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Early Voyages of American Naval Vessels to the Orient

By Charles Oscar Paullin
December 1910
Proceedings
Vol. 36/4/136
Article
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IX.

THE CRUISE OF COMMODORE READ: 1838-1840.

The cruise of Commodore George C. Read was the ninth in the list of cruises in the Orient made by our naval vessels in the years 1800-1840. As it is the last whose events will be treated in a strictly chronological order, it may be well to enumerate these several cruises by way of recapitulation:

(1) Essex, Captain Edward Preble, 180o.

(2) Peacock, Captain Lewis Warrington, 1815.

(3) Congress, Captain J. D. Henley, 1819-1821.

(4) Vincennes, Master-Commandant W. B. Finch, 1826-1830.

(5) Potomac, Commodore John Downes, 1831-1832.

(6) Peacock and Boxer, Captain David Geisinger, 1832-1834.

(7) Peacock and Enterprise, Commodore E. P. Kennedy, 1834-1837.

(8) Vincennes, Commander J. H. Aulick, 1835-1836.

(9) Columbia and John Adams, Commodore George C. Read, 1838-1840.

The Columbia was the second 44-gun frigate to visit the Orient, the first being the Potomac. Both vessels, it so happened, were built at the Washington Navy Yard. The Columbia was of seven teen hundred and twenty-six tons burden, carried four hundred and eighty officers and seamen, and cost to build four hundred thousand dollars. Her consort, the John Adams, was a second-class sloop of seven hundred tons burden, with a complement of one hundred and ninety officers and seamen.

Commodore Read was of Irish birth. He entered the navy in 1804, and, passing somewhat rapidly through the various grades of the line, became a captain in 1825. In the War of 1812 he served as a junior officer on board the Constitution and United States, and as the commander of the Chippewa. He participated in the famous fights between the Constitution and Guerriere and the United States and Macedonian. In the former, under orders from Captain Hull, he took possession of the Guerriere on her surrender. After his cruise to the Orient in 1838-1840 he served as commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean and the African squadrons. A few weeks before he died, in 1862, he was promoted to be rear-admiral on the reserved list.

The commander of the John Adams, Commander Thomas W. Wyman, entered the navy as midshipman in 1810, and died as captain in 1854. The executive officer of the Columbia was Lieutenant George A. Magruder, who later became a warm sympathizer with the secessionist movement, and who, in April, 1861, was dismissed from the navy, having previously served as chief of the bureau of ordnance and hydrography of the navy department. Four lieutenants of the Columbia, John W. Turk, Thomas Turner, James S. Palmer, and A. M. Pennock and two midshipmen of the John Adams, Donald M. Fairfax and Robert H. Wyman (a son of Commander Wyman), later became rear-admirals. The executive officer of the last-named ship was Lieutenant Andrew H. Foote, one of the most distinguished naval officers of the Civil War, and for a time commander-in-chief of the Mississippi squadron.

Commodore Read's sailing orders, which were dated April 13, 1838, and were signed by Secretary of the Navy Mahlon Dickerson, directed him to visit various African and Asiatic ports for the protection of our commerce. The two vessels sailed together from Hampton Roads on May 6. Separating at Rio Janeiro, they did not join each other until they reached Bombay. The Columbia had intended to call at the Cape of Good Hope, but owing to heavy weather near the Cape she passed on into the Indian Ocean and did not anchor until she reached Muscat, on October 16. Here the Prince of Muscat, the third son of the Sultan, did the honors, as his father was not at the capital. He and the commodore visited each other and exchanged friendly expressions of mutual regard. He sent the commodore liberal supplies of goats, kids and fruits; and the commodore returned the favor, in part at least, by sending the Prince "some lines of poetry" in compliment of the Sultan's generous conduct toward the officers and crew of the Peacock and in praise of that ruler's admirable character. The poetry was the handiwork of the Reverend Fitch W. Taylor, chaplain of the squadron. From Muscat the Columbia sailed for Bombay.

Meantime the John Adams had visited Zanzibar, where Wyman and his officers found the Sultan of Muscat, who received them at his palace. "The usual congratulations were offered," wrote one of the officers, "the Sultan expressing himself highly delighted at seeing so many of his good friends, the Americans. He inquired in polite and handsome terms after the health of the President of the United States, and was shocked to learn the Political death of his old friend and correspondent, General Jackson; for he could not comprehend how an individual when once at the head of affairs could ever be anywhere else and remain in the land of the living. Of those officers of the Peacock whom he had seen three years before, his inquiries were anxious and friendly. He wished to know if we bore any letters from the President to himself, and, when answered in the negative, seemed quite surprised. After many interrogatories into the present state of the Ottoman Porte, the nature of the existing difficulties on the Persian frontier, and various other subjects—many of which. by-the-by, being queries belonging to that numerous class of questions more easily asked than answered—in all which his highness displayed much intelligence and political acumen, and during which he was most courteous and bland; conversation was interrupted by the entrance of some Abyssinian eunuchs bringing coffee." This was succeeded by sherbet, both articles of poor quality. The Americans now took their leave "much pleased with the dignity of grace and benignity displayed by his highness."  From Zanzibar the John Adams proceeded to Bombay, where she was joined by her consort.

The British government in India extended many courtesies to the visiting squadron. Commodore Read wrote to the Secretary of the Navy:

It affords me great pleasure to be able to say that I received very polite attentions from the public authorities at Bombay. The Governor gave myself and the officers of the two ships a dinner. Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, the commander-in-chief of the military forces, also was pleased to do the same. The Governor invited me to spend some days with him in the country, and many of the English residents called upon me. Indeed, had I stayed longer than I did, I am assured there would have been no lack of attention or want of hospitality. On the day previous to my leaving Bombay, I received His Excellency the Governor, and Sir John Keane, accompanied by their suites, on board the Columbia to dinner. The day passed very agreeably. The guests seemed much to enjoy themselves. Many kind and friendly speeches were made by the Governor and Lieutenant-General referring to the United States, and always concluding with the expression of the hope that the two governments might remain at peace and forever continue to be friends.

Sir John Keane, who became Baron Keane of Ghuznee and of Cappoquin, was one of the principal British officers at the Battle of New Orleans, in which he was twice wounded. After his two superior officers, Generals Pakenham and Gibbs, were killed, the command devolved upon him, to whom fell the melancholy duty of leading the defeated army off the field. At the dinner at Bombay given by Read to the British functionaries, one of our naval officers in answer to an allusion by Sir John to the field of his defeat, remarked to him that "he had regained in India all that he had lost in America," to which compliment Sir John gracefully and wittily replied: "Oh, no! not quite. Tell General Jackson that I have never yet regained my former assurance of British superiority over her brothers in America, which she lost at Orleans; nor can I ever lose this Kentucky memento (striking emphatically a wound in the leg, by which he was still maimed), this parting impression which the old general made on me."

From Bombay the Columbia and John Adams sailed for Goa, being the first American warships to visit that ancient seat of the Portuguese dominions in the Orient, and thence they proceeded to Colombo, Ceylon. Here another round of hospitalities were extended to the officers of the squadron. One evening they dined with the governor of Ceylon, the Right Honorable James Alexander Stewart-Mackenzie. His wife was Maria Elizabeth Frederica Stewart-Mackenzie, formerly Lady Hood, having first married Sir Samuel Hood, vice-admiral of the white. Her second husband adopted her maiden name, Stewart-Mackenzie. In 1815 she succeeded to the family estates in Scotland and became the chieftainess of the clan Mackenzie. Sir Walter Scott refers to her as having "the spirit of a chieftainess in every drop of her blood," and "as an enthusiastic highlander in all manner of northern tradition." A glimpse of the governor and his lady as they appeared at the dinner given in honor of the Americans is presented by one of the officers of the Columbia:

We reached the Governor's house, a spacious mansion, at half-past seven o'clock. Commodore Read and his officers were severally presented to Mrs. Mackenzie, the Governor's lady, who entered the room with her hat on, as her head-dress, which we humbly conceive to have been in great bad taste, while her ladyship was prodigal with her smiles, and with great frankness and goodness of heart, placed her guests at their ease. The Governor's self, in lace and silver epaulets, soon presented himself, that others might be presented to him. He entered the reception room after a number of the guests had arrived, with ease, but less with the air of a polished courtier than the plainer gentleman of education and great good sense, who had seen the world and knew its different phases and its fashions.

While in the midst of "all this cheerfulness and friendly. intercourse," the commodore received information that an atrocious murder and robbery had been committed on board the American ship Eclipse, on the west coast of Sumatra, and he at once sailed for the scene of the outrage for the purpose of punishing the desperadoes. It appeared that the Eclipse, Captain Charles P. Wilkins, had put into Trabangan, twelve miles from Muckie, to purchase pepper; that a party of Malays had been permitted to come on board her; and that they had unexpectedly attacked the crew, killing the captain and an apprentice and wounding the second mate and several seamen. After taking possession of four cases of opium and eighteen casks of Spanish dollars, they left the ship in company with the cook, who had disclosed the hiding place of the plunder. The measures taken by Read to punish this piracy are best described in his own words:

While standing in towards Quallah Battoo, a native of Soo-soo came on board, who appeared to be well acquainted with all the circumstances relating to the case. He informed me that the plan for robbing the Eclipse was devised and matured by some of the principal inhabitants of Mukkee; that it was sanctioned by the Rajahs, and carried into execution by several persons belonging to that place, who were still residing there. He informed me that several persons engaged in the perpetration of the murders and the robbery had afterwards come to Soo-soo, and were still residing there; and that one of the pirates was at Quallah-Battoo.

Having come to anchor three miles from the latter place, I deemed it my duty immediately to make the demand for the pirate and property said to have been conveyed to that place with him. Lieutenant Palmer, accordingly, was sent to the Rajah to make the demand and to say to him that the government of the United States desired to be on friendly terms with the Rajahs of Sumatra, that we had come as friends, hut that it would depend upon himself whether we should, or should not, leave him with the same sentiments. The Rajah professed himself willing to comply with my wishes, but stated his apprehension that the man could not be taken for the purpose of delivering him to me; the pirate had many friends, and the people generally feared him, but he would endeavor that night to have him taken while asleep.

Commander T. W. Wyman was sent the following day, and the same excuses were repeated. The hour of sunset of the 24th was named as the limit of the time which would be allowed for the apprehension of the pirate, and the bringing of him on board the Columbia. The Rajah was told that unless this were done in the time specified, I should be under the necessity of considering him an enemy, and of proceeding to treat him as such; assuring him that it was impossible for him to convince me that he could not secure and give up a pirate found within the limits of his command.

The hour of sunset passed, and nothing further had been done by the Rajah in compliance with the demand. And I now conceived that all the Rajah had promised had been done for the purpose of gaining time. If I had now left him without inflicting some chastisement, I feared he might hereafter question our power, or have an indifferent opinion of its existence. I therefore caused the ships to be dropped as near to the shore as they could swing with safety; and, having sprung their broadsides to the forts, commenced a fire upon them. The fire of the ships was returned with but three shot. Two of the forts hung out white flags, and, after a few shot well directed at the Rajah's fort, I directed the firing to cease.

As I did not conceive the object for which I contended sufficient to justify the landing of a party of men to destroy the place, after they had had so much time to prepare themselves for defence, I directed the ships to be got under weigh and to proceed to Mukkee. We arrived at the common anchoring ground off that place on the evening of the 30th, and the demand for the offenders who, it was said, were residing there, was immediately made. Excuses similar to those we had before heard were now given for not having confined the persons claimed. I desired to obtain possession of the Rajahs, and invited them on board, but could not prevail on them to come. Having sent another message to the Rajahs on the succeeding day, and being satisfied that they did not mean to comply with my demands for the persons concerned in the piracy, I directed all preparations to be made for hauling in the ships.

On the morning of the first of January, we commenced towing and warping in; and by half-past 10 a. m. got into an excellent position for sweeping with our fire the peninsula on which the town stood, the two ships now not being more than a cable's length from the edge of the town. No sooner had we commenced this operation, than it was observed that the inhabitants were engaged in carrying off their property from the town. It was impossible to prevent this as early as I could have wished; but a few guns were soon brought to bear, and we saw no more persons employed in this business. A slow fire from a few guns on the main and spar deck was kept up merely for the purpose of preventing any preparations for defence, and for the protection of our men in landing. By half-past 12 p. m. three hundred and twenty seamen and marines were landed and formed on the beach, under the command of Commander T. W. Wyman. The divisions from the Columbia were commanded by Lieutenants Magruder, Turk, Turner and Pennock. The marines of the squadron were led by Lieutenant [D. DI Baker. The two divisions from the John Adams were headed by Lieutenants [E. R.] Thompson and [George] Minor.

The firing from the ships ceased, and the expedition moved towards the town with order and regularity. Much anxiety was felt at the moment as to the result. The conduct of the Rajahs the evening before being such, it was believed that a steady and determined resistance would be made, but to my great surprise the party entered the place without opposition. The town was soon after in flames. All the dwellings of the Rajahs and their five forts were destroyed. The guns of the forts, 22 in number, found loaded and primed and matches lighted, were spiked and thrown into the ditch. A magazine of rice and a store-house filled with pepper were destroyed. Some valuable boats of large dimensions, on the stocks, and several of less value were consumed in the flames. In short there was nothing left above ground; and by half-past 2 o'clock p. m. the officers and men had returned to their respective ships, without the occurrence of a single accident.

In the performance and execution of this service, Commander T. W. Wyman exhibited a promptness and energy which could not be surpassed; and, had an enemy appeared to oppose the march of the party, his gallantry would have been conspicuous. To Lieutenant Magruder, executive officer of the Columbia, I feel much indebted for the good order and expedition with which the men from the Columbia were landed and led by him, and for the previous training they had received, the advantages of which were now apparent. Lieutenants Turk, Turner and Pennock merit my warm acknowledgments, as leaders of their separate divisions; and the conduct of Lieutenant Baker, who led the marines, deserves my unqualified approbation. Much was expected from the marines on this occasion, and much no doubt would have been done, had further proof of their skill and discipline been required. Acting Master [Edmund] Jenkins, Midshipmen [D. R.] Crawford. [C. St. G.] Noland, [S. C.] Barney, [C. R.] Smith, [Charles] Sinkler, [W. M.] Green, [J. L.] Toomer, [C. M.] Fauntleroy, [James] McCormick, and [Edward] Donaldson, Mr. [J. Henshaw] Belcher, professor of mathematics, Mr. [John] Martin, gunner, and Mr. [Benjamin] Crow, sailmaker, were all embarked in this enterprise, and are spoken of in terms of praise by Commander Wyman, to whose report sent herewith, I must refer you for further particulars of this affair, and for the names of those officers who landed with him from the John Adams. He speaks in high terms of them all, and gives me every reason to believe that they merit my approbation and thanks.

The ships arrived at this anchorage [Soo-soo] on the 4th instant [January, 18391 since which time we have been busy taking in water. It was my intention on coming to this place to inflict a moderate castigation upon the inhabitants for having permitted several of the pirates to reside among them, and for not giving them up when the demand was made. But the civil and quiet manner in which they conducted themselves towards our watering party on shore, and their apparently sincere profession of inability, from want of power, to comply with my wishes, restrained me from taking such a step. Indeed, when I landed and saw the miserable places called forts by them, upon which a few four- and six-pounders were mounted, without carriages, and the guns themselves in a state of uselessness and decay, which would render it mere wantonness to attempt putting them in a worse condition, I concluded that it would be better policy to take the credit of exercising clemency towards them, and accordingly took advantage of the circumstance to make all the Rajahs of the place, with the exception of one who was absent and sick, to sign a paper which binds them to offer assistance and protection to American vessels.

Early after my return to his neighborhood, the Rajah of Quallah Battoo sent me a message by a priest of Soo-soo, to say that if I would not molest him again he would pay to the owners of the Eclipse, two thousand dollars (being the amount said to have been conveyed by the pirate to Quallah Battoo), at the same time declaring that he had not received a cent of the money taken from that vessel. He affirmed further that he was too poor to pay this sum at once, but that he would give his note, payable in twelve months, to any person duly authorized to receive it. As I found it impossible to obtain possession of either pirates or money, I accepted his proposition and took his note for the amount specified, the payment of which may or may not be doubtful. I gave him in return, a paper stating all the circumstances, under which the agreement was made, which he considers a treaty of peace, and I am told, values it very highly.

The promissory note and treaty of peace of the Rajah of Quallah Battoo is a curious document:

This is the epistle of Po Chat Abdullah, raja of Kwala Batu, to Commander Reej, engaging to pay two thousand dollars.—As to the bad man, he has not been caught; he has fled. Now this agreement is to pay the said money, within twelve months, to Commander Reej, or to any other ship which shall present this writing, or another equivalent to it, whether a ship of war or a trading ship; only let not another ship make war upon the Country of Kwala Batu. Herby is peace made with Commander Reej, and hereby does Po Chat Abdullah, raja of Kwala Batu, become his friend as long as he lives. The writing is finished. By the counsel of all the elders of Kwala Batu on the side of Achin. Our words are ended, wishing you peace and tranquility. This writing from Po Chat Abdullah of Kwala Batu is given Commodore Reej on Saturday, the 17th day of the festival month, in the year 1254. Signed as witness by Po Adam, Taku Kadang.

The Rajahs of the neighboring settlements were greatly alarmed by the destruction of Muckie and hastened to make their peace with the commodore, who supplied them with "treaties." From Sumatra the squadron went to Singapore, where a supply of provisions was obtained. As many seamen were suffering from varioloid and the bloody flux, an intended visit to Siam was abandoned, and the squadron sailed for China. During the voyage up the coast the John Adams parted company with her consort and called at Manila. The Columbia anchored at Macao on April 28, 1839. Her arrival was most opportune, for the Americans at Canton were besieged by the Chinese. Seldom indeed has one of our warships received a more hearty welcome at a foreign port. To make clear the situation at Canton, the events there of the past few months must be recounted.

For many years foreign merchants, chiefly British, though a few American, had been engaged in the highly profitable opium trade between India and China, notwithstanding the importation of that article was interdicted by the Chinese government. Many Chinese officials however, connived at the illicit traffic and shared in its profits. It was greatly increased by its being thrown open to all British merchants on the discontinuance in 1834 of the monopoly long enjoyed by the British East India Company. The opium imported into China in 1838 was valued at seventeen million dollars. It was in that year that the Emperor began to take active measures for the suppression of smuggling. He appointed Lin, one of his ablest and most energetic viceroys, high imperial commissioner, and gave him full power to stop the importation, sale and use of the proscribed drug. Lin arrived at Canton on March 9, 1839, and at once demanded that all the opium held by foreigners should be immediately surrendered to him to be burned, and that the foreigners should enter into "bond" assenting to the confiscation of all ships on which opium should be found, together with their cargoes, and to the punishment with death of the companies of all such ships. On March 22 the foreign trade with Canton was stopped, and shortly afterwards the foreigners were deprived of their Chinese servants. A guard was placed around the factories, all the streets (with one exception) were walled in, a double tier of armed boats was stationed in the river, and communication with Whampoa was cut off. Some five or ten thousand Chinese collected in the immediate vicinity of the factories.

The timely arrival of Commodore Read not only reassured the frightened prisoners at Canton, among whom were our consul, Mr. P. W. Snow, and several American merchants, but it also allayed the apprehension of the foreigners and native Portuguese at Macao, which place was threatened with capture or destruction. Advised by Snow, Read decided to remain at Macao, ready at any time to protect his countrymen there or at Canton, should violence be offered them. The officers of the fleet much preferred to rescue by force the prisoners at Canton, which, Read declared, "would have been more of an amusement than a trouble to us," to waiting idly in port at Macao. The feelings of the Americans is thus described by Chaplain Fitch W. Taylor:

It would be a fete gratifying, I doubt not, to all the officers of our ship, from the highest to the lowest, to force the Bogue, and to demand without delay the Americans now held within their premises at Canton. But the apprehension is, that, as their numbers are comparatively so small, and a mob of a numerous populace are ever so ready to do the bidding of the reckless and the abandoned, our approach might be attended with danger from the rabble at Canton. The authorities themselves have said, all that they have to do for the destruction of those now within their power is, to allow the mob to do their own wishes. And there may be truth in all this, as there is a general impression among the lower classes of the Chinese at Canton that the foreign factories are filled with the precious metals, and that the plunder were well worth the sacrifice of the heads of the few "foreign devils" that have the custody of it.

It was fear of a massacre of the imprisoned foreigners that led Captain Charles Elliot, the British superintendent of trade, to yield to the demands of Commissioner Lin and deliver up to him the obnoxious drug—in all, twenty-two thousand two hundred and ninety-one chests, worth about twelve million dollars. This act of Elliot postponed for a few months the conflict between Great Britain and China. On the delivery of the opium, the guard around the factories was removed, the foreigners were liberated, and trade with Canton was reopened. The British merchants, however, under Elliot's direction, left the city and did not resume their trade. The American merchants, on the other hand, remained at Canton, obtained a verbal modification of the "bond," and by July were actively engaged in commerce.

Commodore Read now felt free to depart on his homeward voyage, and resisting the importunities of Consul Snow and the American merchants to prolong his stay, he prepared his squadron to return to the United States. He was much embarrassed by the awkward situation in which he was placed by the refusal of the Chinese to recognize the authority of foreign naval officers. On one occasion when some Chinese fired most wantonly upon some Manila-men sailing under the American flag and seriously injured them, he urged Consul Snow to demand that the perpetrators of the outrage be delivered up for trial, but the consul refused to act, on the ground that it would be impolitic. Glad to be rid of his embarrassments, Read, on August 6, sailed for the Sandwich Islands. The first night out he encountered a violent typhoon which blew the sails of the Columbia to ribbons and drove her rapidly toward the shore to the great alarm of all on board. Happily the wind shifted in season and a disaster was averted. From Honolulu Read sailed for Valparaiso by way of the Society Islands. His voyage came to an end with the arrival in Boston of both ships in June, 1840.

THE OPENING OF CHINA: 1842-1850.

For more than half a century after the notable voyage of the Empress of China, no American vessels, unless perchance an opium smuggler or a whaler, were to be seen along the Chinese coast between Canton and Korea—some two thousand miles in extent. None of our warships had ventured to pass the Bogue and visit Whampoa and Canton. Several of them—to be exact, nine—had entered the bay of Canton and anchored at Lintin or Macao. But they were regarded as intruders, and received no official recognition from the Chinese government. The time had now arrived when the status of foreign ships of war in China was to be altered, and a serious breach was to be made in the commercial wall which that country had erected on its maritime frontier for the exclusion of foreigners and the isolation of its own citizens.

The events of the spring of 1839 culminating in the destruction of the opium at Canton by Commissioner Lin have already been described. This act of the commissioner was regarded by Great Britain as a just cause for war, and accordingly she sent a squadron to China early in 1840 to redress her wrongs. On reaching its destination, the Canton River was blockaded and one of the ports north of Canton was attacked. As these hostile operations jeopardized our commercial interests, the government at Washington decided to send a squadron to China for their protection. Two vessels were prepared for that service—the historic frigate Constellation, famous for her early victories under Truxtun, and the ship Boston; and Commodore Lawrence Kearney, a seasoned officer of the old school, was chosen to command them. During the War of 1812 Kearney was employed in protecting the coast of the Southern states, and after that war he was sent to the West Indies and to the Mediterranean to aid in suppressing piracy. In 1861 he was retired as captain, and in 1867 he was promoted to be commodore, dying about a year later, the second oldest officer of the navy.

Kearney's sailing orders were dated November 2, 1840, and were drafted by Secretary of the Navy James K. Paulding. He was directed to protect American interests and citizens on the coast of China, especially during the war between that country and Great Britain. He was to observe the laws of neutrality, and to pay due respect to the peculiar customs of the Chinese. His attention was called to the fact that the foreign and domestic policy of China differed from that of other nations, and he was instructed to avail himself of every opportunity to impress upon the Chinese people and their officials that the one great object of his cruise was "to prevent and punish the smuggling of opium into China either by Americans or by other nations under cover of the American flag."

When Kearney arrived at Macao, on March 22, 1842, almost two years after the beginning of the Opium War, the British fleet was operating chiefly at Shanghai and on the Yangste-kiang, more than a thousand miles north of Canton. The British had captured Amoy, Ning-po, Tinghai and Chinhai; and had obtained possession of Hong Kong, at the mouth of Canton Bay, where they had established a naval rendezvous. They had taken the forts at the Bogue, pushed up the Canton River, and forced Canton to purchase an immunity from attack by the payment of six million dollars. Kearney arrived too late to see much of the war. The blockade at Canton had been raised, the foreign commerce resumed, and the smuggling of opium again permitted.

A few Americans had long found the trade in this proscribed article highly profitable. Indeed the foreign merchants at Canton did not generally consider this traffic disreputable, and many of them at one time or another were connected with it. When Commodore Downes visited Lintin in the Potomac in 1832, one of the officers of that frigate reported that a very fine American ship called the Lin tin was stationed there "to receive and dispose of opium, of which article most of the contraband trade consists." Our consuls, being generally merchants with commercial interests of their own to subserve, were prone to overlook irregularities committed by their countrymen. Kearney was the first American official to make a vigorous attempt to suppress the traffic. A few days after his arrival he issued the following order addressed to the United States consular officer at Canton:

The Hong Kong Gazette of the 24th instant [March, 1842] contains a shipping report, in which is the name of an American vessel engaged in carrying opium; therefore I beg you will cause to be made known with equal publicity, and also to the Chinese authorities by the translation of the same, that the government of the United States does not sanction the smuggling of opium on this coast, under the American flag, in violation of the laws of China. Difficulties arising therefrom in respect to the seizure of any vessel by the Chinese, the claimants certainly will not, under my instructions, find support or any interposition on my part, after the publication of this notice.

This edict of Kearney appeared to the British merchants, who remembered the part played by the Americans in the smuggling trade, especially during the opium difficulties of 1839, as a mere affectation of high professions, and as an attempt to curry favor with the Chinese. The fact that the British were fighting for the interests of our commerce as well as their own, made it all the more difficult for them ,to take a generous view of the edict. Before he left China, Kearney proved to his critics that his government was acting in good faith. In May, 1843, he seized the American schooner Anal, a notorious opium smuggler, and tried to capture the Mazeppa and several other illicit trafficers. Writing to the Secretary of the Navy at this time, he said:

The American flag is now the only cover for this illicit trade. Sir Henry Pottinger [the British plenipotentiary in China] having issued a proclamation against it; and the English craft having been turned away from the river, has placed the Americans in a peculiarly advantageous position as freighters under the flag of the United States. The British officers have informed me here that their subjects defy them by pointing to the American flag over that contraband article.

Soon after his arrival at Macao in March, 1842, Kearney received several letters from American citizens demanding redress for certain outrages committed on them by the Chinese during the operations of the British near Canton in May and November, 1841. It appeared that one of our merchants, Mr. J. Coolidge, had been seized at his factory and imprisoned at Canton, and that another merchant, Mr. Morse, fearing like treatment, had made his escape to Whampoa, with rather disastrous consequences. He left the factories with two boats loaded with his property. The boat on which he embarked reached Whampoa without being molested. The second boat was attacked by Chinese soldiers, and one man, named Sherry, was killed, and the rest of the crew wounded. The survivors were captured and imprisoned in Canton. Later another boat's crew was seized and put in prison. After a brief confinement, however, all the Americans were released.

On receiving information of these outrages, Kearney decided to go to Whampoa and demand redress. On April 11, he left Macao, sailed past the Bogue, and two days later anchored at Whampoa Reach. Never before had an American ship of war, and very rarely had the national vessels of other nations, thus violated the time-honored sanctity of the inner waters of China. Strange to say Kearney's presence in the river gave no offense to the officials at Canton. On the other hand, they permitted him to disregard the roundabout method of communication hitherto strictly insisted upon, and to send his messages directly to Viceroy Ke, minor guardian of the heir apparent, president of the board of war, member of the censorate, and governor of the provinces Kwangtung and Kwangse.

On April 27 Kearney sent Lieutenant J. G. Reynolds, of the marine corps, to Canton with a letter for Ke, dealing with the outrages committed by the Chinese in 1841. Reynolds delivered this letter to the representative of the viceroy, the Kwangchauhie, the chief military officer of the department, ranking as colonel. Two days later a Chinese officer of the rank of captain delivered to Kearney on board the Constellation, the reply of his master. The viceroy was in a remarkably conciliatory mood. He submitted the grievance of the Americans to Kearney for his decision and ordered the Hong merchants to pay the damages fixed by that officer, declaring that the firing upon and seizure of the American boats was the result of a misapprehension. While these differences were being thus amicably adjusted, a boat of the Constellation, engaged in making soundings was fired upon by one of the Chinese forts. On learning of this additional ground for complaint, Ke explained the action of the fort satisfactorily to Kearney and degraded the officer responsible for it.

In placating the Americans, the viceroy did not hesitate to employ flattery and to overlook unpleasant truths. He referred to Kearney as an officer who "manages affairs with clear understanding, profound wisdom and great justice"; and he said that American vessels "hitherto engaged in the commerce of Canton have always been confined to the legitimate and honorable trade, and never concerned with the carrying of opium." He gave Kearney a present of bullocks and sheep, receiving in return an atlas and several other articles of Occidental manufacture. When Kearney visited Canton and was on the point of returning to his ship, the viceroy sent one of his officers to pay a parting call and present his compliments. Never before had an American official received such polite attention from the Chinese government. This unusual conduct doubtless resulted from the determination of the government to keep on good terms with all the neutral nations of the Occident. Some weight, too, must be given to the wholesome fear of Western powers aroused by the operations of the British fleet.

While the Constellation. and Boston. lay at Whampoa, several high officials of the Chinese Navy visited them, and were cordially welcomed by their officers. An account of this visit was written by the Reverend E. C. Bridgman, Kearney's interpreter, and one of the first American missionaries to China.

About noon May 9, the day fixed upon for the admiral's visit, two messengers arrived to announce his approach. But it was past 2 o'clock before his barge was in sight. As he neared the ships, they were in readiness to do the honors due to his rank and station; and the manning the yards and firing of the salute, in most admirable style, were to him a sight equally novel and animating. He was received by the commodore on the quarter-deck, and conducted to the cabin. The admiral, a native of Fukien, was appointed to this station shortly after the battle of the Bogue, where his predecessor fell in the storming of one of the forts. Kwan bore a good reputation among his own countrymen; but in his appearance and whole bearing as a warrior, Wu is decidedly his superior. He is now 44 years of age, tall, well formed, has a high aquiline nose, a keen eye, and moved across the deck with an easy, but firm and manly step. He had hardly been seated in the cabin, before he begged that the men might be put at their ease—he supposing that they were then, as when he came on board, standing upon the yards. At his own request he was shown round the ship, and was afforded an opportunity of seeing the men at their quarters. The marines particularly attracted his attention; and for several minutes, while going through their evolutions, he stood like a statue fixed in perfect amazement. While the men were still at their guns, and without the admiral's knowledge, orders were given to repel boarders on the starboard quarter, where he chanced to be standing. Instantly, almost a hundred or more men, with swords and pikes and fixed bayonets, rushed up from the gun-deck, and took their proper stations. For the moment the admiral found it impossible entirely to conceal his feelings, though the lines of his face were screwed up to the highest pitch he could command. He had been forewarned of treachery by some of the wise men at the provincial city. But his fears were banished, by the men the next moment moving to the other quarter. Still more ludicrous scenes occurred at Canton. The admiral had scarcely left the city for the ship, before the senior Hong merchants were called on to give security for his safe return. And the report of thirteen guns—instead of the Chinese number three—for the salute, was such positive proof of treachery that nothing but the admiral's safe return in person could allay the alarm of the provincial authorities.

It was nearly sunset when the admiral left the ships, evidently much pleased and well satisfied with his reception, and the attentions shown him on board the foreign man-of-war. On Monday the 18th, two other officers, one the second in command to the admiral, visited the commodore. These men were from northern provinces, and though they had been a year or more at Canton, had never before teen on board a foreign vessel. They said they had supposed, from all reports, that the foreign men-of-war were strong, but till then they never believed them so strong as they now found them to be. They seemed astonished when told, that many of the English ships were far superior to the Constellation.

The age of the Constellation drew from the Chinese officials many exclamations of surprise, and they made "wonderful reports" of the two ships to Yih Shan, a high official at Canton. It happened that at this time Kin Ying Lin, a member of the Imperial cabinet at Peking, laid before the Emperor of China sundry drawings of warships and a recommendation for an increase of the navy. The Emperor sent, the drawings to Yih Shan, who later reported, in the form of a lengthy memorial, that only vessels like those of the foreigners were at all proper for fighting, and that in the future China warships ought to be constructed after the models of the Constellation, and Boston. The Emperor ordered that thereafter national ships should be of the kinds recommended. Yih Shan further reported that one vessel had already been built after a foreign model, and that two similar vessels were on the stocks.

On the completion of his mission up the Canton River, Commodore Kearney about the middle of June dropped down to Macao. A month later he went to Hong Kong and exchanged civilities with the British commander there, Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, between whom and the commodore a good understanding existed. It was at Hong Kong that Kearney in September received news that peace had been restored, and that a treaty had been signed on August 29. The Treaty of Nanking, as this epoch-making compact was called, provided for the session of Hong Kong to the British, the payment by the Chinese of twenty-one million dollars, the opening to British merchants of Canton, Amoy, Fu-chau, Ning-po and Shanghai, the residing at these ports of British consuls, the establishment of just and regular tariffs, and the conducting of official correspondence on terms of equality.

Kearney was quick to recognize the great importance of this treaty to the United States, and, on learning its terms, he dispatched Vice-Consul Delano to Washington with a copy of it, sent duplicates overland by mail, and ordered the Boston, to proceed to the west coast of Mexico with triplicates. He, however, did not propose to await the action of the home government. Delaying his return voyage, he set about obtaining for our merchants the same commercial privileges granted by the Treaty of Nanking to the British. "The good understanding which happily exists between the local authorities of Canton and the Americans and with myself," he wrote to the Secretary of the Navy," would seem to recommend this time a propitious moment for the United States to enter upon some understanding in regard to commercial privileges with the Chinese. The liberty therefore of undertaking such a measure will, I hope, find excuse even should I fail of success."

These words were written at Macao on October 7, from which place on the following day he thus addressed Viceroy Ke:

The address of Commodore Kearney, commander-in-chief of a squadron of United States ships, respectfully represents that he learns with deep interest the high Imperial commissioners deputed to arrange commercial affairs with the British are expected in a short time to arrive at Canton, and that a commercial treaty is to be negotiated to operate in favor of "British merchants" exclusively.

The undersigned is desirous that the attention of the Imperial government might be called with respect to the commercial interests of the United States, and he hopes the importance of their trade will receive consideration, and their citizens, in that matter, be placed upon the same footing as the merchants of the nation most favored.

The undersigned does not press this matter at present, but, trusting to the good and friendly understanding which exists, he submits the case, and has the honor to be, your excellency's most obedient servant.

From Macao Kearney went to Canton, where soon after his arrival he received the following favorable reply from the viceroy:

Ke, guardian of the young prince, member of the Board of War, member of the Imperial cabinet, and Governor of the two Kwang Provinces, states, in reply to the subject of the 10th of the 9th month, that I have received your polite communication relating to the English commerce. I, the governor, have ever hitherto treated the merchants of every nation with the same kindness. Moreover, the Americans who have come to Canton have had free commerce, month after month, and year after year. These merchants have been better satisfied with their trade than any other nation; and that they have been respectfully observant of the laws, is what the August Emperor has clearly recognized, and I, the governor, also well know. How, then should I not rather, on the cessation of difficulties with the English, wish to show favor to them? Now, I have ordered the Hong merchants, with the said English nation's merchants, to devise beforehand, and to wait the arrival in Canton of the Imperial commissioners, great ministers of state. When I shall have received the newly devised regulations concerning the free trade of the English, then I, the governor, together with the lieutenant-governor and Tartar General, will immediately deliberate upon the proper adjustment of the regulations, and will make a representation to the Emperor that he may hear and direct what shall be done.

Decidedly it shall not be permitted that the American merchants shall come to have merely a dry stick (that is, their interests shall be attended to). I, the governor, will not be otherwise disposed than to look up to the heart of the great Emperor in his compassionate regard towards men from afar, that Chinese and foreigners with faith and justice may be mutually united, and forever enjoy reciprocal tranquility, and that it be granted to each of the resident merchants to obtain profit, and to the people to enjoy life and peace, and universally to participate the blessings of great prosperity, striving to have the same mind.

This is my reply.

As these assurances of the viceroy were quite satisfactory, Kearney made preparations to return home, but finally decided to delay his departure, hoping that an occasion might arise for establishing a good understanding with the officials at Peking. Moreover, the English and Chinese were preparing to open negotiations respecting the new commercial system, and Kearney was of the opinion that the presence of his ship would be beneficial to America, especially should it become necessary "to make demands in favor of equal rights and commercial privileges." Pending the arrival at Canton of the British and Chinese commissioners, he visited Manila, returning to Macao on January 1843. During his absence a Chinese mob attacked the foreign factories at Canton, and destroyed considerable property belonging to the American house of Augustine Heard and Company. To facilitate the settlement of the claims of this company against the Chinese government, Kearney again sailed up the Canton River; and, leaving his ship at Whampoa, went to Canton, and entered into correspondence with Ke, who gave his word that the sum claimed by the Americans should be paid. The most significant part of this correspondence, however, does not refer to these claims, but to the commercial privileges of American merchants. On this subject Governor Ke wrote as follows in a letter dated March 17:

On a former occasion, the governor received your honor, the commodore's communication, requesting him, in his behalf, to "solicit the favor of the august Emperor to allow the merchants of his honorable nation to trade upon the same terms as those granted to the merchants of other nations," etc. As in duty bound, the governor having already addressed the Emperor clearly upon the subject, waited the coming of the high commissioners at Canton, where they were in concert to attend to the foreign relations; but the Tartar General, Eleepie, having arrived at this city, but a short time elapsed, when, most unfortunately, on account of disease, he "went out of office" (i. e., deceased)—so that whatever may be just and equal in the trade of each nation, remains unsettled. It is, therefore, necessary to wait the arrival of his successor; and when some plan is adopted, then a personal interview may be held with your honor, the commodore, and, face to face, the relations between the two countries may be arranged, and the same be reported to the Emperor.

In reply Kearney availed himself of the opportunity presented to say that what the Emperor "grants to the traders from other countries, his own sovereign will demand for his. merchants." He assured the viceroy that he would not protect Americans seized by the Imperial cruisers in the act of smuggling opium. Respecting the proposal that the Imperial commissioner and himself should fix the commercial relations between their two countries, he said that the viceroy labored under a misapprehension, for he had not been empowered by his government to make a treaty. "If, however," he added, "his Imperial majesty will declare his will on this point, my country will no doubt rejoin to it in the same spirit of amity, and straight return an answer, and send a high officer to China, who, in connection with the Imperial commissioner, will deliberate and settle a permanent treaty of lasting peace and friendship. But to commence this good thing, to open this road of mutual benefit, belongs to his Imperial majesty of China."

Kearney's suggestion respecting the negotiation of a treaty was not approved by Ke, who said that such a compact would be contrary to Chinese custom, and would be "an unnecessary and circuitous act." He further said that the tariff of duties fixed for the English would "pass into force in a uniform manner for every country." He was not informed, however, whether the Occidental countries other than England would be permitted to trade with Fu-chau, Ning-po and Shanghai.

Before leaving China, Kearney went to Amoy, the first port north of Canton to be visited by an American warship, and thence sailed for Honolulu on his homeward voyage. He had performed the tasks committed to him with great tact, skill and firmness, and had served his country most efficiently under trying circumstances. "That little squadron," wrote the Secretary of the Navy of Kearney's command, "had done all that could have been expected of it, and it deserves much credit for its great vigilance and activity and for the prudence and sound discretion with which Commodore Kearney has acquitted himself of the important trusts reposed in him." Three months after Kearney left Amoy the Imperial commissioner issued a proclamation giving to other nations the same commercial privileges granted to Great Britain by the Treaty of Nanking. The monopoly of the Hong merchants now came to an end, many antiquated restrictions on commerce ceased, and a new tariff rate amounting on the average to five per cent went into effect. For the first time China fully opened her ports and her people to intercourse with the Occident and introduced herself to the family of nations.

While China thus gave freely to all the Western powers the privileges Great Britain had forced from her, several of them (Belgium, Holland, United States, Spain, Portugal and France), not knowing of her liberality or unwilling to trust it, hastened to dispatch envoys to treat with her. On learning of the Treaty of Nanking in December, 1842, President Tyler sent a special message to Congress recommending the appointment of a commissioner to China, empowered to negotiate commercial arrangements. Congress did not authorize the appointment until March 3, 1843, and on the same day Edward Everett, then minister to England, was chosen commissioner. On his declining the office, President Tyler selected Caleb Cushing, an eminent lawyer, and a member of Congress from Massachusetts.

A little squadron, under the command of Commodore Foxhall A. Parker, was placed at the service of Cushing, consisting of the frigate Brandywine, famous for her having afforded a passage to Lafayette on his return to France in 1825, the second-class sloop St. Louis, Commander H. H. Cocke, and the 10-gun brig Perry. Commander S. F. Dupont. Commodore Parker had served in 1814 as a lieutenant on board the sloop Adams during her successful cruise after British merchantmen. In 1848-1849 he was sent to Germany on a confidential mission relating to the employment of American naval officers in the German Navy, then being organized. He was retired as captain in 1855, and died two years later.

The Brandywine and St. Louis were the first ships of the squadron to sail, leaving Hampton Roads on May 23, 1843. Parker gave passage to Elisha K. Kane (afterwards a navy surgeon and noted for his North Polar explorations) and four other young men, attaches of Cushing's mission, whose only duty was to add dignity and importance to it. The Brandywine, having parted company with her consort, arrived at Bombay on October 24, where she was joined by Fletcher Webster, the son of the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Mission, and by Cushing, who, after visiting London and Paris to ascertain the plans and purposes of those governments in their intercourse with China, had taken passage for India by way of Gibraltar. Webster had come out from Boston in the Antelope, which ship, together with another Boston vessel, the Zephyr, proceeded to take on cargoes of opium for the China trade. Parker was unable to discover any authority vested in him to stop their illicit trafficking.

On February 24, 1844, the Brandywine arrived at Macao, at which place Cushing went ashore and established the headquarters of his mission. He at once entered into correspondence with Ching, acting governor of the two Kwang provinces, residing at Canton, informing him of the powers with which he was vested. He expected to go to Peking, deliver a letter of President Tyler to the Emperor, and there negotiate the treaty. To this plan, however, the Chinese authorities firmly, though courteously, objected, and Cushing was finally induced to accept the procedure proposed by .the Emperor, namely, that the treaty should be negotiated at or near Canton, and that the Chinese government should be represented by a high commissioner acting under the Imperial seal.

While Cushing was occupied with these preliminaries, Parker visited Manila, Hong Kong and Whampoa. At Hong Kong the United States had lately established a naval depot and a consulate; the former Parker moved to Macao, which port he regarded as the more convenient location. On arriving at Whampoa, he wrote to Governor Ching offering to exchange a salute of twentyone guns, to receive the officers of the Chinese government on board the Brandywine, and to pay a visit of courtesy to the governor at his palace. As the war had been concluded and the fears of the Chinese somewhat allayed, Ching was much less inclined than his predecessor Ke to permit an infraction of Chinese customs. He requested Parker to withdraw immediately out of the Bogue and return to Macao. He politely declined to accept the proffered civilities, ascribing as a reason for his declination the dissimilarity between the rules of etiquette of the Central Kingdom and those of foreign nations. He attributed the breaches of Chinese custom made by the "honorable commodore" to the fact that he had never before visited the Central Flowery land, and therefore could not be expected to know its laws. Unable to satisfy the governor, Parker returned to Hong Kong.

On June 16 Kiying, the high commissioner appointed by the Emperor to negotiate with Cushing, accompanied by three distinguished officials, arrived at Casa Branca, a Chinese village adjoining Macao, and on the following day installed himself at Wanghia, just outside the walls of Macao, in a temple dedicated to the Lady of Mercy. After a few days had been spent by the commissioners in exchanging visits of courtesy, Cushing being assisted in these formalities by Parker and several of the officers of the squadron, negotiations were opened on the 21st, when the Americans submitted the draft of a treaty. Twelve days later the negotiations were concluded by the signing and sealing of the Treaty of Wanghia, by Cushing and Kiying, in the presence of Parker and the attaches of the mission. The contents of this rather lengthy document need not here be detailed. It is sufficient to note that it provided for the opening to Americans for purposes of residence and commerce of the five treaty ports, for the admission to these ports of ships of war, and for the protection of shipwrecked sailors and of vessels seeking refuge from storms.

While Parker was at Macao in the service of Cushing, he received a letter from the American consul at Canton asking for protection from a Chinese mob that had surrounded the American factory there. It appeared that the commotion had its origin in a trespass on the factory grounds committed by the Chinese. When ordered off, they refused to go. Force was used by the Americans, and in a skirmish that ensued, one of the intruders was killed. Parker at once directed a detachment of his men to proceed to Canton, but before it departed he learned that Lieutenant E. G. Tilton, the commander of the St. Louis, had anticipated his wishes. On arriving at Whampoa, Tilton embarked sixty seamen and marines of the St. Louis on board boats and conveyed them to Canton. He found a Chinese mob in possession of the grounds in front of the American factory. It, however, was easily dispersed, order was soon restored, and he shortly returned to Whampoa with his men.

On August 29, (1844) Cushing sailed for the United States on board the Perry. About the same time the St. Louis proceeded on a cruise to the North China ports and visited Chusan, still in possession of the British, and Ning-po, where she attracted much attention as the natives had never before seen an American ship of war. She returned home by way of Australia, Van Dieman's Land and New Zealand, being one of the first American warships to visit those islands. Before the Brandywine left Macao on December 2, for Honolulu, Parker received a communication from Kiying containing the information that the ministers of the Chinese Privy Council had sanctioned and the Emperor had approved the treaty. On the eve of his departure the Americans at Canton presented him with a superb and massive service of plate in token of their appreciation of his work in behalf of the commercial interests of the United States.

On the approval of the Treaty of Wanghia by the President and Senate, Alexander H. Everett, a distinguished American scholar and diplomat, who had been appointed to succeed Cushing as American commissioner to China, received orders to exchange ratifications with the Chinese government. A new squadron, consisting of the ship of the line Columbus, Captain T. W. Wyman, and sloop of war Vincennes, Captain Hiram Paulding, both under the command of Commodore James Biddle, a distinguished veteran of the War of 1812, was placed at the service of Everett, who, accompanied with his family, embarked on board the flagship at New York early in June, 1845. Suffering from ill health. Everett on reaching Rio Janeiro decided to abandon his mission and return home, and to transfer to Commodore Biddle his instructions from the state department and his special power to exchange ratifications with the Chinese government. The commodore arrived at Macao within a few days of the expiration of the period fixed for the execution of this formality. He, therefore, went at once to Canton, leaving his ship at Chuenpe, near the Bogue, and on December 31 the interesting event took place at Pwantang Puntong, a country seat near Canton. The Chinese were represented by Kiying, the three high officials who assisted him in negotiating the treaty, the prefect of Canton, and a large retinue of inferior officers, and the Americans by Biddle, the principal officers of the Columbus, Reverends Peter Parker (interpreter) and E. C. Bridgman, Consul P. S. Forbes, and several gentlemen of Canton. After the parties had passed the contlimerits usual on such occasions, the two ratified treaties were brought forward and were carefully compared. Being found to agree, they were exchanged in due form, Biddle presenting the document ratified by the President and Senate to Kiying, who in turn delivered to Biddle the document ratified by the Emperor; everyone standing during the ceremony. Four copies of a certificate of exchange, previously prepared in both the Chinese and English languages, were then signed and sealed by the commissioners, each of whom retained two copies. After the conclusion of the ceremonies an elaborate Chinese dinner was served in excellent style. Kiying was described by one of the Americans as an exceedingly able and accomplished man, dignified and easy in manner, comparing favorably with "the highest statesmen that can be found in any of the Western courts or cabinets."

As the first treaties with China did not open Peking to foreigners, Canton became the Chinese capital for purposes of diplomatic intercourse between the empire and Occidental countries. The Emperor sent a high commissioner to reside there, and the representatives of the foreign governments lived there or at the neighboring seaports. Biddle established the American legation at the foreign settlement outside the walls of Canton, over which he presided until April 15, 1846, when he transferred his powers as commissioner to Dr. Peter Parker. During his stay in China he visited Amoy, Chusan, Shanghai and Ning-po, dining at the two latter places with the principal mandarins. He reported that the American trade was considerable at Shanghai, but there was little or none at Ning-po. On July 7 he sailed for Japan, and before the end of the year both ships of his squadron returned home.

Owing to the Mexican War none of our national vessels again visited the Far East until the latter half of 1848, when the ship Plymouth and sloop Preble arrived in China, being followed early in 1849 by the brig Dolphin. This new squadron was commanded by Commodore David Geisinger, another veteran of the War of 1812. He remained in China about a year. When in March, 1849, an outbreak of the populace of Canton was threatening because of the approach of the date fixed for the opening of the city to foreigners, he took measures for the defense of the factories. The opening was postponed and the commotion abated. When in August the Portuguese governor at Macao was murdered under circumstances of unusual atrocity, he landed a small force at that place to protect the Americans and their property. The usual cruises to the Northern ports of China were made, and our commerce at Shanghai was reported to be prosperous and rapidly increasing.

In February, 1850, Geisinger, having been succeeded by Commodore P. F. Voorhees, returned home in the sloop of war St. Mary's, which had brought out the new commander-in-chief. After a brief and uneventful tour of duty, Voorhees sailed from China for the United States in August, leaving only one ship on the station, the sloop of war Marion, Commander W. M. Glendy. Voorhees's successor, Commodore J. H. Aulick, did not arrive in China until February, 1852.

On the opening of the five treaty ports, our trade with China and the number of Americans residing in that country gradually increased. About 1840 the number of our merchantmen annually visiting Canton was sixty. In 1849 one hundred and three vessels entered the ports of Canton, Shanghai and Amoy. One-fourth of our trade was with Shanghai. The number of arrivals of American ships in China was one-third that of the British, and with the exception of Great Britain greatly exceeded that of any other foreign nation. Immediately after the Opium War there began to appear in Chinese waters long, trim vessels, whose narrowness of beam, sharp lines, tall masts, large spars and heavy weight of canvas appalled the old salts of the trade. These were the China clipper ships, that greatly reduced the time of voyage between the Occident and the Orient, vying with each other to be the first to deliver the early teas in London and New York. So superior were the first American clippers to their British rivals that they almost monopolized the carrying trade between China and London.

Soon after the Treaty of Wanghia went into effect, American consulates were established at Amoy, Fu-chau, and Shanghai. The first American consul at Hong Kong was appointed in 1843. The first American missionaries in China were the Reverends E. C. Bridgman and David Abeel who arrived at Canton in 1830. When the ports to the northward of Canton were opened to foreigners on the termination of the Opium War, American missions were established there, and the number of missionaries in the treaty ports rapidly increased. The total number of Americans in China, however, was not great. In 1850 it amounted to about two hundred, some thirteen per cent of the Occidental population.

(TO BE CONTINUED.)

Digital Proceedings content made possible by a gift from CAPT Roger Ekman, USN (Ret.)

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