caliber and, consequently, throwing far more destructive shells, than were the Germans. From 3.45 till 6 o’clock, Sir David Beatty’s force was firing first four, then three broadsides of 13.5’s and four broadsides of 15-inch gun. Only one of his ships was armed with 12-inch. We can take it as certain also that in the short time that the Grand fleet was engaged, it would be the 15-inch and 13.5 gun ships that were principally in action. Where, therefore, there is reliable evidence of these ships having brought enemy vessels under a succession of salvos, it seems reasonable to suppose that he must have suffered, hit for hit, far more heavily than we did.
* * * *
Surely nothing more decisive than the recent battle can well be imagined. One of the most distinguished of German admirals, the president of the German Naval League, von Koester, is clearly under no illusions whatever on this point. For speaking at a meeting of that extremely combatant body on Sunday last in Berlin, explained that the task before the German fleet was to protect Germany against enemy attacks, to keep open the ocean thoroughfares, to destroy the enemy’s trade, and in the highest degree damage the enemy in revenge for his efforts to starve Germany. What more damning comment on the Kaiser’s claim to a sea victory could be uttered? His audience must have been rudely disillusioned. For protecting Germany against hostile attack has only one meaning. It is to forbid the use of the sea to the enemy as a line of communication for his invading forces, and it is immaterial whether the attack comes through France, or directly through a point seized on the German coast. But since the second week in August, 1914, the British army has been transported over the sea for the attack of Germany without, so far as is known, the loss of a single transport, though their numbers have been incalculable. This part, then, of the German fleet’s task has never been attempted. And the ocean thoroughfares were closed before the first transport was sent! Not since the 6th of August has a German ship from overseas entered a German port. The third division of its duties has, it is true, been essayed. Fifty-six British ships were captured or sunk by surface craft in the short five months before the last of the fugitive German cruisers was run down and sunk off Juan Fernandez. The tale of submarine success was longer – but so discreditable that it had to be abandoned in the face of the protests from the civilized world. The last of von Koester’s categories is really the most interesting – to do the “utmost damage to the enemy.” Apart from the submarine campaign, how has the German navy sought to discharge this duty?
And first, we must realize that our Battle Cruiser fleet stands in a relation to the Grand fleet that has no parallel on the German side. The Grand fleet without Sir David Beatty was undoubtedly superior in strength to the united German fleet. We then could afford the luxury of division ships faster than the rest, because their fitness to “lie in the line” was sacrificed to speed. But the enemy was in a different case. It should long since have been recognized that as navies only exist to win or dispute the command of the sea, and that as command follows the victory of the main force of one side over the main force of the other, Germany in setting up a navy should have concentrated her effort on producing the greatest amount of fighting force that her financial and other sacrifices would give her. Up to the completion of the Lutzow and the last of the Koenigs the big ship navy that Germany had actually built for herself consisted of six battle cruisers and 17 battleships. Why did she build battle cruisers?
Battleships vs. Battle Cruisers
Writing immediately after Sir David Beatty’s pursuit of von Hipper in 1915, I pointed out that the most serious of Germany’s naval mistakes was her failure to realize that no naval forces except those capable of disrupting command with our main forces could be of the slightest use to her. The armored cruiser Bluecher and her six battle cruisers can hardly have cost her less than 14,000,000 pounds sterling. This is a sum that would have produced at least seven battleships, of which five could have been ready at the outbreak of the war. Had they been ready, Germany might have had 21 or 22 dreadnoughts in commission in August, 1914, at a time when we had only 20 in the Grand fleet! – Land & Water, 22/6/16 (Arthur H. Pollen.)
Debatable Questions
There being available but little professional comment from the German point of view on the conduct of the action, it may not be out of place to call attention here to some of the phases which will create much discussion in the final analysis of the battle.
British observers record that the fire of the German battle cruisers was very heavy and accurate at the beginning of the action, which seems to indicate that the Germans established their range at once and that their guns of light caliber, but higher rate of fire, gave them a certain advantage under the conditions that existed. Both sides agree that the Indefatigable and Queen Mary had blown up before the arrival on the scene of the High Seas fleet. So that this phase of the action begun with six battle cruisers against five, ended with four against five, despite any resistance that Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas’ division may have given.
It is recorded that the German battle cruisers countermarched first (to take position ahead of their High Seas fleet) and were followed in this maneuver by Admiral Beatty’s fleet. It will be inferred, however, that the German battle cruisers continued until covered by their main body before making the maneuver and that the British fleet was forced to turn by the oncoming German dreadnoughts. This is borne out by the fact that the German squadron turned towards the west to obtain its position at the head of the column, while the British battle cruisers countermarched away from the High Seas fleet. The latter would seem to have been a hasty maneuver with no time or perhaps means for signalling a simultaneous turn away. Though perhaps the only maneuver that could be used under the circumstances, it was a dangerous one, performed under gun-fire. It would not be surprising then that the British suffered much more heavily during the early part of the action than their opponents.
That the “Holding Action” was justified almost any one will admit; however, the English point of view on the subject has been given in the Pollen Comments. A news dispatch containing extracts from a letter written by Vice Admiral Beatty bears on this subject also, and is added here:
London, June 6
Rear Admiral Sir Hedworth Meux, who was elected to the seat in the House of Commons left vacant by Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, when the latter was created a baron and who has become a spokesman for the navy, read at a public meeting to-day the following letter from Vice Admiral Sir David Beatty, who commanded the battle cruiser squadron in the North Sea fight:
“We drew the enemy into the jaws of our fleet. I have no regrets, except for the gallant lives lost, for the pals that have gone and who died gloriously. It would have warmed your heart to have seen how the gallant Hood brought his squadron into action. Would to God he had been more successful in the general result.
“We will be ready for them next time. Please God it will come soon. The battle cruiser fleet is alive and has a very big kick in her.”
Vice Admiral Beatty’s report to Admiral Jellicoe that he did not consider it desirable or proper to engage the German battle fleet during the dark hours, indicate that no serious attempt was made to push home the chase after night fall. This is not to be wondered at as a pursuing force would have everything to lose in groping through darkness, fog, smoke screens and mine fields with little chance of achieving definite result.
The more one peruses both official and personal narratives, the greater does one’s admiration for the entire range of professional abilities of the opposing fleets become. The Battle of Jutland will go down in history as one in which each side missed in succession the completion of its mission by the narrowest of margins through no fault or neglected effort, but through the sound strategy and maneuvering ability of the opposing force. (J.W.G.)
British Blockade Still On
A Review of the Situation a Month After the Jutland Battle
By Archibald Hurd
Four weeks have passed since the Battle of Jutland was fought, and it is possible, in the light of an immense mass of information from British and neutral sources, to form what will prove the verdict of the historian on one of the most splendid incidents in our annals.
In the first place, if any doubt exists abroad as to whether the Germans were beaten, it may be suggested that consideration be given to the following, among other facts:
“(1) The British blockade has continued without intermission, and the activity in preventing cargoes reaching or leaving Germany has been, if anything, greater since June 1 than it was before that date.
“(2) Four weeks have elapsed since the battle was fought, and the German High Seas fleet has not, either as a whole or in part, ventured into the North Sea during that period; the British fleet has held the North Sea in a vice.
“(3) The German High Seas fleet has not only not emerged into the North Sea, but it has since been hidden away even from the observation of the Germans. Wilhelmshaven, the great North Sea base, has been sealed; it is surrounded by a barbed-wire entanglement; no one may go in or out; the trains even are stopped. No step has been omitted to prevent any persons seeing the men-of-war. Much the same secrecy is being enforced at Kiel.
“(4) A judicial sifting of the evidence of British officers and men shows that the Germans lost five capital ships – that is, vessels of the dreadnought type – in the action, besides six, or possibly seven light cruisers, a large number of destroyers, and at least two submarines.”
* * * *
The truth is that as a fighting force the German battle cruiser squadron, under Rear Admiral von Hipper, does not exist. Such ships as do not lie at the bottom of the North Sea are in such a damaged condition that they will not been seen at sea in the course of the summer. The battle squadrons also suffered badly in the engagement of May 31 – June 1. They are in no condition to embark on a further “enterprise to the northward,” to quote the official statement issued from Berlin.
When the war opened Germany possessed the following ships of the cruiser classes (built and building) less than 15 years old – the age for replacement under the navy law – those lost in the course of the war being given:
“Battle cruisers – original number, 8; since lost, 6, comprising the Lutzow, Goeben, Seydlitz – a complete wreck – Blucher, Hindenberg and another of similar type, with, it is believed, the Von der Tann.
“Large cruisers – original number, 7; since lost, 5, comprising the Yorck, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau; Friedrich Karl and Prince Adalbert. The two remaining vessels are the Roon (launched in 1903) and Prinz Heinrich (1900). The Furst Bismarck (1897) is of no military value; she is believed now to be serving as a training ship.
“Light cruisers – original number, 30; since lost, 20, comprising the Karlsruhe, Magdeberg, Koln, Mainz, Emden, Dresden, Nurnberg, Konighberg, Leipsig, Bremen, Undine, Rostock, Wiesbaden, Breslau, Frauenlob, Elbing, Ariadne and three others the names of which have not yet been revealed.”
Out of the 45 effective cruisers of all classes which the enemy had, built and building, when the war opened, she possesses to-day only 14, and of these a large proportion were so seriously injured in the Battle of Jutland to be at present ineffective. Those cruisers have to suffice for many and various duties.
Consequently the High Seas fleet is blind, except for such aid as Zeppelins can render in favorable weather, and they cannot fight ships of war on the sea.
In any event the German High Seas fleet, lacking many of its original units and secreted in a damaged state behind its barbed wire entanglements, does not exist to-day as a fighting force. In the meantime the economic pressure which the British fleet has been exerting is still pressing heavily on the German Empire in virtue of the command of the sea, which was reaffirmed, with splendid gallantry, at the Battle of Jutland. – New York Herald, 4/7.
Lessons of the Battle of Skagerrack
By Admiral Dewey
The battle of Skagerrack seems to have justified the position which has long been taken by the experts of the General Board of the American Navy, a position which has met the approval of most American authorities and which has been crystallized into the program which America has followed. The General Board has recommended for 15 years that the United States continue the policy of placing its chief reliance in big ships. Since the dreadnought came into being it has maintained that that vessel should be made the backbone of the fleet. If appropriations were sufficient to provide but one class of ships, The General Board has insisted that they be dreadnoughts.
American Program Justified
There is a constant tendency on the part of the public to go off at a tangent in its enthusiasm for the class of ship that at a given time is attracting wide attention. Last fall, for instance, the public clamored for many submarines and favored disregarding appropriations for dreadnoughts or battle cruisers. Later, the battle cruiser has been attracting much attention to itself because the incidental clashes of the present war have been battles between scout ships. So the clamor this spring has been very largely for battle cruisers.
The dreadnought has attracted very little attention because she has not heretofore been in the fighting. The public did not see that the very existence of British dreadnoughts in the North Sea resulted in the bottling up of all Germany. It did not generally realize that the battleship was performing its purpose without the necessity of fighting. The present clash, however, demonstrates that in the final issue it is the dreadnought which means victory or defeat.
This battle seems also to have proven the value of that other branch of the fighting fleet which has been given most attention in the American Navy, the destroyer. The many opportunities for usefulness of and the great possibilities of execution which rest with these little ships seem to have been demonstrated. The battle of Skagerrack seems to have shown that the United States has chosen wisely in selecting the units upon which she would depend in making a fleet from appropriations that made it impossible to have all the units desired.
The usefulness of the battle cruiser or the scout cruiser has not been disproven, but the inadvisability of depending upon the fast lightly armored vessels in a clash in which dreadnoughts are engaged is shown. The cruiser is a necessity in any modern fleet unless that fleet is willing to grant certain advantages to its rivals which are provided with these fast ships. The theory that a time would come when they would displace dreadnoughts must, however, in the face of the new facts, be given over.
The battle of Skagerrack teaches less of the value of guns of various calibers than of most of the vital problems of the navy. All the fighting was close in. The marksmanship was, therefore, not exacting. The test on the guns was not great. Any gun and almost any gunner ought to be able to make hits at six miles. The advantage attributed to British guns and gunners had little opportunity to demonstrate itself. Likewise are the results in ships sunk by the British cruisers and dreadnoughts still unknown. The deadliness of the great British 15-inch gun cannot yet be said to have been determined. – By courtesy of Sea Power.
Lessons on the Jutland Fight
Opinions naturally vary as to the result of the battle and the lesson it conveys to the U.S. Navy, yet in one essential all agree, namely, that the battle has demonstrated the superiority of the dreadnought. In this respect naval opinion is that American naval policies and theories have been vindicated and that one important theory of the British Admiralty has been exploded. This theory was that battle cruisers might be classed as ships of the first line and take their place with the dreadnoughts. On the contrary, it has been held in our navy that the proper function of battle cruisers was scouting and screening and other auxiliary functions.
When the Dogger Bank fight occurred came the first intimation that battle cruisers could not be considered ships of the first line in fighting characteristics, and the latest North Sea battle confirms this in every respect. It is the opinion of officers at the Navy Department that the British battle cruisers got into a place in the battle for which they were entirely unsuited. In some quarters there has been a tendency to criticize the commander of the battle cruiser fleet, and particularly the commanders of the light armored cruisers for impetuously rushing into a struggle where they were at such a disadvantage.
Officers in the bureaus at Washington still believe that the German fleet was greatly aided by its apparently superior intelligence service, maintained perhaps through aircraft. Yet there is not now the same tendency to extol the importance of aircraft as when the first news arrived. As to gunnery, it is suggested that the rapidity of the German gunfire at close quarters and under certain conditions was an important factor, but the recently announced German contention that the smaller but more rapid firing 11-inch guns would be more effective than the larger but slower 14- and 15-inch guns has not been taken seriously.
The strategy of the German seems to have surpassed that of the British and to have been the main cause of their success in administering so sharp a blow to their adversaries. The Germans “got the most men there first.” Such a result was a natural outcome of the fact that the Germans have paid more attention to strategy than the British have, both in the navy as well as in the army. It shows the value of the General Staff methods pursued by the Germans in their navy for many years and that the British Navy has only recently adopted; which, in fact, they have practically copied from the Germans. Probably the Germans could not have achieved such success if they had not obtained early news of the fact that the two parts of the British force were separated by such a distance that the battle cruiser detachment could not get support in time, if it was attacked without delay. But it was due to a trained perception of strategic situations that the Germans recognized their opportunity.
This battle in the North Sea was as much a battle of brains as of material and men. – The Army & Navy Journal.
More Guns of Smaller Caliber
One lesson of the Jutland Battle, however, should not be lost sight of. It is that the long-range heavy caliber gun is inferior to the medium caliber gun with greater rapidity of fire, in an engagement at close quarters. It had been assumed by the so-called “blue water” school of naval strategists, to which most British and American naval officers belong, that engagements at close range were a thing of the past and that under no possibility could the more lightly armed vessel have any chance against a heavier opponent. The Battle of Jutland shows that this assumption is not of universal application and that in given circumstances, concentration of fire from a number of lighter guns on a heavily armed vessel may be sufficient to put her out of action. This is what happened in the case of Queen Mary, Invincible and Indefatigable, which are believed to have been sunk at 16,000 yards by the German battleship division of pre-dreadnoughts armed with a large number of 11-inch weapons.
* * * *
The one outstanding lesson of the fight, however, is that the battle cruiser is only a cruiser after all and that while it was perfectly rational on the part of Germany to build battle cruisers as a part of her program of rivalry of Great Britain on the seas, such vessels are totally unsuited to form part of the floating strength of a country such as ours, which is so situated by nature that it needs a formidable first line fleet that will either completely demolish a potential invader or be sunk at sea and leave the country dependent upon its military resources to repel invasion. Under such circumstances, speed is not a primary factor and this view has so far prevailed in American naval policy.
* * * *
Battle cruisers are unsuited to the needs of a nation such as this, which requires primarly a ponderous battle fleet attended by a full complement of destroyers, scouts, etc., with the objective of destroying an enemy far out at sea, where the necessity of husbanding his fuel supplies will cause him to moderate his speed. However, Congress is not to be blamed for having appropriated in the last naval bill five battle cruisers and no battleships. After being told repeatedly by naval officers that we should have battle cruisers which cost as much as battleships – the extra cost being represented by their useless speed – Congress decided that the best way to remedy the deficiency was to build five of them at once and no ships of the first line, battle cruisers being represented as being as strong as battleships. Now comes the Battle of Jutland to prove that battle cruisers are only cruisers and immediately it is expected that Congress will add two battleships to the program already decided on. Our naval history reveals the fact that the heresies perpetrated in the naval construction line have always been based upon the theories of one class of naval officers who succeeded in winning the ear of Congress. The word is now with the advocates of the battle cruiser and like all naval types copied by this country from European models, the battle cruiser is not adapted to our needs. American naval policy demands the design and construction of a class of ships evolved according to the geographic situation of this country, irrespective of what other nations with other strategic problems to face are doing. – Shipping Illustrated, 10/6.
Events Leading Up to the Battle. Missions Ascribed to the Fleets
To Attack Details
The German High Sea fleet put to sea from the Schilig Roads, behind Heligoland, early on Wednesday morning. Everything was out. The battle cruiser squadron, under the command of Vice Admiral Hipper, led, while the battle fleet, with all its heavy and light units, followed under Vice Admiral Scheer. It was accompanied by an enormous flotilla of torpedo craft and by aerial scouts. The fleet pursued a northerly course, leading towards the coast of Norway. Its purpose was an unexplained “enterprise,” which, if it comprised the engagement of some section of our fleet without its supports, must be held to have been achieved. To throw the whole of his strength on a portion of the preponderating British fleet and overwhelm it was a natural course to suggest itself to the German commander-in-chief, and for its accomplishment the advantage given him by his long-distance look-outs in the air must have been considerable. At some hour in the afternoon Admiral Hipper’s vanguard came into collision with a squadron under Admiral Beatty’s command. The actual point of contact appears to have been to the westward of Hantsholm Point, on the west coast of Jutland, but the plance and the exact time are at present uncertain. It may be pointed out that British and German time differs, and also probably that of any neutrals who saw the fight. – London Times Correspondent, 5/6.
To Break Blockade
Berlin, Saturday, June 3 (by wireless to The Associated Press.)
A competent German authority to-day gave the German Admiralty’s version of the battle between the British and German main naval fleets off the coast of Jutland on May 31, as follows:
“The German High Seas forces advanced in order to force into battle divisions of the British Navy which of late had repeatedly been reported near the south coast of Norway.” – New York Times, 7/6.
To Divert Attack on Russia
Berlin, Saturday, June 3 (by wireless to The Associated Press).
Just what the purpose of the British fleet was in its expedition to the Skagerrack naturally is not known here, but it is assumed that it was a strategic move designed to keep back the German fleet in the North Sea, and at the same time to prevent an action against the Russians in the Baltic. This view is strengthened by recollection of recent articles in the Russian and British press, in which it was declared the Russian fleet was stronger and better prepared than ever, but that the chances of German offensive actions appeared decidedly greater. Hence the indicated tactics for the British fleet consisted in bringing pressure to bear to compel the Germans to keep their whole fleet in the North Sea. – New York Times, 7/6.
To Release Commerce Destroyers
Amsterdam, June 11.
An interesting fact has just come to light as to the German Admiralty’s intentions in connection with the naval battle of May 31.
A large number of very fast commerce destroyers were convoyed by the German battle fleet on the night preceding the battle, the intention being to evade the British Grand fleet during the fighting, which, probably, was not intended to amount to a general engagement.
The Germans wished to give their commerce raiders the opportunity to repeat the exploits of the Emden and the Möwe. In this there is every reason to believe that they badly failed and that few, if any, of the ships destined for that purpose returned to port. – London Times, 12/6.
To Prevent Reenforcement of Russian Fleet
By giving the battle to the British fleet in the Skagerrak on the last day of May the German High Seas fleet prevented the British naval force entering the Baltic and making Denmark a base of operations against the Teutonic powers, according to an opinion expressed by the Hamburger Fremdenblatt in an editorial pointing out why Germans regard the outcome of the great naval battle as a victory.
* * * *
Vice Admiral Kalan von Hofe in the Vossische Zeitung asserts that Great Britain had heeded the admonitions of her allies and dispatched her fleet to break a freeway through the Belt and Sound and eventually bring Denmark into the war on the side of the Allies.
A cablegram sent out from Petrograd on June 11 asserted that a formidable British squadron really had succeeded in entering the Baltic following the Skagerrack fight, but this report has never been confirmed.
To Raid the White Sea
An eminent naval authority in France, Admiral Hautefeuille, thus sets forth his views in the Paris Homme Enchaîné: --
The German object was to permit the escape of two rapid forces intended to act at a distance. The first consisted of two very powerful cruisers, escorted by some 10 ships of less size and a strong body of destroyers. The second force consisted only of two ships, the Wiesbaden and the Elbing.
The first force was to go north, and evidently was to destroy certain ships which supply Russia with food by way of Archangel and Kola and bring back grain for England and France, and also was to destroy Kola and the establishment of the port of Archangel, which are of wood.
The second group is only composed of two vessels, but two vessels launched since the beginning of the war, constructed for the destruction of commerce in distant seas, vessels with high speed enabling them to fly from warships, with a wide radius of action at economical speed that permits them to avoid frequent coaling.
Losses
Official announcement of the British losses is contained in Admiral Jellicoe’s report; the Admiralty communiqué of June 8 gives the German losses. Both sides persistently maintain that the opponent’s reports of losses are incomplete, but lacking further evidence the admissions of losses must be accepted as correct. No mention of the damage sustained by the vessels which survived the action has been made. Perusal of many reports give the impression that the Germans, though losing fewer vessels, sustained much greater damage from gunfire and torpedo attacks. Several dispatches bearing on this subject are appended. Estimates of losses to personnel are of no value as losses on damaged ships have been withheld to prevent estimate of losses to materiel.
No further information has been given out in regard to the extent of the damages sustained by the German units. It is admitted frankly that they are by no means light, and the loss of personnel from the British shell fire also is conceded. Nevertheless, the price of victory is regarded as relatively small. – New York Times, 3/6.
Copenhagen, Monday.
The Wilhelmshavener Zeitung contains a significant and prominent announcement, signed by the governor of the Fortress of Wilhelmshaven, informing the public that permission for temporary visits to the town will only be granted in cases of the utmost urgency during the next few months, and that written applications must be sent to the police beforehand. – Reuter, London Times, 7/6.
Copenhagen, June 11.
According to the Kolding Avis, extraordinarily rigorous measures are being applied along the German side of the frontier to prevent people living in districts near the German naval harbors from crossing into Denmark. The telephone wires connecting the Danish and German systems south of Frederica were cut by the frontier guards a few days ago, although all traffic over them has been entirely suspended since the outbreak of the war. – Reuter, London Times, 12/6.
Berlin, June 26 (via London, June 27).
The Charlottenburg Technological Institute has conferred the honorary degree of Doctor of Engineering on Naval Constructor Bürkner, head of the Department of Construction in the Admiralty.
The degree was conferred in recognition “of the structural merits of German warships, particularly with regard to their non-sinkability after injury, as shown in the recent battle of the Skagerrak.” – New York Times, 27/6.
London, July 10.
As an immediate result of the great North Sea Battle nearly 200 British merchantmen have been released from Baltic ports, according to the morning papers.
These ships have been lying idle in Petrograd and other Baltic harbors since the outbreak of the war. They have passed through the Cattegat without interference from German warships have arrived safely in British ports. – New York Times, 8/7.
The following is the British statement of losses:
Battle Cruisers
|
Tonnage |
Armor Belt |
Main Battery |
Speed |
Men |
Completed |
Queen Mary |
27,000 |
9 in. |
8 13.5-in. |
33 |
1000 |
1913 |
Indefatigable |
18,750 |
8 in. |
8 12-in. |
29.13 |
899 |
1911 |
Invincible |
17,250 |
7 in. |
8 12-in. |
28.6 |
750 |
1908 |
Armored Cruisers
|
Tonnage |
Armor Belt |
Main Battery |
Speed |
Men |
Completed |
Defense |
14,600 |
6 in. |
4 9.2-in |
23 |
755 |
1908 |
Black Prince |
13,500 |
6 in. |
6 9.2-in |
20.5 |
704 |
1906 |
Warrior |
13,550 |
6 in. |
6 9.2-in |
22.9 |
704 |
1908 |
Destroyers
|
Tonnage |
Armor Belt |
Main Battery |
Speed |
Men |
Completed |
Tipperary |
1,900 |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
31 |
160 |
1914 |
Turbulent |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Fortune |
920 |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
29.50 |
100 |
1912 |
Sparrow Hawk |
950 |
. . . . |
3 4-in. |
31.32 |
100 |
1912 |
Ardent |
950 |
. . . . |
3 4-in. |
31.32 |
100 |
1912 |
Nomad |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Nestor |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Shark |
950 |
. . . . |
3 4-in. |
31.32 |
100 |
1912 |
Army and Navy Journal, 10/6.
The German losses reported by the Admiralty are:
Battleship
|
Tonnage |
Armament |
Speed |
Date Completion |
Pommern |
13,040 |
4 11-in. 14 6.7-in |
19 |
1907 |
Battle Cruiser
|
Tonnage |
Armament |
Speed |
Date Completion |
Lützow |
28,000 |
8 12-in. 12 6-in. |
27 |
July (?), 1915 |
Light Crusiers
|
Tonnage |
Armament |
Speed |
Date Completion |
Rostock |
4,820 |
12 4.1-in. |
27.3 |
1914 |
Frauenlob |
2,656 |
10 4.1-in. |
21.5 |
1903 |
New Light Cruisers[i]
|
Tonnage |
Armament |
Speed |
Date Completion |
Elbing |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Wiesbaden |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Destroyers
|
Tonnage |
Armament |
Speed |
Date Completion |
Five |
. . . . |
. . . . . . |
. . . . |
. . . . |
Zeppelins in the North Sea Fleet
Esbjerg, Denmark, Friday, June 2 (via London, June 3.)
Two Zeppelin dirigible balloons are reported by fishermen returning to port to-day to have been destroyed. The entire crew of one airship is said to have perished.
The Avis Lamvig says the fishermen report that yesterday they saw a Zeppelin in flames as the result of gunfire, and that the air vessel was destroyed at a point 40 miles off the Thyboroln Canal. The crew of this craft perished.
The Ekstrabladt says that fishermen arriving at Ringkjobing say they saw another Zeppelin destroyed yesterday, some miles from these waters.
London, June 3.
The British fleet saw only one Zeppelin during the North Sea engagement, and it was fired on so heavily that it retired from action quickly, having been damaged badly. The opinion was expressed to The Associated Press at the Admiralty to-day that the theory that Zeppelins would be a great aid to the German fleet certainly was not borne out by Wednesday’s battle.
Reports concerning the part played by Zeppelins differ widely. One rumor is to the effect that the Queen Mary was sunk by a bomb dropped from a dirigible, but this report probably is without foundation.
Zeppelins, say the naval writers, gave the Germans a great advantage, enabling them to get quick wireless reports of the strength and position of that portion of the British fleet which was out, and also keeping them advised of the approach of the main fleet so that they could get away before being engaged by a superior force. – New York Times, 3/6.
London, Saturday, June 3.
Six Zeppelins participated in the naval engagement off the coast of Jutland Wednesday, according to a dispatch from Copenhagen to the Daily Mail.
One of the dirigibles, the L-24, was hit several times and badly damaged, the report says, but she was able to reach the Schleswig coast after a narrow escape. Several of her men were wounded, and all her supplies had to be thrown overboard. – New York Times, 3/6.
The Story of the British navy’s battle with the German fleet off Jutland is yet to be told, observes the Aerial Age Weekly, but correspondents have talked with enough airman who flew over the shell-spouting ships during the fight to know something of its aerial phases. “From these and other sources it seems certain that besides being a naval victory it was a remarkable air victory for the British. Although the Zeppelins were not prevented from serving some good purposes for their fleet, they were partly prevented from carrying out their full program. On the other hand, the British naval air service, using aerohydroplanes, was not prevented from consummating the task assigned to it. Though not succeeding in completely preventing the use of the Zeppelins as scouts radiographing back information to the hidden German fleet, the aerohydroplanes did much to hinder them. The attempt to employ Zeppelins for fire regulation was met with extremely efficient work. Specially arranged guns manned by gunners trained to shoot at aerial targets opened an effective fire, and neutral reports show that two Zeppelins were practically destroyed and that another was damaged. Covering more area than the Zeppelins, a far less number of aerohydroplanes operated from the parent ships, reporting enemy positions and the results of the gunfire.” – Army and Navy Journal, 1/7.
Personal Narratives
The following personal narratives are among the most interesting and informative of any that have been received. The suggestion as to the fate of the lost battle cruisers is an interesting sequel to the veiled statements on the subject in Arthur Pollen’s account.
A commander, writing in the Weekly Dispatch, says:
“We came upon them rather suddenly. They opened fire upon us, and never in all my life have I heard such a terrific din. The first four minutes of the battle saw most of the damage done to our big ships. I saw the Queen Mary and the Indefatigable go down. It would be wrong to say the Queen Mary went down; she went up. She must have taken two or three broadsides right into her, and some of the shells must have landed in the magazines, for the great vessels went up in pieces into the air. * * * *”
An officer in one of the squadron fast battleships gives the Times not only some interesting facts, but mentions the time when certain phases of the battle began. He states that the fast battleships were astern of the battle cruisers, and opened fire within 10 or 20 minutes of their first shots. He writes:
“At 3.45 p.m. on May 31 ‘Action Stations’ were sounded off by the buglars, and this was the first indication vouchsafed to us that anything out of the common was about to take place. * * * * The guns were loaded, and then round trained on the turret on to our first target, a small light cruiser nearer to us than is healthy for such craft. ‘Fire!’ An eternity – and then, bang, and away goes our first salvo. The shots fell near the enemy, but she scuttled away. We let her have another salvo, then ceased fire, and turned our attention to bigger game that was now within our range – the German battle cruisers. * * * * Now we all of us got going hard. The battle cruisers and ourselves against the German battle cruisers and the German High Seas fleet, which had now put in an appearance. So in spite of the stories of the Germans they were most undoubtedly considerably superior to the British force present, and remained so until the arrival of the Grand fleet some hours later. * * * * We were at this time receiving a very heavy fire indeed, our own battle cruisers having become disengaged for 20 minutes to a half an hour, so that the fire of the whole German fleet was concentrated on us. Especially unpleasant was a period of half an hour, during which we were unable to see the enemy, while they could see us most clearly. Thus we were unable to fire a shot, and had to rest content with steaming through a tornado of shell fire without loosing off a gun, which was somewhat trying.
“However, about 6.30 the sun silhouetted up the Germans, and completely turned the tables as far as light was concerned, and for a period of some 20 minutes we gave them a most terrific dressing down, which we trust they will remember. Then down came the mist again, and we had to close them to four miles in the attempt to see the enemy, and four miles is, of course, about as near as one likes to get to the foe, as torpedoes then come into play. It was at this stage that, owing to some temporary defect, the Warspite’s helm jammed, and she went straight at the enemy into a hell of fire. She looked a most wonderful sight, every gun firing for all it was worth in reply. Luckily, she got under control quickly and returned to the line, and it was this incident which gave rise to the German legend that she had been sunk.”
The impressions of an officer in a torpedo-boat destroyer are given in the Times. After describing the battle during the afternoon, and that of the night which followed it, he writes:
“Then came the dawn – just the first sign of it – a very grey, misty morning, and out of the mist loomed up a squadron of great German dreadnoughts. Off we went with our flotillas full speed to attack, but we, being on the outer flank, missed our attack, and so on we went all by ourselves for a way, and then round again to see what we could do. We closed them and closed them, and yet they apparently could not see us. Then, bang – off went one of our torpedoes, and round we turned and gave them two more, and then they saw us and we had a ‘merry hell’ for a bit. However, we stuck it and watched, and then to our joy from one of their ships leadped a huge flame higher than her masts – a terrific explosion, and red-hot fragments leaped sky-high, and after that no sign of her at all, although we still saw the others. So she was done for.”
An officer in one of the light cruiser squadron states that the Germans have a habit of spreading clouds of whitish-yellow smoke, which enables their ships to maneuver without being seen. – Naval and Military Gazette.
How the Battle Cruisers were Sunk
By far the longest and clearest account of the kind is in the Daily Mail by an officer of one of the largest vessels which took part in the battle. He points out among other things that, as is bound to be the case in the present long-range fighting, the engagement was broken off from time to time because the ships lost sight of one another. Here is his tribute to the two lost admirals:
“Nothing could have been finer than the way in which Sir Robert Arbuthnot went in with his squadron, consisting of the Defence, the Warrior, and the Black Prince, to deliver an attack unsupported on the whole German fleet. His ship went down, but he kept practically the entire German fleet at bay for a long while, and did a tremendous amount of damage. * * * * Admiral Hood maneuvered his squadron of battle cruisers magnificently, when at half-past six in the evening they went into action, and it was really bad luck that the Queen Mary, Indefatigable, and Invincible were lost, because they were purely chance shots which brought about their destruction. The armor would have withstood any amount of shell-fire, but in each case a shell took the top off the turret and the explosion went down to the magazine, with the result that the ship blew up.” – Naval and Military Gazette.
North Sea
H.M.S. Hampshire
The Secretary of the Admiralty announces that the following telegram was received from the commander-in-chief of the Grand fleet:
“I have to report with great regret that H.M.S. Hampshire (Captain Herbert J. Savill, R.N.), with Lord Kitchener and his staff on board, was sunk last night about 8 p.m. to the west of the Orkneys either by a mine or by a torpedo.
“Four boats were seen by observers on shore to leave the ship. The wind was NNW, and heavy seas were running.” – London Times, 7/6.
A telegram received in Aberdeen last night from Kirkwall confirmed that there are 12 survivors. Several men who reached the shore died subsequently from exposure.
The vessel sank two miles from land.
* * * *
A further report has been received from the commander-in-chief of the Grand fleet regarding the loss of the H.M.S. Hampshire, with Lord Kitchener and his staff on board.
It has now been established that the Hampshire struck a mine.
The Hampshire was accompanied on her voyage by two destroyers until the captain of the Hampshire was compelled to detach them at about 7 p.m. on account of the very heavy seas.
Lord Kitchener, on the invitation of his Imperial Majesty, had left England on a visit to Russia, and at the request of H.M. Government was to have taken the opportunity of discussing important military and financial questions. – Naval & Military Gazette, 14/6.
British Destroyer Sunk in Collision
London, June 17.
The British destroyer Eden was sunk in the English Channel last night after a collision, according to an announcement made by the Official Press Bureau this afternoon.
Thirty-one members of the crew were saved. Three officers were missing.
The British destroyer Eden displaced 555 tons, and carried a complement of 70 men. She was 220 feet long, 23 feet beam, and 8 feet deep. She was built in 1903, and had a speed of 26 knots. The Eden carried four 3-inch guns, and was equipped with two 18-inch torpedo tubes. – N.Y. Times, 18/6.
22 War Ships at Zeebrugge
The Germans are reported to have as many as 22 torpedo-boats and destroyers at Zeebrugge, which is protected by mine fields. These little warcraft make frequent excursions to sea. – N.Y. Herald, 26/6.
North Sea Strategy
Mr. Balfour’s Hint of Changes
Mr. Balfour indicates the alterations in disposition of our squadrons on the east coast as threefold. Important forces are to be brought southwards, and presumably based upon some port which has hitherto not been made use of for this purpose. It will require no wild guess on the part of the enemy to ascertain both the composition of these forces and the harbor at which they are to be stationed. Their aerial scouts will give them all the information they require. A further deduction is obvious. As the Germans only use vessels of the highest speed for the raids, the forces to deal with them, in order to be effective, must have a similar quality, as well as a preponderance of gun-power. The weakness of this strategical change seems to lie in the substitution of squadrons in fixed positions on our own coast for the periodical sweeps which we have been officially told the battle fleet was in the habit of making through the length and breadth of the North Sea, and which had such a fruitful outcome in the early part of the war.
Submarines and Monitors
The other new defensive measures are concerned with the use of submarines and monitors. As regards the submarines, these are lurking beasts, and so far have never proved their ability to torpedo vessels moving at high speed. Both in the Bight affair and off Dogger Back Sir David Beatty found no great difficulty in avoiding their attack upon the swiftly-moving battle cruisers by use of the helm. Experience rather points to the employment of the under-water boats as a menace to the raiders when returning to their own lair, and when a reduction of speed may be necessary on entering their own minefields. Such a reduction would be the more necessary if there was a suspicion of our having laid fresh mines after they had left port and in their homeward track.
The proposed use of monitors for coast defense is the most disturbing feature of the whole scheme. These slow, unwieldy machines – which, as the official “eye-witness” at the Dardanelles said, wobbled into port, steering wildly – may as fixed floating forts act as a bait to the enemy, but it can hardly be proposed to station them in such numbers on the coast as to afford complete protection. Built to operate in shallow, tideless waters, this method of using them could have been in the mind of the designer. To employ them for defence instead of offence is directly contrary to all the generally received notions of British naval strategy. – London Times, 11/5.
Zeppelins Destroyed
Two Zeppelins were officially reported on May 5 to have been destroyed – one, L-7, off the coast of Schleswig, and another, LZ-55, near the mouth of the Vardar, southwest of Salonika. In both cases the aircraft were brought down by the guns of our warships. No British vessel had previously, so far as was known, brought down a hostile airship. The commander-in-chief, Grand fleet, has reported that the ships which destroyed the Zeppelin were H.M.S. Galatea and H.M.S. Phaeton. The Zeppelin was apparently employed in scouting duty when she was destroyed. An additional statement from the Admiralty announced that though seriously damaged by the Galatea and Phaeton, her destruction was completed by a British submarine, commanded by Lieutenant Commander F. Feilmann, R.N., which rescued seven of the Zeppelin’s crew and had returned with them. She was attacked and slightly injured by a German cruiser on her return journey. – Naval and Military Gazette, 13/5.
Zeppelin Reported Lost
Amsterdam, Thursday, June 15.
A Zeppelin was destroyed in a wind storm near Chatelineau, South Belgium, Monday, according to frontier correspondents. – N.Y. Times.
Baltic Sea
Submarine Campaign Resumed
The Baltic now being clear of ice, the Russo-British submarines have resumed their operations against German shipping very auspiciously. It was officially announced in the Petrograd communiqué on Monday night that “in the Baltic Sea one of our submarines sank three German steamers.” As regards the larger operations understood to be pending in the Baltic, merchant ships arriving at various ports during last week-end stated that a German fleet, including several cruisers and the new battle cruiser Von Hindenburg had passed Fehmern, an island 50 miles east of Kiel, making for Riga. Captains of other vessels confirm the statement that the German fleet has left Kiel. – Army and Navy Gazette, 27/5.
Seaplane Attack on British Submarine
Copenhagen, June 19.
The crew of the Danish steamer La Cour, which arrived here to-day, report that they met a British submarine about noon yesterday in the Cattegat, between the islands of Anholt and Læsö. Two German seaplanes appeared and dropped bombs, but without one hitting the submarine. The submarine then fired at the seaplanes, one of which was shot down and the other put to flight.
. . . . This is the second fight between British submarines and German seaplanes recently reported by the journal Politiken. On the 15th inst. It stated that a British submarine damaged and put to flight a seaplane which attacked outside Ystad, on the southern coast of Sweden. – London Times.
German Losses in the Baltic
Stockholm, Wednesday.
A Narrköping newspaper report of the naval encounter which took place in the Baltic this morning states that 13 German trading vessels were coming from the north, convoyed by two or three torpedo-boats, an auxiliary cruiser, and several armed trawlers, when they were attacked by a flotilla of Russian torpedo-boat destroyers and submarines just off the land.
The German convoy was dispersed, and the merchantmen fled towards the coast. It is stated that several ships were sunk.
Further details of the naval encounter off the Swedish coast shortly after midnight on Tuesday are now to hand. A German light cruiser, the converted merchant steamer Herman, of Hamburg (3000 tons), armed with 6-inch guns, was sunk. Shells caused an explosion, and immediately afterwards she was struck by a torpedo. Of her complement of 90 men about 30 were saved, including the commander.
Several armed trawlers were disabled, and four or five ships of the convoy were sunk, the rest taking refuge in Swedish territorial waters. Three Swedish destroyers, which arrived soon after the beginning of the cannonading to defend their territorial waters, saw the attacking force, four Russian destroyers, going northwards after the encounter. – London Times, 16/6.
Reports of Baltic Battle
London, Saturday, July 2.
A dispatch to Reuter’s Telegram Company from Stockholm says that steamers which have arrived in port witnessed a battled Tuesday night 15 miles south of Landsort, south of Stockholm.
They report that a Russian squadron with a few torpedo-boast and torpedo-boat destroyers was attacked by a German fleet comprising cruisers and large warships. At the outset the Germans were unable to defeat the Russians, but eventually reinforcements were obtained and it is supposed the Russians withdrew northward.
The correspondent adds that nothing was visible from the coast of the reported battle owing to the fog, but that gunfiring was heard throughout the night, and at 6 o’clock yesterday morning a fresh and violent cannonade began. – N.Y. Times, 1/7.
Mediterranean Sea
U-Boat Bases Occupied by Italians
Rome, May 11.
The Stefani Agency announces the occupation by Italian forces of two points on the Cyrenaica coast near the Egyptian frontier – Mersa Moresa and the port of Bardia, or Mersa Burdi Suleiman.
This part of the coast has long served as a base for German submarines, and the extension of the Italian occupation to this district should have good results. – London Times.
Loss of the Fantassin
A collision in the Mediterranean has proved the means of depriving our flotillas the 453-ton Fantassin (30.5 knots, six 9-pounders). There are reasons to think the future destroyer policy of Rue Royale will include the building of large ocean-going craft of the English type, armed with 5.5-inch guns of short caliber, in limited number, and of swarms of 500-ton torpilleurs d’escadres, fit alike for torpedoing work, anti-submarine and anti-airship duties. Up to the present the Gallic navy has lost five destroyers proprement dits (Mousquet, Dague, Renaudin, Branlebas, and Fantassin). But happily it was, since the outbreak of hostilities, reinforced by over twice that number of up-to-date boats.
* * * *
Rear Admiral Gueydon has been made a vice admiral as a reward for his eminent services in superintending the transport from Corfu to Salonika of 150,000 Serbian troops, 40,000 horses, and an immense matériel. – Naval and Military Record, 21/6.
Monitor Sunk
The Secretary of the Admiralty makes the following announcement:
A delayed telegram has now been received from Vice Admiral de Robeck which states that on the night of May 13-14 one of our small monitors, M-30, commanded by Lieutenant Commander E.L.B. Lockyer, D.S.O., R.N., was struck by the enemy’s artillery, and taking fire, was subsequently destroyed.
Two men were killed and two wounded.
This information, which appeared in the Turkish communiqué yesterday, was officially denied, as other messages had been received from the vice admiral two days after the occurrence. But as the result of further inquiry, it is found that a message reporting the loss had miscarried. – Naval and Military Record, 24/5.
Shell Bulgar Coast
Paris, June 13.
A Salonika dispatch to the Radio Agency says that allied fleets are bombing the Southern Bulgarian coast from Port Lagos to Dedeaghatch.
A Hit at 7000 Feet
A Zeppelin was brought down while flying over Salonika Harbor.
It appeared at 2.30 a.m., and was immediately picked up by searchlights from sea and land. It was apparently at a height of 7000 feet. Plainly visible in the yellow glare, it crossed the town and was turning over the gulf when a shell burst just above and it dived at an angle of 45 degrees towards the marshes at the mouth of the Vardar. Before it hit the ground two explosions occurred, probably of the petrol tank, lighting up the sky.
The airship now lies a wreck 15 miles along the shore of the gulf from the town and two miles inland.
Later.
The Zeppelin was first sighted at Karasuli, and was followed with searchlights all the way to Topsin, where it turned east and flew over the town. It hung about over the harbor, and came under a crossfire from a French and English battleship.
Winged by the English ship the airship made for the mouth of the Vardar. An English destroyer patrolling was within a mile of the Zeppelin as it came down, and fired two shots while it was in the air, and one after it landed. A quarter of an hour afterwards an explosion occurred as if the crew had set it afire. The English officers who were first on the scene say that it is a complete wreck of tangled wires and stays. The airship was evidently of a very large size. No bodies were found. The charts were dropped overboard and have been recovered. – London Times, 5/5.
A further report from Vice Admiral de Robeck announces that survivors of the crew had been found, and four officers and eight men had been made prisoners.
Raid on Turkish Airship Base
London.
The Official Press Bureau to-day gave out the following communication in regard to military operations in Egypt.
“A large enemy aerodrome near El Arish (on the Mediterranean, 100 miles east of the Suez Canal), enemy camps and troops were bombed by 11 British aeroplanes on Sunday. A hostile pilot was about to ascend and his aeroplane was destroyed by a swooping down raider. Sevety-six bombs were dropped. Five and probably more enemy aeroplanes were destroyed.
“Three British aeroplanes were lost. Two pilots were saved. The third, not escaping, burned his machine.” – N.Y. Herald, 21/6.
Adriatic Sea
Italian Warships Penetrate Durazzo
Rome, June 27.
Italian warships entered Durazzo roadstead the night of the 25th and sank two steamers, one of 5000 tons and the other of 3000 tons, laden with arms and munitions. The warships returned without loss to their base, notwithstanding the heavy fire of the enemy. – N.Y. Times.
Submarine Sinks French Destroyer
Paris.
The Ministry of Marine announces that the Italian auxiliary cruiser Citta di Messina and the French torpedo-boat destroyer Fourché have been torpedoed in the Strait of Otranto.
The Citta di Messina, which was being escorted by the Fourché, was the first victim of the submarine. The Fourché later attacked the underwater boat, which submerged and disappeared. Soon afterward the Fourché herself was torpedoed. Almost all her crew was saved.
The Fourché was built in 1910 and had a gross tonnage of 734 tons. She was 240 feet long, 25 feet beam and 9 ½ feet depth. Her engines were of 12,330 horse-power, and her speed was 31 knots. Her armament consisted of two 4-inch guns, four 9-pounders and four 18-inch torpedo tubes in pairs.
The Citta di Messina was a vessel of 3495 tons, owned by the Italian State Railways and built at Sestri Ponente in 1910. She was 363 feet long, 42 feet beam and had a depth of 27 feet. – N.Y. Herald, 26/6.
Extensive Air Raid
On the 5th, six of our Caproni aeroplanes bombarded the railway station of Mattarello, in the Adige Valley. Yesterday a squadron of 37 Capronis and Farmans dropped 160 bombs and 60,000 arrows on the enemy encampments north of Asiago and in the Nos Valley. The whole squadron returned safely. Two hostile machines were brought down. – N.Y. Times, 18/6.
Black Sea
Turkish Ships Busy
Constantinople, July 5.
An official report, issued by the War Office, says:
“At 4 o’clock on Tuesday afternoon the enemy ship Reben (Göben) bombarded the town and port of Tournse and sank the passenger steamer Knias Obolensku. At the same time the Breslau bombarded Sotchy.” – N.Y. Times.
Sink 54 Turkish Craft
Petrograd, July 3.
Russian torpedo-boats destroyed 54 enemy sailing vessels in the Black Sea near the Anatolian coast on June 29, says an official statement. – N.Y. Times.
Ship with 800 Aboard Sinks
Petrograd, July 3.
The loss of life on the Steamer Mercury, which was sunk by a mine in the Black Sea, has been undoubtedly large, from late reports received in regard to the disaster.
The Mercury was travelling from Odessa to Knerson, with 800 passengers. The vessel struck the mine 13 miles from Odessa and two miles off shore in a rough sea. The bow was blown off and the ship sank in five minutes. Only two lifeboats were launched and both, laden with passengers, were overturned.
Majority Are Saved
Thirteen boats, which were sent to the rescue, were unable to approach the scene, owing to the heavy sea, but succeeded in rescuing passengers who were strong swimmers or who floated to them on fragments of wreckage. In this way a majority of the passengers were saved, but a large number are unaccounted for. Twenty-eight bodies have been washed ashore.
The disaster was witnessed by the captain of a Russian steamer, who, however, did not attempt to come to the rescue because he believed that the ship had been torpedoed and that his own vessel would suffer the same fate. – Washington Star, 23/6.
Miscellaneous
Mines in Swedish Waters
A Gothenburg newspaper announces that since the beginning of the war 625 mines have been rendered harmless in Swedish waters. The statistics show that the waters around Gothland are the most dangerous; after them come the coast of Bohustoer and the approaches to Stockholm and Blekinge. Seafarers are urgently warned to avoid the line through Gotska Sandoen, Almagrund, Huvudskaer, as it has been learned that the Germans have long intended to lay mines there, although no official German intimation to this effect has been issued. – Shipping Illustrated.
2200 Germans Aid Turkish Campaign
Constantinople, May 30.
For the first time since the war began the full facts are now made known as to the number, and nature of service, of the German officers and men in the Ottoman Army. At the present time 360 officers and 1867 non-commissioned officers and men of German origin are serving with Turkish Army, navy, and coast defence system.
Of this number, 253 officers and 517 non-commissioned officers are attached to the mobile army and interior fortifications; while 107 officers and 1350 non-commissioned officers and men serve in the Ottoman Navy and coast batteries.
In the coast defence organization of the Dardanelles German officers were active. Most of them came from the reserves of the German Navy. Though the service, resembling in the main the coast defence troops of the United States in organization, was headed by Djemal Pasha, the man actually in command was Great Admiral von Usedom Pasha, a close friend of the German Emperor. – N.Y Times, 19/6.
Control of Italian Shipping
Rome, May 21.
The Commission of Control of Maritime Traffic appointed last February has published a statement regarding the work done during the first three months of its existence.
Seventy-five per cent of the Italian cargo steamers have been requisitioned on behalf of various departments of the government, and the remaining 25 per cent, which are also under the control of the commission, have been detailed to furnish supplies for the factories which have been taken over by the government for the manufacture of munitions, or, in the case of smaller ships, have been employed for the importation of phosphates. Passenger ships have been taken over at reduced freights for the import of grain and other necessaries.
The commission is also making use of sailing ships of adequate tonnage principally for the import of coal. These ships are managed by the owners on behalf of the commission and are paid requisition rates. So far 87 sailing ships, of a total tonnage of 150,000 have been put on the list by the commission. – London Times.
Karlsruhe Air Raid
Berlin, June 26.
A report on the aeroplane raid on Karlsruhe on June 22 shows that 110 persons, including five women and 75 children, were killed, and 147 persons injured, including 20 women and 79 children.
The French official communication issued on the night of June 22, said that in reprisal for successive bombardments carried out by the Germans on the open towns of Bar-le-Duc and Lunéville, French aerial squadrons had bombed Treves and Karlsruhe. A flotilla of nine aeroplanes had dropped 40 shells on Karlsruhe, the statement said.
Escapes from Submarines
The lucky escape of the 7000-ton liner Colbert, of the Compagnie Havraise Peninsulaire, which has just arrived in Marseilles much damaged through gunfire, confirms the lessons of other Gallic mailboats which recently foiled the efforts of Mediterranean pirates. Given adequate speed, skillful maneuvering, and one or two efficiently-manned quick-fires on board, the position of a merchant ship pursued by one of those fast and well-armed German submersibles of the latest types is far from being so desperate as is sometimes imagined, especially since Mediterranean routes are being patrolled by numerous Franco-British auxiliary flotillas, thoroughly familiarized with the police work entrusted to them, and ever ready to promptly answer wireless calls. The Colbert was fired upon at a long range, which three hours of pursuit and cannonade gradually reduced to some 3000 meters. Mounting only a small quick-firer aft, and being hardly good for 13 knots, she would probably have fallen a victim to the pirate but for the timely arrival of a handy chalutier, which frightened off “l’assassin de la mer.” The latter is described as a “croiseur-sousmarin” of some 100 meters length and 17 knot speed, with a huge central armored tower and two 4.1-inch guns in turrets, that appeared to have been skillfully handled, thus a relatively formidable opponent, and hardly vulnerable to small quick-firers from her apparently armored upper works. – Naval and Military Record, 3/5.
Mesopotamian Naval Operations
In Sir John Nixon’s dispatch, describing the operations in Mesopotamia up to the time of his relief, the work of the naval flotilla on the Tigris is several times referred to. It is officially revealed that the so-called monitor abandoned by the British in November last was the gunboat Shaitan, which, after running aground about eight miles above Azize, could not be refloated. The gunboats also which the Turks called Kemed and Firikless are identified as the Comet and Firefly, two vessels which, after their guns had been rendered useless, were abandoned in December. The Sumana, an armed tug, was the only vessel left at Kut, and presumably was destroyed before the capitulation. The Shushan is also mentioned, but Sir John Nixon does not say what became of her. The difficulties of navigation in the Tigris, by reason of the routes and twists in the river and the numerous sandbanks, receive eloquent witness in these dispatches. – Naval and Military Gazette, 27/5.
British Taxation and the War
According to an article by J.A.R. Marriott in the May Nineteenth Century and After, Great Britain has imposed additional war taxation amounting to about 300,000,000 l. a year, as compared with 24,000,000 l. levied by Germany. The British national debt, 651,000,000 l. ($3,000,000,000) at the beginning of the war, will at the close of the present fiscal year, March 31, 1917, approximate 2,640,000,000 l. ($13,000,000,000), or about five times the national revenue. Proof that the country is able to bear the strain is found in the fact that the revenue for 1916-17 is estimated to exceed that for 1915-16 by 173,000,000 l., which is nearly 100,000,000 l. more than is required to pay the additional interest. The government’s policy is: “Never borrow one pound without making provision by new taxation sufficient to cover both interest and a liberal sinking fund.”
The ”War of American Secession” cost England 97,500,000 l., of which only 3,000,000 l. was paid at the time; about 831,000,000 l. was spent during the Napoleonic wars, of which 47 per cent was paid out of the current revenue; in the present war the current revenue pays about 17 per cent. In 1916-17, 72 per cent of this will be raised by direct taxation. It is remarked that the coast of the war thus falls largely on the wealthier classes, whereas with the advance of democracy these classes have lost most of their political power and responsibility. Financial and political responsibility are thus in dangerous separation.
Mine Sank the “Seaconnet”
London, Wednesday.
The metal fragments from the hull of the American steamship Seaconnet, which was run ashore on the Scrob sands on Sunday after having been damaged by an exterior explosion, have been examined by the naval exports at the American Embassy, and the general impression is that they are parts of a mine. The reports of the naval attachés will be communicated to the State Department.
The Seaconnet has been abandoned by the salvage operators and declared a total loss. – N.Y. Herald, 22/6.
Dutch Battleship Crews Mutiny
Amsterdam, May 11.
The Telegraaf learns from Weltevreden, Java, that a mutiny has occurred in the Dutch battleships the Seven Provinces, Koningin Regentes, and Tromp. The outbreak was most serious in the Seven Provinces, in which 60 men were punished.
The ships’ captains refused to negotiate with the mutineers, and all leave was cancelled.
Three hundred deserters refused to return to the vessels and remained in the streets, which are being patrolled by soldiers. Discontent is supposed to have been the cause of the mutiny. – London Times.
Patrol Fleet to Mexico
A naval force quite sufficient to patrol the two coasts of Mexico and prevent General Carranza from importing arms and ammunition from other countries has been ordered to Mexican waters. As a matter of fact there is little opportunity for Carranza to get munitions from other countries but a strong patrol is nevertheless necessary. – Herald, 19/6.
Chinese Navy Rebellious
Shanghai, June 26.
That part of the naval forces of China concentrated at Wu-sung, on the river 10 miles north of Shanghai, has issued a declaration that it will not obey the orders of the Navy Department until the Nanking Constitution is restored, Parliament reconvened, and a “legitimate Cabinet” appointed. The naval men declare their allegiance to President Li Yuan-hung, but state that he has no freedom of word or act, and that China is a republic in name only, ruled by despotic militarists.
This is the first visible sign of an attempt in the southern provinces to overthrow the Cabinet of Premier Tuan Chi-jui with a view to the eventual recall of Tang Shao-yi to the premiership. The struggle thus initiated is one of the new bureaucrats against the democrats. – N.Y. Times.
U-Boat to Spain
Cartagena, Spain, June 22.
The German submarine U-35, commanded by Lieutenant von Arnauld, arrived here yesterday with a letter from Emperor William to King Alfonso.
The submarine first anchored alongside the interned German steamship Roma, but the port authorities required her to move and take up anchorage near the Spanish cruiser Cataluna.
The Secretary of the German Embassy arrived here on a special train late last night for the purpose of receiving the letter. Accompanied by the German Consul he went on board the submarine and visited the commander. A Spanish cruiser and a destroyer received orders to watch closely the movements of the submarine. Instructions were given to keep the entrances to the harbor lighted brightly with searchlights.
The German submarine departed from this port shortly before daylight.
Madrid, June 22 (via Paris).
The arrival of the German submarine U-35 at Cartagena was officially confirmed. The submarine anchored alongside the Spanish cruiser Cataluna. The Secretary of the German Embassy at Madrid has left for Cartagena to receive an autograph letter from the German Emperor to King Alfonso, supposed to be thanks for a reception given interned Germans from the Kameruns.
The section of the press which favors the German side in the war publishes articles to-day eulogizing the German sailors for their naval exploits. The submarine came from Pola, the Austrian naval base.
The newspaper Pais says the diplomatic representatives of certain foreign countries have asked the Spanish Government for further particulars in regard to the visit of the U-35.
As the U-35 left Cartagena her crew gave cheers for Spain. The vessel was accompanied beyond Spanish waters by Spanish destroyers, as it was reported Allied warships were waiting for her. – N.Y. Times.
Table of Naval Losses of the Various Belligerents Since the Outbreak of War
The following table is compiled from various articles appearing in the press of the several belligerent nations. These reports are so contradictory that it is impossible to furnish an absolutely correct list of vessels lost to date. In many cases the belligerent powers have failed to acknowledge the losses of all vessels. No attempt has been made to include herein a list of the various trawlers, mine-sweepers and such odd small craft which may have been destroyed while mine-sweeping or on submarine patrol duty.
(On the left margin of this table of losses is a reference to the whole number in which an account of the loss is given. A page index of these losses is given in the whole number referred to.)
Losses of Great Britain and Her Allies
British Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
154, 155, 156 |
Audacious |
Dreadnought Battleship |
24,000 |
Reported sunk off Irish coast. Cause unknown. British Admiraltiy, non committal |
29-10-14 |
155 |
Bulwark |
Battleship |
15,000 |
Internal explosion at anchor in the Thames |
25-11-14 |
156 |
Formidable |
Battleship |
15,000 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
1-1-15 |
156 |
Irresistible |
Battleship |
15,000 |
Sunk in the Dardanelles |
18-3-15 |
156 |
Ocean |
Battleship |
12,950 |
Sunk in the Dardenelles |
19-3-15 |
161, 162 |
King Edward VII |
Battleship |
16,350 |
By mine, North Sea |
9-1-16 |
158 |
Goliath |
Battleship |
12,950 |
Torpedoed in the Dardanelles |
12-5-15 |
158, 161 |
Triumph |
Battleship |
11,800 |
Sunk by submarine, Dardanelles |
25-5-15 |
158 |
Majestic |
Battleship |
14,900 |
Sunk by submarine, Dardanelles |
27-5-15 |
163, 164 |
Russel |
Battleship |
14,000 |
Sunk by mine, Mediterranean |
26-4-16 |
164 |
Queen Mary |
Battle Cruiser |
27,000 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Indefatigable |
Battle Cruiser |
18,750 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Invincible |
Battle Cruiser |
17,250 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
161, 162 |
Natal |
Armored Cruiser |
13,360 |
Internal explosion and sunk at anchor |
30-12-15 |
153 |
Warrior |
Armored Cruiser |
13,550 |
By Mine |
5-9-14 |
154 |
Hogue |
Armored Cruiser |
12,000 |
Sunk by German submarine U-29, North Sea |
22-9-14 |
154 |
Cressey |
Armored Cruiser |
12,000 |
Sunk by German submarine U-29, North Sea |
22-9-14 |
154 |
Aboukir |
Armored Cruiser |
12,000 |
Sunk by German submarine U-29, North Sea |
22-9-14 |
154 |
Hawke |
Armored Cruiser |
7,350 |
Sunk by German U-9, North Sea |
16-10-14 |
154, 155 |
Good Hope |
Armored Cruiser |
14,100 |
Sunk by German forces in Pacific |
1-11-14 |
154, 155 |
Monmouth |
Armored Cruiser |
9,800 |
Sunk by German forces in Pacific |
1-11-14 |
160 |
Argyll |
Armored Cruiser |
10,850 |
Ran aground, east coast of Scotland |
28-10-15 |
164 |
Defense |
Armored Cruiser |
14,600 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Black Prince |
Armored Cruiser |
13,550 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Warrior |
Armored Cruiser |
13,550 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Hampshire |
Protected Cruiser |
10,850 |
Sunk by mine, off Okrneys |
6-6-16 |
153, 155 |
Pathfinder |
Light Cruiser |
2,940 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
5-9-14 |
153 |
Amphion |
Light Cruiser |
3,360 |
Sunk by mine, North Sea |
6-8-14 |
153 |
Pegasus |
Light Cruiser |
2,135 |
Sunk by German cruiser Koenigsberg at Zanzibar |
20-9-14 |
162 |
Arethusa |
Light Cruiser |
3,750 |
By mine off east coast of England |
14-2-16 |
155 |
Hermes |
Light Cruiser |
5,600 |
Sunk by German submarine U-27, North Sea |
30-10-14 |
163 |
Penelope |
Light Cruiser |
3,600 |
Reported damaged beyond repair, attack on Hovestoft |
25-4-16 |
153 |
Speedy |
Torpedo Gunboat |
810 |
Sunk by mine, North Sea |
3-9-14 |
154, 155 |
Niger |
Torpedo Gunboat |
810 |
Sunk by German submarine while at anchor |
11-11-14 |
164 |
M-30 |
Monitor |
--- |
Sunk by Turkish gunfire, Gulf of Smyrna |
13-5-16 |
164 |
Tipperary |
Flotilla Leader |
1,900? |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
--- |
Bullfinch |
Destroyer |
370 |
Sunk in collision with Dutch merchant ship |
18-8-14 |
--- |
--- |
Destroyer |
--- |
Ran ashore, Scotch coast |
27-12-14 |
--- |
Erne |
Destroyer |
550 |
Wrecked in a storm |
?-2-15 |
157, 158 |
Recruit |
Destroyer |
385 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
1-5-15 |
157, 158 |
Maori |
Destroyer |
1,035 |
Blown up by mine off Belgian coast |
7-5-15 |
159 |
Lynx |
Destroyer |
935 |
Sunk by mine |
10-8-15 |
161 |
Louis |
Destroyer |
965 |
Wrecked, Eastern Mediterranean |
10-11-15 |
162 |
Coquette |
Destroyer |
365 |
Sunk by mine, North Sea |
10-11-15 |
164 |
Fortune |
Destroyer |
920 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Sparrowhawk |
Destroyer |
950 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Ardent |
Destroyer |
950 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Shark |
Destroyer |
950 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Eden |
Destroyer |
555 |
Sunk after collision, English Channel |
16-6-16 |
158 |
No. 10 |
Torpedo Boat |
244 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
10-6-15 |
158 |
No. 12 |
Torpedo Boat |
253 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
10-6-15 |
160 |
No. 96 |
Torpedo Boat |
130 |
Sank after collision with merchantman, Straits of Gibralter |
1-11-15 |
162 |
No. 11 |
Torpedo Boat |
253 |
Sunk by mine, North Sea |
?-3-16 |
153 |
AE-1 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Accidentally sunk off Australian coast |
14-9-14 |
154 |
E-3 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Rammed and sunk by German vessel |
18-10-14 |
154, 155 |
D-5 |
Submarine |
550-600 |
Sunk by German mine, North Sea |
3-11-14 |
--- |
D-2 |
Submarine |
550-600 |
Reported lost, Details not known |
1-12-14 |
--- |
E-10 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Missing, North Sea |
--- |
157 |
E-15 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Ran aground in the Dardanelles and destroyed by own picket boats |
17-4-15 |
162 |
--- |
Submarine |
--- |
Stranded, Dutch coast |
6-1-16 |
162 |
E-17 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Reported as sunk off Holland |
6-1-16 |
159, 160 |
AE-2 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Sunk, Sea of Marmora |
30-4-15 |
--- |
E-13 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Sunk by German torpedo craft off Danish coast |
19-8-15 |
160 |
E-7 |
Submarine |
725-810 |
Sunk at Dardanelles |
4-9-15 |
160, 161 |
E-20 |
Submarine |
--- |
Announced as sunk by Turks in Dardanelles |
5-11-15 |
163 |
E-22 |
Submarine |
--- |
Sunk off Holland |
6-1-16 |
154 |
Oceanic |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
17,274 |
Ran aground off north coast of Scotland in storm |
8-9-14 |
162, 163 |
Alcantara |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
15,300 |
Sunk in battle, North Sea |
29-2-16 |
156 |
Viknor |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
5,386 |
Lost off Irish coast |
14-1-15 |
--- |
Clan Macnaughton |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
4,985 |
Lost in a gale |
3-2-15 |
157 |
Bayano |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
5,948 |
Probably torpedoed by German submarine in Irish Sea |
12-3-15 |
159 |
Ramsey |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
--- |
Sunk by German auxiliary cruiser Meteor, North Sea |
8-8-15 |
159 |
India |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
7,900 |
Sunk by German submarine, North Sea |
10-8-15 |
159 |
Royal Edward |
Transport |
11,117 |
Sunk by submarine, Aegean Sea |
14-8-15 |
160 |
Marquette |
Transport |
7,057 |
Sunk by German submarine Aegean Sea |
26-10-15 |
160 |
Ramazan |
Transport |
3,477 |
Sunk by German submarine, Aegean Sea |
17-9-15 |
161 |
Woodfield |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk off coast of Morocco |
30-11-15 |
--- |
Hythe |
Auxiliary |
201 |
Collision, Aegean Sea |
29-10-15 |
158 |
Princess Irene |
Minelayer |
--- |
Internal explosion off Sheerness |
27-5-15 |
163 |
Medusa |
Minelayer |
--- |
--- |
--- |
161 |
Abbas |
Coast Guard |
298 |
Sunk by German submarine off Sollum Harbor, Egypt |
6-11-15 |
161 |
Abdel Monaym |
Coast Guard |
598 |
Sunk by German submarine off Sollum Harbor |
6-11-15 |
161 |
Anglia |
Hospital Ship |
1,862 |
Sunk by mine, English Channel |
17-11-15 |
--- |
Fishguard II |
Training Ship |
--- |
Foundered in gale, North Sea |
17-9-14 |
160, 161 |
Tara |
Patrol Boat |
6,322 |
Sunk by German submarine, Mediterranean |
5-11-15 |
161 |
Aries |
Yacht |
--- |
|
|
161 |
Irene |
Yacht |
--- |
|
|
164 |
Turbulent |
--- |
--- |
|
|
164 |
Nomad |
--- |
--- |
|
|
164 |
Nestor |
--- |
--- |
|
|
In addition to the above, the press reports that several other English submarines have been destroyed. The list above includes only those which were apparently officially announced by the British Admiralty.
French Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
156 |
Bouvet |
Battleship |
12,007 |
Sunk at the Dardanelles |
18-3-15 |
157 |
Leon Gambetta |
Armored Cruiser |
12,352 |
Torpedoed by Australian submarine, Straits of Otranto |
26-4-15 |
162 |
Amiral Charnier |
Cruiser |
4,702 |
Torpedoed, Mediterranean |
8-2-16 |
156 |
Mousquet |
Destroyer |
298 |
Sunk by Emden at Penang |
28-10-14 |
156 |
Dague |
Destroyer |
720 |
Sunk by Austrian mine off Antivari |
24-2-15 |
--- |
Branlebas |
Destroyer |
330 |
Sunk by mine |
------ |
162 |
Renaudin |
Destroyer |
756 |
Torpedoed, Adriatic |
18-3-16 |
164 |
Fourche |
Destroyer |
845 |
Sunk by Austrian submarine, Straits of Otranto |
26?-6-16 |
164 |
Fantassin |
Destroyer |
453 |
Sunk incident to collision |
?-6-16 |
--- |
Zelée |
Gunboat |
636 |
Sunk by German cruisers at Tahiti |
22-9-14 |
--- |
No. 347 |
Torpedo Boat |
97 |
Sunk in collision with No. 338 |
9-10-14 |
--- |
No. 338 |
Torpedo Boat |
97 |
Sunk in collision with No. 347 |
9-10-14 |
--- |
----- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Reported Lost |
?-1-15 |
--- |
No. 331 |
Torpedo Boat |
97 |
Sunk in Collision off Cherbourg |
16-6-15 |
--- |
No. 219 |
Torpedo Boat |
87 |
Sunk off Nieuport |
?-1-15 |
155 |
Curie |
Submarine |
392 |
Sunk by Austrians at Pola |
23-12-14 |
156 |
Saphir |
Submarine |
386 - ? |
Sunk at the Dardenelles |
15-1-15 |
--- |
Joule |
Submarine |
392 - ? |
---- |
----- |
--- |
Calypso |
Submarine |
345-490 |
Rammed and sunk during maneuvers off Cape Lardier |
8-7-15 |
159 |
Mariotte |
Submarine |
522-615 |
Sunk at the Dardanelles |
20-7-15 |
160 |
Turquoise |
Submarines |
386 - ? |
Sunk in the Sea of Marmora |
3-11-15 |
161 |
Fresnel |
Submarine |
392 - ? |
Sunk in the Adriatic by an Austrian ship |
5-12-15 |
162 |
Provence |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
18,400 |
Torpedoed, Mediterranean |
26-2-16 |
--- |
Indian |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
800 |
Sunk by submarine off Rhodes |
8-9-15 |
--- |
Calvados |
Transport |
--- |
Submarine, Mediterranean |
?-11-15 |
158, 159 |
Casa Bianca |
Minelayer |
945 |
Sunk in the Aegean Sea by a mine |
3-6-15 |
161 |
Monge |
--- |
392 - ? |
Sunk by Austrians, Adriatic |
28-12-15 |
Russian Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
--- |
Pallada |
Armored Cruiser |
7,775 |
Sunk by German submarine, Baltic |
11-10-14 |
155, 156 |
Jemtchug |
Cruiser |
3,130 |
Sunk by Emden, Penang |
28-10-14 |
--- |
Donnetz |
Gunboat |
1,224 |
Sunk by Turks, Black Sea. Raised by Russians |
31-10-14 |
--- |
Kubanez |
Gunboat |
1,280 |
Reported by Turks sunk by Turkish destroyer |
29-10-14 |
159 |
Sivutch |
Gunboat |
875 |
Sunk by Germans, Baltic Sea |
20-8-15 |
--- |
Kubanetz |
Gunboat |
1,200 |
By gunfire, Odessa |
29-10-14 |
162 |
Leit Pushtscheen |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Sunk by mine, Black Sea |
10-3-16 |
--- |
Putschino |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
By gunfire |
30-10-14 |
155 |
Prut |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
5,440 |
Scuttled to avoid capture |
29-10-14 |
--- |
Riasan |
Transport |
3,522 |
Captured by Emden |
6-8-14 |
158 |
Yenisei |
Minelayer |
2,926 |
Sunk by German submarine, Baltic |
4-6-15 |
--- |
Oleg |
Minelayer |
1,125 |
Sunk, Black Sea |
24-12-14 |
--- |
Athos |
Minelayer |
1,743 |
Sunk, Black Sea |
24-12-14 |
163 |
Portugal |
Hospital Ship |
--- |
----- |
----- |
Various German reports state that Russian men-of-war were destroyed in the several minor engagements in the Baltic. These losses were never officially announced by the Russian Admiralty.
Japanese Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
--- |
Shirotaye |
Destroyer |
380 |
Ran ashore, Tsing Tao |
4-9-14 |
--- |
No. 33 |
Torpedo Boat |
82 |
Sunk by mines while mine-sweeping off Tsing Tao |
11-11-14 |
--- |
----- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
By mine |
----- |
154, 156 |
Takachiho |
Training Ship |
3,700 |
Torpedoed by German destroyer, S-90, off Tsing Tao |
17-10-14 |
In addition to the above, five special service ships were sunk during the operations off Tsing Tao.
Italian Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
160 |
Benedetto Brin |
Battleship |
13,215 |
Sunk by internal explosion |
28-9-15 |
158 |
Amalfi |
Armored Cruiser |
9,958 |
Sunk by Austrian submarine, Adriatic |
7-7-15 |
158 |
Garibaldi |
Armored Cruiser |
7,234 |
Torpedoed off Ragusa, Austrian submarine |
18-7-15 |
158 |
Turbine |
Destroyer |
325 |
Scuttled to avoid capture after engagement with Austrian vessels, Adriatic |
24-5-15 |
164 |
Citta di Messina |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
3,495 |
Sunk by Austrian submarine, Straits of Otranto |
26?-6-16 |
161 |
Intrepido |
Destroyer |
680 |
Sunk by mine, Adriatic |
17-12-15 |
--- |
5-PN |
Torpedo Boat |
118 |
Torpedoed by Austrian submarine, off Venice |
26-6-15 |
--- |
17-OS |
Torpedo Boat |
118 |
Sunk by own mine while mine-laying off Salvore |
?-7-15 |
158 |
Medusa |
Submarine |
241-295 |
Torpedoed and sunk, Austrian submarine |
17-6-15 |
--- |
Nereide |
Submarine |
221-315 |
Sunk by Austrian submarine, Adriatic |
5-8-15 |
161 |
Re Umberto |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk by mine, Adriatic |
17-12-15 |
Losses of Germany and Her Allies
German Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
164 |
Pommern |
Battleship |
13,040 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
31-5-16 |
164 |
Lutzow |
Battle Cruiser |
28,000 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
155 |
Yorck |
Armored Cruiser |
9,350 |
Sunk by German mine near Wilhelmshaven |
3-11-14 |
155, 156, 158 |
Scharnhorst |
Armored Cruiser |
11,420 |
Sunk by English forces off Falklands |
8-12-14 |
155, 156, 158 |
Gneisenau |
Armored Cruiser |
11,420 |
Sunk by English forces off Falklands |
8-12-14 |
155 |
Friederich Karl |
Armored Cruiser |
8,858 |
No official report. Press reports that she was lost in the Baltic |
?-12-14 |
156, 163 |
Bleucher |
Armored Cruiser |
15,550 |
Sunk by British forces off Doggerbank |
24-1-15 |
160 |
Prinz Adalbert |
Armored Cruiser |
8,858 |
Sunk by British submarine in Baltic |
23-10-15 |
153, 154 |
Mainz |
Protected Cruiser |
4,280 |
Sunk by British forces, North Sea |
28-8-14 |
153, 154 |
Koeln |
Protected Cruiser |
4,280 |
Sunk by British forces, North Sea |
28-8-14 |
153, 154 |
Ariadne |
Protected Cruiser |
2,618 |
Sunk by British forces, North Sea |
28-8-14 |
154, 155 |
Hela |
Protected Cruiser |
2,003 |
Sunk by British submarine, E-9, North Sea |
13-9-14 |
153 |
Augsburg |
Protected Cruiser |
4,280 |
By gunfire |
7-8-14 |
154, 155, 156, 163, 164 |
Emden |
Protected Cruiser |
3,592 |
Sunk by Australian Cruiser Sydney, Indian Ocean |
9-11-14 |
154, 155, 156, 160 |
Leipzig |
Protected Cruiser |
3,200 |
Sunk by English forces off Falklands |
8-12-14 |
155, 156, 158 |
Nurnberg |
Protected Cruiser |
3,396 |
Sunk by English off Falklands |
8-12-14 |
158 |
Dresden |
Protected Cruiser |
3,592 |
Sunk by British cruisers in the Pacific |
14-3-15 |
155, 156, 158, 162 |
Koenigsberg |
Protected Cruiser |
3,340 |
Sunk by English forces in Rufiji River |
11-7-15 |
160, 161 |
Undine |
Protected Cruiser |
2,672 |
Sunk by British submarine in the Baltic |
7-11-15 |
161 |
Bremen |
Protected Cruiser |
3,300 |
Sunk by submarine in the Baltic |
17-12-15 |
--- |
Friedrich |
Cruiser |
8,865 |
Interned, Norfolk |
7-4-15 |
157 |
Kronprinz Wilhelm |
Cruiser |
14,705 |
Interned, Norfolk |
29-4-15 |
155 |
Berlin |
Cruiser |
17,324 |
Interned, Norfolk |
16-11-14 |
--- |
Patagonia |
Cruiser |
--- |
Seized by Argentina, violation of neutrality |
----- |
--- |
Eber |
Cruiser |
1,000 |
Interned, Bahia |
?-9-14 |
161 |
Kormoran II |
Cruiser |
3,508 |
Interned, Guam |
15-12-14 |
159 |
----- (two) |
Light Cruiser |
--- |
Gulf of Riga |
17-8-15 |
153 |
Magdeburg |
Light Cruiser |
4,478 |
Ran ashore in fog in Baltic; blown up by own crew after engagement with Russians |
27-8-14 |
155 |
Geier |
Light Cruiser |
1,630 |
Interned in Honolulu |
8-11-14 |
162 |
Karlsruhe |
Light Cruiser |
4,822 |
No official report as to this vessel’s destruction. Press reports state she was blown up by internal explosion while cruising in the Atlantic. |
?-11-14 |
164 |
Elbing |
Light Cruiser |
5,000? |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
164 |
Weisbaden |
Light Cruiser |
5,000? |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
164 |
Rostock |
Light Cruiser |
4,820 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
164 |
Frauenlob |
Light Cruiser |
2,650 |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
--- |
Moewe |
Gunboat |
640 |
Sunk by her own crew at Dar-es-Salam when Englsih vessels appeared |
14-8-14 |
--- |
Wissman |
Gunboat |
About 300 |
Captured by English on Lake Nyasa |
20-8-14 |
--- |
Planet |
Gunboat |
640 |
Sunk by her own crew at Yap Island on approach of Japanese fleet |
7-10-14 |
155, 162 |
Cormoran |
Gunboat |
1,604 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
155, 162 |
Iltis |
Gunboat |
886 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chu Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
155, 162 |
Tiger |
Gunboat |
886 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
155, 162 |
Luchs |
Gunboat |
886 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
155, 162 |
Jaguar |
Gunboat |
886 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
--- |
Tsing-Tau |
Gunboat |
168 |
Interned, China |
17-8-14 |
--- |
Vaterland |
Gunboat |
168 |
Interned, China |
17-8-14 |
154 |
V-187 |
Destroyer |
689 |
Sunk by British forces, North Sea |
28-8-14 |
154 |
S-115 |
Destroyer |
413 |
Sunk by English destroyers, North Sea |
17-10-14 |
154 |
S-117 |
Destroyer |
413 |
Sunk by English destroyers, North Sea |
17-10-14 |
154 |
S-118 |
Destroyer |
413 |
Sunk by English destroyers, North Sea |
17-10-14 |
154 |
S-119 |
Destroyer |
413 |
Sunk by English destroyers, North Sea |
17-10-14 |
154, 162 |
S-90 |
Destroyer |
396 |
Driven ashore and wrecked by own crew off Tsing-Tao after having torpedoed the Japanese ship Takachiho |
20-10-14 |
155 |
Taku |
Destroyer |
276 |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
155 |
S-124 |
Destroyer |
463 |
Accidentally rammed and sunk by a merchant vessel in Baltic |
22-11-14 |
--- |
V-186 |
Destroyer |
750 |
By gunfire |
----- |
--- |
S-106 |
Destroyer |
675 |
By gunfire |
----- |
154 |
S-126 |
Destroyer |
487 |
By submarine |
6-10-14 |
159 |
G-196 |
Destroyer |
689 |
Sunk by British submarine, North Sea |
26-7-15 |
159 |
--- |
Destroyer |
--- |
Announced by France as sunk by two French torpedoboats off Belgian coast |
22-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Destroyer |
--- |
Reported sunk by Russians in the Baltic |
19-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Destroyer |
--- |
Reported sunk by British submarine E-19 between Denmark and Sweden. Not confirmed |
14-10-15 |
--- |
--- |
Destroyer |
--- |
--- |
--- |
--- |
S-116 |
Torpedo Boat |
477 |
Sunk by English submarine E-9, North Sea |
6-10-14 |
164 |
--- (five) |
Destroyer |
--- |
Sunk by gunfire, Battle of Jutland |
1-6-16 |
--- |
A-2 |
Torpedo Boat |
About 150 |
Sunk by British destroyers, North Sea |
1-15-15 |
--- |
A-6 |
Torpedo Boat |
About 150 |
Sunk by British destoyers, North Sea |
1-15-15 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Officially announced by Russia, blown up by mine |
30-6-15 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Announced by German Admiralty, sunk by mines, Baltic |
19-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Announced by German Admiralty, sunk by mines, Baltic |
19-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Sunk by submarine, Baltic |
17-12-15 |
159 |
--- (eight) |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Gulf of Riga |
17-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Collision, Baltic |
15-10-15 |
153 |
U-15 |
Submarine |
About 450 |
Sunk by British cruiser Birmingham |
10-10-14 |
155 |
U-18 |
Submarine |
--- |
Destroyed by English destroyer Garry off Scotch coast |
23-11-14 |
160, 161 |
U-8 |
Submarine |
246-295 |
Sunk by British destroyers |
4-3-15 |
--- |
U-51 |
Submarine |
--- |
Sunk, Black Sea |
17-7-15 |
--- |
U-12 |
Submarine |
246-295 |
Rammed and sunk by British destroyer Ariel |
10-3-15 |
157 |
U-29 |
Submarine |
--- |
Announced sunk by British. Loss admitted by German Admiralty |
26-3-15 |
--- |
U-14 |
Submarine |
About 300 |
Sunk by British forces |
8-6-15 |
--- |
U-? |
Submarine |
--- |
Officially announced by French sunk in English Channel by French squadron |
4-7-15 |
159 |
U-27 |
Submarine |
840-890 |
Announced by German Admiralty as missing |
10-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Submarine |
--- |
Announced by English Admiralty as sunk by British aeroplane off Belgian coast. Denied by Germany |
20-8-15 |
163 |
U-35 |
Submarine |
--- |
--- |
----- |
--- |
--- |
Submarine |
--- |
Reported run ashore near Riga in Baltic and probably lost. Not confirmed by Germany. |
19-8-15 |
--- |
U-? |
Submarine |
--- |
Interned in Holland. Reported as being U-8, but this vessel had been officially reported as having been sunk by the British |
----- |
--- |
U-? |
Submarine |
--- |
Reported by British Admiralty as sunk by British seaplane off Belgian coast |
27-11-15 |
156 |
U-3 |
Submarine |
--- |
Rammed |
9-8-14 |
--- |
Prince Adalbert |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
6,030 |
Captured by British cruiser |
?-8-14 |
--- |
Sudmark |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
5,113 |
Captured by British cruiser |
15-8-14 |
153 |
Hedwick von Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
13,952 |
Sunk by British cruiser Highflyer |
27-8-14 |
--- |
Bethania |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
7,548 |
Captured by British Cruiser |
7-9-14 |
--- |
Spreewald |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
3,809 |
Captured by British Cruiser |
12-9-14 |
153 |
Cap Trafalgar |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
18,710 |
Sunk by British auxiliary cruiser Carmania |
14-9-14 |
--- |
Max Brock |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
4,579 |
Captured by British Cruiser |
?-9-14 |
159 |
Itolo |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
299 |
Sunk by French gunboat at Cameroon |
24-9-14 |
--- |
Rhios |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
150 |
Sunk by French gunboat at Cameroon |
24-9-14 |
--- |
Soden |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
150 |
Captured by English cruiser off Carmeroon River |
1-10-14 |
--- |
Gneisenau |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
8,185 |
Sunk by Belgians prior to evacuation of Antwerp |
8-10-14 |
--- |
Graecia |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
2,753 |
Captured by English cruiser |
10-10-14 |
--- |
Markomannia |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
4,505 |
Sunk by British cruiser in Indian Ocean |
16-10-14 |
--- |
Navarra |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
5,794 |
Sunk by British auxiliary cruiser in Atlantic |
11-11-14 |
--- |
Greif |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
--- |
----- |
----- |
--- |
Eleonore Woermann |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
4,624 |
Sunk by Australian cruiser Australia |
6-1-15 |
158 |
Macedonia |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
4,347 |
Captured |
30-4-15 |
--- |
--- |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
--- |
Reported as sunk in the Baltic |
?-8-15 |
162 |
Greif |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
1,165 |
Sunk in battle, North Sea |
20-2-16 |
154 |
Comet |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
977 |
Captured by Australian forces |
18-10-14 |
--- |
Karnac |
Auxiliary Transport |
4,437 |
Interned, Chile |
?-11-14 |
164 |
Hermann |
Auxiliary Cruiser |
3,000 |
Sunk by Russian destroyers |
13-6-16 |
153 |
Königin Luise |
Minelayer |
2,163 |
Sunk by English destroyer, North Sea |
5-8-14 |
--- |
Rufin |
Minelayer |
--- |
Sunk by Germans in Kiao-Chau Bay before surrendering Tsing-Tao to Allies |
7-11-15 |
--- |
--- |
Minelayer |
--- |
Reported by the French captured outside of Havre disguised as French collier |
----- |
158, 159 |
Albatross |
Minelayer |
2,165 |
Sunk by Russians in Baltic. Reported raised and interned in Sweden |
2-7-15 |
159 |
Meteor |
Minelayer |
3,613 |
Sunk by own crew after attempting to escape British forces, North Sea |
8-8-15 |
--- |
Bunz |
Patrol Boat |
--- |
Lost in Baltic |
17-12-15 |
157 |
Prinz Eitel Kingani |
Armed Merchant Vessel |
--- |
Captured by the British on Lake Tanganyka |
----- |
--- |
Locksun |
Net Tender |
1,020 |
Interned, Honolulu |
8-11-14 |
158 |
Ophelia |
--- |
1,153 |
Captured by English cruiser, North Sea. English claim vessel an auxiliary cruiser while Germany claims her a hospital ship |
17-10-15 |
--- |
Several Armed Trawlers |
--- |
--- |
Sunk by Russian destroyers |
13-6-16 |
In the addition to the above, there seems to be no doubt that a great number of German submarines have been destroyed around the British Isles and possibly also in the Mediterranean and near the Dardanelles. The exact number of German submarines sunk during this war is not known, although the press state this number to be at least 50 and possibly as many as 70.
Austrian Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
153 |
Aenta |
Cruiser |
2,264 |
Sunk by French fleet off Antivari |
16-8-14 |
155, 162 |
Kaiserin Elizabeth |
Cruiser |
3,937 |
Sunk by her own crew at Tsing-Tao |
7-11-14 |
161 |
--- (Novara type) |
Cruiser |
3,384 |
Torpedoed |
13-1-16 |
--- |
--- |
Gunboat |
--- |
Sunk, Adriatic |
24-5-15 |
--- |
Temes |
River Monitor |
433 |
Struck by a min and sank off Shabatz |
23-10-14 |
161 |
Triglav |
Destroyer |
787 |
Sunk by gunfire in Adriatic |
29-12-15 |
161 |
Lika |
Destroyer |
787 |
Sunk by mine in Adriatic |
29-12-15 |
153 |
No. 19 |
Torpedo Boat |
78 |
Struck by a mine and sank at entrance to Pola |
18-8-14 |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Sunk by mine in Adriatic |
----- |
--- |
--- |
Torpedo Boat |
--- |
Sunk by mine in Adriatic |
----- |
--- |
--- |
Submarine |
--- |
Sunk by an Italian destroyer |
17-5-15 |
--- |
U-18 |
Submarine |
685-860 |
Reported by France sunk by French aeroplane, Adriatic |
1-7-15 |
159 |
U-12 |
Submarine |
--- |
Torpedoed and sunk by an Italian submarine, upper Adriatic |
12-8-15 |
159 |
U-3 |
Submarine |
233-295 |
Sunk by French destroyer Bisson |
13-8-15 |
--- |
--- |
Submarine |
--- |
Gunfire, French fleet |
----- |
--- |
U-11 |
Submarine |
860 |
Sunk by aeroplane |
1-7-15 |
--- |
--- |
Transport |
5,000 |
Sunk by Italian warships, Dmazzo roads; loaded with munitions |
----- |
--- |
--- |
Transport |
3,000 |
Sunk by Italian warships, Dmazzo roads; loaded with munitions |
----- |
162 |
Elektra |
Hospital Ship |
--- |
Torpedoed, Adriatic |
18-3-16 |
--- |
Beethoven |
Training Ship |
--- |
Struck a mine and foundered |
17-12-14 |
Turkish Warship Losses
Whole Number |
Name |
Type |
Tonnage |
Remarks |
Date |
155 |
Messudyeh |
Battleship |
10,000 |
Sunk by British submarine B-11, Dardanelles |
14-12-14 |
--- |
Kheyr-Ed-Din |
Battleship |
9,900 |
Torpedoed by British, Sea of Marmora |
9-8-15 |
158 |
Mejidieh |
Cruiser |
3,330 |
Sunk by Russian mine, Gulf of Odessa |
3-4-14 |
161 |
Burak Reis |
Gunboat |
502 |
Scuttled to avoid capture |
31-10-14 |
158 |
Pelenk-I-Derih |
Gunboat |
886 |
Sunk in Sea of Marmora, British submarine |
24-5-15 |
--- |
Marmaris |
Gunboat |
492 |
Sunk by British in Tigris |
1-6-15 |
158, 159 |
Berk-i-Satvet (type) |
Gunboat |
725 |
By mine near Dardanelles |
29-4-15 |
161 |
Issa Reis (type) |
Gunboat |
500 |
Scuttled |
1-11-14 |
--- |
Doruk Reis |
Gunboat |
502 |
Officially reported by Petrograd as sunk in Black Sea |
10-12-15 |
--- |
Malatia |
Gunboat |
210 |
Officially reported by Petrograd as sunk in Black Sea |
10-12-15 |
--- |
Yadikar Nilet |
Destroyer |
610 |
Sunk by British submarine |
?-5-15 |
159 |
Barbarossa |
--- |
--- |
----- |
----- |
159, 161 |
Yar Hissar |
Destroyer |
284 |
Sunk by British submarine, Sea of Marmora |
3-12-15 |
--- |
Demir Hissar |
Torpedo Boat |
97 |
Stranded and interned at Chios |
17-4-15 |
157 |
Dhair Hissar |
Torpedo Boat |
97 |
Driven ashore, Greece |
17-4-15 |
--- |
Nagara |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk by British submarine, Sea of Marmora |
?-5-15 |
158 |
---- (three) |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk by Russian warships; contained troops |
----- |
160 |
Carmen |
Transport |
4,424 |
Submarine, Marmora |
24-10-15 |
161 |
Rechid Pasha |
Transport |
8,000 |
Submarine, Marmora |
?-12-15 |
--- |
Bezemialen |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk, Black Sea |
14-11-14 |
--- |
Bachriachmar |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk, Black Sea |
14-11-14 |
--- |
Midiat Pasha |
Transport |
--- |
Sunk by submarine |
6-9-15 |
In addition to the above, other Turkish men-of-war may have been destroyed around the Dardanelles and in the Black Sea. Reports from England, Russia and Turkey in regard to these operations are so conflicting that it is impossible to accurately state what Turkish vessels have been destroyed, especially transports and supply ships.
[i] See Professional Note, German Warship Design. – J.W.G.
[i] See correction of June 15, page 1349
[ii] See correction of June 15, page 1349
[i] Should be 3.45 – J.W.G.
[ii] Northeast? – J.W.G.