1. Looking back at the inception and history of the Hague Tribunal, it must be conceded, I think, that the institution has "made good." Its sessions have been attended by some of the most able representatives that the countries of the world could summon; and at least several of the agreements reached at the conferences have commanded wide respect and have made for lasting peace. Quoting James Brown Scott's "Texts of the Peace Conferences": "Since the meeting of the First Hague Conference, four great and important cases have been submitted to the Hague Tribunal, have been adjudicated, and the judgments cheerfully and promptly accepted by the litigating nations."
2. But such progress as has been achieved to date has come in spite of an obvious defect of plan. To be sure, there are many peace-loving and well-intentioned enthusiasts who contend that the Tribunal as now constituted and supported is practically sufficient in all respects for considering and solving all questions that are likely to disturb the world's peace. But, on the other hand, those persons whose contention is that no permanent or great good can be accomplished by a court that has not a backing of adequate military force are doubtless in a great majority. Quoting Scott again: "It may be maintained that international law is law in the strict sense of the word, or it may be contended that it lacks an essential dement of law, because there is no international sheriff."
3. Considering the situation of our own Supreme Court, our citizens are at all times more or less conscious of the fact that the decisions of that august body are entitled to and in case of necessity would receive the backing of the entire military force of the country administered by the President and supported by the Congress.
4. The criticism that the Hague Tribunal has no military support need not always exist. The object of this brief paper is to suggest that the leading nations of the world unite for the formation and maintenance of an international navy.
Organization and Material
5. Let us assume that in the beginning a special conference of representatives of twelve of the leading nations has brought into existence a treaty binding each of the high contracting powers to contribute to the international fleet a force consisting of twelve first-class battleships, twelve torpedo-boat destroyers, and three scouts, all fully manned. Here we have to start with:
144 battleships
144 destroyers
36 scouts.
6. Each contribution of twelve battleships should involve the detail of three flag officers, preferably with the rank of rear-admiral.
7. It is not the object of the present writer to offer a perfected scheme of command; but it seems necessary to suggest a plan for determining the three or four ranking officers of the fleet.
8. It is proposed that there be designated by election, each flag; officer having one vote, one high admiral, one admiral, and one vice-admiral. Thus would the supreme command be provided for under whatever contingencies would be likely to arise.
Rendez-Vous and Drills
9. The treaty authorizing the fleet should make due provision for securing such neutralized harbors and islands as would be necessary for the overhaul of the materiel, and for exercise of ships and personnel near shore. If several suitably situated islands in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, having good and commodious harbors, and good grounds for infantry drill purposes, could be secured, the fighting efficiency of the great force could be maintained at all seasons.
Maintenance
10. It would undoubtedly be necessary for the several contracting nations to withdraw a vessel or vessels from time to time, replacing those withdrawn by others in good repair. It could reasonably be expected that each of the nations would take pride in furnishing as its fleet representatives the best vessels of the authorized types that it could produce.
11. It is suggested that the furnishing of its quota of vessels t the international fleet should not in the least degree debar a nation from carrying out any building or maneuvering program that it might choose to indulge in. But, should the project of an international fleet realize the hopes of the present writer, the maintenance of a large individual naval force in addition to the international quota would within a few years be manifest folly.
12. Contributions of money for the support of the fleet should of course be provided for in the treaty.
Secession
13. It is suggested that the treaty should provide that none of the contributing nations should withdraw its vessels or its personnel without giving at least six months' notice of its intention so to do; and that it should be the sworn duty of the commander-in-chief to prevent, by force if necessary, any withdrawal of vessels or personnel except in accordance with the provisions of the treaty.
Use of the Fleet
14. Assuming that the formation and organization of the fleet ire realized, how shall it be directed and used? I cannot conceive of any better source of authority than the President of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. At once there comes to mind the enormous responsibility and power that by this plan must be invested in one man. Will the nations ever reach an agreement is to this question? Will they make the Hague Tribunal the Court of Courts? Will they make the president of the Court virtually President of the World? Perhaps a prolonged campaign of education will furnish the answer.