[Introductory Note—Mr. James Fenimore Cooper, of Albany, N. Y., has kindly allowed the Institute to print the following letter, not hitherto Published, which was written to his grandfather, the author, James Fenimore Cooper, by Janette Taylor, a niece of John Paul Jones. The gallant sailor was a past master with the pen as well as the sword, and his niece, judging from this sample of her correspondence, inherited many of his characteristics Much interesting in formation about John Paul Jones has been unearthed during recent years, and, this letter throws new light upon certain matters about which there has been dispute. It is of particular value as corroborating the story that John Paul assumed the name Jones out of respect for Willie Jones of North Carolina, and as fixing his place of burial in the old Protestant cemetery where General Horace Porter successfully sought for his remains. While Janette Taylor, with reference to things within her own knowledge, may be relied upon, allowance must be made for her evidently strong prejudices, as, for example, when she accepts it as a fact without question that Mr. Morris sold her uncle's sword to Richard Dale. The truth about this latter matter, curiously enough, is disclosed by Mr. Charles Henry Hart in this same number of the PROCEEDINGS.]
96 MORTON STREET, NEW YORK, 28th Octr. 1843.
SIR,
I have recently perused your sketch of the Life of Commodore John Paul Jones, my uncle, published in Graham's Magazine, and find it substantially though not precisely correct—its errors are of minor importance, it is true, but still they are errors—and as I am informed the sketch will be introduced in another work, I think it right to correct them, to the end that you may avail yourself of the same, if you think fit.
You say, "and sailed for Whitehaven". . ." in the John of that port. "He did not sail for Whitehaven, but for Kirk and- bright, a small seaport in Scotland, about 30 miles from the place Where Paul Jones was born, which previous to the American Revolution, enjoyed considerable trade and where the owners of the John, Curry, Beck and Co. then resided. Here on a beautiful peninsula, at the mouth of the Dee, stands St. Mary's Isle, the seat of Lord Selkirk.
"It is probable he left the service of the house which had given him his first command inconsequence of a prosecution that was instituted against him for causing the death of the carpenter of his brig, a man named Mungo Maxwell".
Now no prosecution on account of Maxwell was ever instituted against him, anywhere. Mungo Maxwell was connected with a family of that name then considerable landed proprietors in Galloway, who threatened a prosecution, and John Paul, for 6 months, held himself in readiness to answer any charge that might be brought against him, but none was ever instituted, and the the affidavit of Capt. James Estment, sworn at the Mansion House London, on the 30th Jany. 1773, before James Townsend Lord Mayor, and that of the Judge of the Court of Vice Admiralty of Tobago, set the affair of Maxwell completely at rest. The original affidavits are both in my hands. He left the employ of the house which had given him his first command because that house had no longer any employment for him; as is manifest by the following certificate, which has been published, and of which the original is in my possession.— "These do certify to whom it may concern, that the bearer, Captain John Paul, was two voyages master of a vessel called the John, in our employ in the West India trade, during which time he proved himself every way qualified both as a navigator and super cargo; but a sour present firm is dissolved, the vessel was sold, and of course he is out of our employ, all accounts between him and the owners being amicably adjusted.
"Certified at Kirk and bright this first of April, 1771.
"CURRIE, BECK & Co."
James Simpson, the Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vice Admiralty of the Island of Tobago, says in his Affidavit 30th June 1772 that he particularly examined the shoulders of Mungo Maxwell "which had there on the markes of several stripes, but none that were either mortal or dangerous" he does not even say the punishment had been severe, but that he had dismissed the complaint as frivolous.—Although both affidavits are inserted in Sands's compilation it is obvious he had never read them, otherwise he would hardly have committed the egregious blunder of making a man after he was dead prosecute another for murdering him—any one would have pitied Mr. Sands had they beheld him when I showed him this blunder, which is but one among many--the page had been stereotyped, and Mr. Converse who cared not if the book contained as many errors as words, so he only made money by it, would not be at the expense of a new plate.
When John Paul had been discharged from the employ of Currie, Beck and Company, on the 1st April, 1771, he remained in Scotland until towards the end of that year, awaiting the threatened prosecution.—Although circumstances conspired to prevent his ever returning to his native land, he did not abandon. it or leave it with a view of never returning—he proceeded to London to take command of the ship Betsey of that port in the West India trade.—With this ship he made two or three voyages and left her in the West Indies in the end of the year 1773, when he proceeded to Virginia for the purpose of arranging the affairs of his brother who had died childless and intestate, and no heir, at the time, being in America the Commonwealth had administered on his estate.—Paul Jones ultimately recovered two thousand pounds or about ten thousand dollars from the wreck of his brother's fortune, a paltry sum, it is true, but this, with his funds in Tobago which afterwards had been also recovered, he was moderate enough to consider an independence,—to the first he refers in his letter to Lady Selkirk, when he says "nor am I in pursuit of riches. My fortune is liberal enough having no wife nor family" &c and in his letter to the King of France, in which he disclaims the character of an adventurer in search of fortune," of which, thank God, I have a sufficiency", and again in a letter to the Marine Board, at the time he was superseded in the command of the Alfred, "I stept forth as a free citizen of the world in defense of the violated rights of mankind and not in search of riches Whereof I thank God, I inherit a sufficiency".— These assertions, With his saying that the United States had ordered a copy of his Medal to be presented to every sovereign, and every Academy in Europe, Great Britain excepted, are Mr. Mackenzie's grounds for charging him with lying, his charge with regard to the medal, or, on the authority of Mr. Jefferson's letter, he has been Obliged to retract.—Nor has Mr. Sands, in the text given him credit for truth when speaking of his inheritance, I showed Mr. S—his mistake, but according to custom the page had been stereotyped, and could not be altered. Mr. Sands made a kind of bungling explanation in a note appended to another page.—From the letter of Paul Jones to Stuart Maury, Esq. of Tobago, which I annex, it appears, that, on his leaving that island, he had left behind him considerable property, for he had been engaged for a year or two, as a merchant as well as the commander of a vessel.— -
If he had not had private funds where was the money to come from that he advanced for the public service from the very first?— if he was "a needy adventurer" heat least had had it in his power to afford pecuniary aid to no small amount, to the still more needy country he served—he had been seven years an officer in the navy before he received a single cent of pay, that is, from the 7th December 1775 to the 9th December 1782, when he was paid, as the commander of a squadron, somewhat less than is now allowed a passed midshipman on duty—as for rations he never got any either for himself or his servants—at one time he was upwards of twenty thousand dollars in advance, exclusive of his pay, some part of which of several years standing—and he never received any interest for any of his advances.
The brother of Paul Jones, spoken of, had gone abroad at an early period of life, and settled first in the island of New Providence, and afterwards in Fredericksburg in Virginia, where he realized a considerable fortune, and was well known to many respectable gentlemen of Virginia, among others to Mr. Maury so long American Consul in Liverpool.—
The affair of Maxwell could have nothing whatever to do with Paul Jones's leaving the West Indies for America, because Estment's affidavit on the 30th January 1773 put that matter to rest, and he did not leave Tobago till the end of that year—neither is there any room to think it had any connexion with his adding the name of Jones to his family name, which he did not do until he entered the American Navy, two years afterwards.—There are strong grounds for believing that he adopted the name of Jones either in compliance with the wish of, or as a mark of his gratitude to, General William Jones of North Carolina, who had been one of his earliest friends, and that this circumstance is known in General Jones' family, but be this as it may, had concealment been his object he would doubtless have dropped the name by which he had been previously known, altogether.
"While at Philadelphia Jones received his commission as Captain, signed by John Hancock; it was dated August the 8th. This fact rests on his own assertion."
It did not rest on his own assertion, for I had the commission— it was torn but the names and date and all that was essential were entire, I gave it to a gentleman because it contained the autograph of John Hancock, and I know. not whether it is, or is not recoverable.
Much has been said of the vaunting of Paul Jones. One biographer says something on the subject, and another repeats it with a treble echo—it ought to be remembered, however, that his boasting was generally called forth by peculiar circumstances. A man has every right to bring forward his services, when those who should remember seem disposed to forget them. Besides what may be concentrated in a small memoir was in reality diffused over the correspondence of twenty years of active life. Any one who reads what Nelson, Rodney, Drake and other renowned men say of themselves, will find that in boasting Paul Jones does not stand alone. And these men only fought for their country for which they were honored and rewarded.
You put a low estimate on Noblemen's plate when you say "Some plate valued at about £100, was delivered"—perhaps this is a typographical error, the 'printer having omitted a cipher.—The redemption of it, however, cost Paul Jones upwards of a thousand pounds sterling, exclusive of his own share as captain and his paying the expenses of its conveyance to London, of which I have the bill. In his letter to the Countess of Selkirk, of Novr. the 8th, 1784, he tells her that being disappointed in an opportunity of sending the plate by sea from L'Orient to London "I applied to Government for leave to transport it through the kingdom by land, and the Duke of Dorset (British Ambassador) has been so obliging as to write to the Custom-house at Dover requesting them to let it pass to London without being opened. It is now arrived here (Paris) and will be forwarded immediately to your sister (Lady Morton) in London, under the lead that has been affixed to the case that contains it, by the Farmers General at L'Orient, and the seal of the Duke of Dorset that has been affixed to it here. The charges to London a repaid and I have directed it to be delivered at the house of your sister"— M. de Cullons in a letter of the 24th Sept. 1784, to Paul Jones says, "M. the Count de Vergennes has delivered to me the letter which you had written to him, to ask his permission to transport by land from L'Orient to Calais the plate of Lady Selkirk, which you had permitted to be taken by your people during the last war, and which you afterward purchased to return to her ladyship.
" That action, Sir, is worthy of the reputation which you acquired by your conduct, and proves that true valour perfectly agrees with humanity and generosity.
" It gives me pleasure to concur in the execution of this honorable proceeding.
"I have therefore, given orders to the Farmers General to permit the transportation of the plate from L'Orient to Calais, free of duty, and you may write to your correspondent at L'Orientto deliver it to the director of the Posts, who will take upon himself the care of having it transported to Calais, and to fulfil all the necessary formalities."—It is not probable so much, and even far more trouble would have been taken about articles only worth a hundred pounds.—The oaken chest in which the plate was carried away and returned is still to be seen at St. Mary's Isle.
"His name has been connected with that of a certain Delia, supposed to be Madame T—and also with that of a lady of the name of Lavendahl." Delia was not Madame T—at the time I published in Britain I did not myself, know who Delia was. She was a Countess in her own right, and connected by one side of the house with British nobility—Madame T— was the daughter of Louis the 15th and I have proof that she was acknowledged by Louis the 16th as such—The Countess of Lavendahl was an accomplished woman of fashion, her portrait of Paul Jones is a fine painting, and said to be a good likeness. It is in the hands of his relations, with the verses she wrote under it.
I have a multitude of letters from persons of fashion of both sexes, among others from the present King of France's mother, which I have not thought necessary to communicate to the public, and have not decided on whether I shall ever do so.—I should not have noticed those mentioned above had they not previously been mentioned by Sherburne in his abortion and in a Memoir published in London.
After saying that he sailed from New York on the 10th Novr. you proceed: Jones landed in England, at some risk, as he thought, of being massacred.—He went from Plymouth to London and thence to Paris, making the whole journey in five days; tolerable proof that he did not relish the country though dis- patches were the professed object of so much haste, had he been known, it is by no means probable that he would have escaped Without injury."—
Now there exists not the shadow of evidence, that I can discover of his having expressed or entertained either then or previously any dread of injury from the British people.—In the beginning of his account of the Campaign of the Liman he says"The United States of America having charged me with a mission of a political nature to the Court of Denmark, and having at the same time furnished me with a letter to deliver personally to his most christian Majesty Louis 16th, I embarked at New York on the 11th Novr. 1787, in an American vessel bound for Holland, the captain of which agreed to land me in France.
"After a voyage of a month I landed at Dover in England, not being able to get a shore in France. From Dover I went to London where I saw the minister of the United States(Mr. Adams). I passed some days with my friends there, and went to Covent Garden Theatre. I afterwards set out for Paris, where I arrived on the 20th December." The London prints of that day spoke of his appearance on the American Walk in the Royal Exchange,_ and I have myself met with a gentleman who told me he had seen him there.—Mr. Mackenzie states that he never visited England but on urgent business" and then he remained unknown in the vast solitude of the capital."—The Theatre and the Exchange were rather singular places to select for seclusion.—
About two years and a half subsequent to the period last spoken of, viz. in May 1790 he went to London to arrange some pecuniary matters with Dr. Bancroft; on the 27th Deer. 1790 he wrote from Paris to Madame Le Mair d'Attigny (I quote from the draft of the original letter rather than from the translation)
Ayant en une affaire d'interest a arranger en Angleterre, je me suis rendu d'Amsterdam a Londres, au commencement du mois de Mai pour la terminer. Je manquois d'etre assassine en debarquant."—The foregoing short sentence is the sole ground out of which so much has been tortured concerning his apprehension of personal injury from the British.—It is the first and the only time such a thing has been spoken of, or even hinted at, in the whole Course of his voluminous correspondence.—That Great Britain may have contained some solitary individual whose mistaken loyalty led him to believe he was doing his country good service by ridding the world of a rebel, is not improbable, but Paul Jones had no cause to apprehend, and there exists no evidence, that I know of, that he did apprehend any injury from the people at large.—
There seems to be a confusion of dates in what follows—You say "In 1789 Jones determined to go to Denmark"...."He had actually got as far as Brussels when he was unexpectedly called to America, where he arrived in Spring and left it for the last time the 11th Novr. 1787." That is to say here turned to America in 1789 and left it again in 1787.
No one can more sincerely regret than myself, that my uncle had not decidedly rejected, if not indignantly spurned Denmark's offered pension.—Mr. Mackenzie says "it is not easy to see how the pension could have been withheld."—It was withheld simply because it was never asked for by Paul Jones himself, and refused to his heirs on the ground that he had declined accepting of it.—Paul Jones lived sixteen months after Mr. Short and Mr. Morris had given it as their opinion that be might with propriety accept the advantage offered by Denmark, yet he never drew for the same, and in all probability never would.—Mr. Morris who drew up the schedule of his property a few minutes before his death, 4 made the arrearages of the pension an item therein, probably thinking the heirs might as well take them if they could get them.—I have refused to join in any application for the same.— In 1790 Jones was in Paris".... "He manifested more interest in his Scotish relations this season than he had lately done, and speaks of the education of his nephews and nieces".— This proceeds from your want of information.—It was my intention at first, to publish the whole of my uncle's letters to my mother, by which it would have appeared that his interest in his relations was uniform and ardent from first to last, but as they contained reference to matters of a domestic nature which it might have wounded the feelings of some connected with me to see in print, and not wishing to have the letters garbled, on reflection, I deemed it best to withdraw them altogether, after they had been put into the hands of the publisher. This I now regret but I could not then anticipate that I was thereby leaving open a door for bringing in a charge against my uncle.—Mr. Mackenzie has accused him of never expressing any wish to See his relations, which he seems to think sprung from his great reluctance to visit "the immediate country of his birth, and the home at once of his youth and of his early manhood, whose coasts he had selected as the favorite scenes of his ravages." The last sentence might have sounded well enough in the mouth of a Briton, but comes with an ill grace from the pen of an American.—nor can his native land be styled, with propriety, either the home of his youth or early manhood. He left his father's house at the age of twelve years, and his after visits were short and far between, in fact from that time till after the Revolutionary war he never resided, on land, for two consecutive years in any part of the world America excepted, his home was on the deep. But that he did contemplate and without "reluctance" a visit to the place of his birth there exists proof. In his letter from Paris of the 26th March 1787 to
Mrs. Taylor (my mother) he tells her "I have a great desire to see you, and will exert myself for that purpose after I have finished my public business "he ends the letter by saying "Make my affectionate compliments to Mrs. Lowden and do not write till you hear from or see me." The public business spoken of was the recovery of the prize-money in France. When that terminated he had to proceed to Denmark on a similar mission, and before that matter had been adjusted he entered the Russian service.—On his return from Russia to France he made preparations for his long projected visit which was defeated by ill health.— Three months before his death he wrote Mrs. Taylor "A succession of circumstances have prevented me from leaving Paris, and I have not had to boast of my health for a considerable time past, but my health is improving, and as what is retarded is not always lost, I anticipate the pleasure of seeing you in course of the summer. I have had some conversation here with one of the professors of the College of Glasgow (believed to be Professor Millar) and could easily induce him to direct the studies of your son at that University, should we deem it advantageous to send him there. Your daughter interests me much. My desire is that her education be continued without interruption. I shall explain myself more particularly on this head here after. Adieu my Dear Mrs. Taylor. Assure Mr. Taylor of my kind regards, and inform me of whatever may be interesting to yourself or your relations." From this time till his death his health became daily worse and worse.
In one of his early letters he thus expresses himself—"A friend in London has promised to send me a particular account of the advantage resulting from placing a boy at St. Paul's school Lon- don, and transferring him from thence to the University of Cambridge or Oxford.—I am glad your daughter understands music, which is a most advantagious accomplishment to a young woman who has a good ear and voice. I need not mention Italian music has now the opinion of all good judges in its favor.—Everything that regards the economy of a family should be comprehended in female education, and a woman should be able, and have tast sufficient to make up with her own hands almost everything she wears, particularly in articles of Millinery. Reading and writing correctly and Arithmetic are essential talents. The best reading is History, and to read this with advantage it is necessary to understand Geography and to read with the Map. Reading romances only serves to fill young heads with ridiculous visions, and has a direct tendency to corrupt the morals. Dancing is a necessary talent for youth and Drawing is a genteel and sometimes a useful accomplishment." It appears that the friend in London was Dr. Edward Bancroft, who informed P. Jones that he was obliged to withdraw his own son from St. Paul's school, on account of the corruption of his morals,—who replied that he had adopted another arrangement with regard to his nephew.—In another letter he sends my brother the Latin inscription on the blade of the gold hilted sword, presented to him 1)y the King of France, for an english translation, and adds "as an encouragement for him always to excell all other scholars of his class, I will begin by promising to send him a Gold Watch, by Mr. Kennedy, or the first good conveyance I can find, after you shall in- form me that he is worthy of wearing it."—In no position can the character of Paul Jones be placed where it will more advantageously be seen, than in his intercourse with his relations—with them he had no interests to pursue, and his attachment was pure and disinterested even from childhood.
"He was interred at Perela Chaise July 20th."
Pere la Chaise, if I mistake not, was not opened as a public cimetiere 'till 1812, at any rate, that and other public burial grounds, in Paris, were not open when Paul Jones died.—He was interred in the old Protestant burial ground, purchased by Lord Viscount Stormont (afterwards Earl of Mansfield) when British Ambassador at the Court of France—it was situated near the Barriere du Combat, and is now, I believe, totally covered with buildings.-
His relations realized about Forty thousand dollars of his estate, exclusive of his claim on Russia for arrearages of pay and all his prize money. His claim on Denmark, for the three ships delivered to the British, and the arrearages of the pension. His claim on the U. S. Government for arrearages of pay and interest on moneys advanced by him for the public service during the Revolutionary War.—His lands in the State of Vermont, which the person who had charge of, allowed to be sold for payment of Taxes-.
13,000 acres of land in a small Territory near the Laurel Mountains called the Indiana Company's purchase, which were taken up by the United States, & for which they refuse compensation.
His Bank stock received by Mr. Robt. Morris, in his solitary act of Executorship, for which my aunt's husband, Mr. Lowden, very foolishly accepted his Notes at one and two years' date, at a time Mr. M. was known to be on the eve of bankruptcy.—The Notes have never been redeemed.—
The property from which the sum spoken of was realized, was Loan Office Certificates, in the hands of Mr. Ross of Philadelphia, for Two thousand dollars, at par, with great arrearages of Interest, being for ten or twelve years.—Recovered by my brother.
Money in the hands of Mr. Ross, and effects left in his care, which were sold.—
Lands in the State of Ohio, for which five thousand dollars we repaid before the foot of civilized man was in the State—which were sold,—
One thousand eight hundred pounds Sterling—in the hands of Sir Robt. Herries, London.
Money in the possession of Paul Jones at the time of his death, and from the sale of his effects in Paris.—
Personal property in Holland, brought to Britain and sold.—
From the partial payment of his claim of 60,000 livres on the French Government, and debts due by private individuals,—
The whole of the claim had been allowed by the French Government, but the turbulence of the times and her own domestic affairs obliged my Mother, who inherited all the energy and spirit of her brother, to leave Paris with her sister's husband, after remaining there seven months during the bloodiest scenes of the Revolution.-
Between Forty thousand dollars, and forty thousand pounds sterling there exists some difference, though a man possessed of even forty thousand dollars cannot be called an absolute beggar —but my uncle was too generous a man to be rich, not with standing he must have known that poverty is in this country considered a sin worse than witchcraft.
Your speaking of Sands's Compilation induces me to give you some account of the circumstances under which it was produced. Immediately previous to my arrival in this country (1st January 1830) I had a Memoir of my uncle printed, but not published in Britain.—My publishers knowing that I could not, as an alien, hold a copyright in the United States, proposed retarding the British publication until a fortnight after my arrival in America, in order to afford me time for making some arrangement with a publisher here for a reprint, so that the publications might appear simultaneously in both countries. For this purpose I applied to Carry 8:.Co. Philadelphia, leaving the work in their hands for examination. By some awkward mistake the work was not returned me 'till the time I had been allowed had nearly expired. Mr. Carry's accompanying letter informed me that he would reprint the book, but that he could not afford me any compensation, giving in excuse a long account of the state of literature in the United States, which it would be of no use for me to repeat. On talking the matter over with Col. Stone he said, "We must have a copyright work for this country and not a reprint," and for that purpose proposed to me Mr. Sherman Converse, who he said was a very enterprizing man, as publisher, and Mr. Sands, a young gentleman in his office, he said, would undertake the editorship. shortly afterwards I was introduced to Mr. Converse, who offered me a thousand dollars for the use of my British work, the Mss from which it had been compiled and other Mss not published in it.—Mr. Sands was to be allowed 250 dollars for his trouble, which I understood, and which Mr. Sands told me he understood was to be paid by Mr. Converse, he has often told me that he would never allow his compensation to be taken off the paltry pittance allowed me, for Converse would make a fortune by the book.
My object being to rescue my Uncle's character from the odium unjustly thrown upon it and not pecuniary advantage for myself, I accepted Mr. Converse's offer, stipulating that the proof sheets should be sent me for examination and correction.—Our bargain was a verbal one, made in Mr. Converse's house, without any witness on my part, his wife or some of his family may have been in the room.—At this time I had been little more than a fortnight in America, knew nothing about either Mr. Converse or Mr. Sands, and was completely ignorant in regard to the law of copyright here, I then believed that it was necessary that the Author, Editor or Compiler of a work, as well as the proprietor should be an American citizen in order to secure a copyright, had I been as well informed then as I am now, I would not have thanked anyone for his services, much less paid for them.) I could have done what was necessary myself and have taken out the copyright in the name of my nephew, who was a citizen by birth.
Mr. Converse informed me that the work would be published by subscription, and that it was requisite it should appear to be for my benefit. I objected to this for two reasons, first, because it was not the truth and second because in England publication by subscription is considered a very mean proceeding, but Mr. Converse said my name was necessary to protect the work, for no respectable bookseller would publish the British work in opposition to my interest, where as they would have no such delicacy with regard to him.—I thought there might be something in this and allowed him to represent the thing his own way—but as subscriptions had been asked for in my name I wished to know to whom I was obliged and requested a sight of the subscription list Which I never could obtain; he even kept up a letter from a book- seller in Portsmouth, New Hampshire addressed to myself.—
10,000 copies had been subscribed for, before the book was printed —it seems Mr. Converse had contracted with some of his distant subscribers to supply them with 5,000 copies on a specified day, and on that day they must be forthcoming, whether well written or ill written it mattered not—his 2 dollars per copy were equally sure, and the public, as he told me, would never discern the errors in less I pointed them out.—a truly handsome compliment to the intelligence of his countrymen.
Mr. Sands was both a man of talents and an elegant scholar and could and I have no doubt would have made an excellent work had he been allowed time, but during the day he was employed in Colonel Stone's office,— it was only odd hours he could devote to biography, and Mr. Converse hurried him so much that he blundered on without examining the documents in his hands, and without that previous reading which was absolutely necessary for his information.—The first thirteen pages were so blundered they were expunged entirely, you may perceive the work commences at the fourteenth page. The proofs were not sent me. I seldom saw a page until it had been stereotyped, when correction was out of the question; stereotyping and compilation commenced simultaneously, —in consequence I became so much provoked that I threatened to appeal to the public, on which Mr. Sands tried to intimidate me by writing me that I was not aware of the force of ridicule in this country, I told him if I made myself ridiculous by endeavouring to prevent the public from being imposed upon, that, I would abide the consequences.—They then inserted in the preface that" Miss Taylor is only responsible for the authenticity of the correspondence quoted from or inserted, and in no wise for the casual observations of the compiler". but perceiving that I was still not satisfied Mr. Sands changed his battery and wrote me a very humble letter begging and beseeching me to relinquish my purpose of appealing to the public, and if I would do so, that, there was nothing in his power by which he could oblige Miss Taylor that he would not be willing to perform.—I am not to be coerced, but my feelings are very easily worked upon, I pledged him my word that I would remain silent, and told Converse that as I had consented to screen Mr. Sands I could not expose him, otherwise I would have had no mercy on him.—Although his avarice was principally to blame still Mr. Sands, for his own credit, ought to have insisted on being allowed sufficient time to discharge his duty faithfully. He was very much ashamed of his production, as well he might.—
I had considerable difficulty it obtaining the paltry sum promised me, indeed I did not obtain it, for Mr. Converse would not pay me unless I allowed the 250 dollars for Mr. Sands to be de- ducted, and Sands would not deliver up my MSS until he was paid,—Converse, in a note, says, if the work is successful he may refund me the 250 dollars but that he does not bind himself to do so, as much as to say I need never expect it.— I do not know what he calls success, he has already cleared many thousands by that book. But I could have forgiven his defrauding myself had he only done justice to the public, and not imposed on it, at a high price, a work containing more errors than pages.—
In the beginning he mentioned his intention of embellishing the work by an engraving taken from the Bust, I told him I should be perfectly pleased, provided an artist capable of doing it justice was employed.—I heard no more of a portrait till towards the end, when he wrote me that his subscribers were very urgent for a portrait and that he intended giving the one in Sherburne with some variations; I replied that variations to a piece of music were common enough, but variations to a picture were something new.—I could have given either a miniature, in my possession, or the medal, but was in too bad a humour with him.—I considered all idea of a portrait to be abandoned, but when the book appeared It was accompanied by the likeness of a human being in no respect resembling any portrait of Paul Jones I ever beheld—where NIr. Converse came by it he has not condescended to inform either the Public or myself. The facsimile seems to be taken from Sherburne, without" variations."
With the greatest difficulty I obtained 9 copies of the work, Mr. Sands told me he could not get even one—whether he received any afterwards I know not.—Mr. Converse was good enough to say I sold mine, I had a right to do so had I chose it,but I never dreamed of such a thing.—I gave
One to James G. King Esqr. of the house of Prim Ward and King, because he had been a very particular friend of my brother's and because his father the Honorable Rufus King belonged to the Revolution.
One to Benjn. Talmadge, who had been a Colonel in the Revolution.—
One to Colonel John Trumbull, because he had been aide de camp to General Washington, and because he is mentioned in the book.
One to the Honorable Guilian C. Verplanck, who first presented my Memorial to Congress.—
One to Bishop Benjn. T. Onderdonk, because I belong to his church...
One to Dr. John W. Francis, who has always been a warm friend to myself.—
One to my nephew, the late William Paul Taylor, midshipman U.S. Navy, and
One for him to present to the Hon. Levi Woodbury, then Secretary of the Navy.—
One to Mr. Sparks, who had been made known to me through the medium of Sir David Brewester, before I left Scotland, from whom I received the following letter in acknowledgment.
"BOSTON, Octr. 1st, 1831.
"DEAR MADAM
“I have lately had the pleasure to receive your favor, containing copies of letters from G. Morris to your uncle, and am much obliged to you for this attention. Morris and Jones were acquainted with each other during the American War, and after- wards a good deal of correspondence passed between them in Europe.
"After returning from a long absence, I received the volume, which you were so kind as to send me, and for which I beg you will accept my best thanks. I consider it doubly valuable from the corrections and notes which you have taken the trouble to add. It is extraordinary that so many errors should have escaped the editor, and the more to be regretted as the work is stereotyped. It is, however, a very interesting and valuable work, and the original letters and papers it contains are an important addition to the materials for American history.
"I am, Madam, with great respect and regard, Your friend, and obt servt.
"JARED SPARKS."
To MISS JANETTE TAYLOR.
Mr. Sands, page 543 of his compilation says "The credentials of his excellency Governeur Morris, as Minister plenipotentiary to the court of France, had been forwarded to him from America, in the latter end of January preceding (Mr. Sands never con- descended to inform his readers what year.is referred to, of this he seems to make a point) at which time it is to be inferred from a letter of Mr. Jefferson to him, that he was not in Paris. With him therefore Jones could not have had a long intercourse."
According to Mr. Sands's logic, because Mr. Morris was not in Paris in the latter end of January of some year or other, of course it was absolutely impossible Paul Jones could ever have had with him any previous intercourse.—Had Mr. Sands read with any degree of attention the letters of Govr. Morris to Jones he might have been better informed.—It is melancholy to reflect on what a mass of information, laid before his very nose, has either been perverted or totally neglected.—It appears from a let- ter of Morris to Jones dated London 9th July 1790,that Jones had informed him of his being in nomination as ambassador to France, before he knew anything of the matter himself. "You tell me that you understand I am in nomination as successor to
Mr. Jefferson, but I believe you was misinformed. I have letters from America as late as the beginning of June, and I have no intimation of the sort."—
Captain Mackenzie presented me with a copy of his book accompanied by a polite and even friendly letter, could I have answered it in the way my heart would have dictated it should have been acknowledged immediately, but he cannot be surprized that I cannot receive with cordiality a book stigmatizing my uncle as a liar and a thief, more particularly as I have in my own possession, unquestionable evidence to the contrary. The charge of falsehood, in stating that the U. S. had ordered a copy of his Medal to be presented to every Sovereign and every Academy in Europe Great Britain excepted, is clearly refuted by Mr. Jefferson's letter, and Capt. M.—has expressed his intention of expunging what he has said on that head.—As to his falsehood in regard to his fortune, allowing that he had no private funds, that he entered the Navy a beggar, this only proves him to have been a very generous man, who did more for the country in a pecuniary point of view than any other naval officer it ever possessed, by making, from the very first, large advances for the public service, from his hard and perilous earnings, while he was receiving nothing from the country himself.
But one of Sands's blunders has doubtless contributed to lead Capt. Mackenzie into error.—In page 28, he says "In the beginning of the year 1775, as will appear from one of his letters, his immediate pecuniary resources, from the causes he mentions, had almost entirely failed him, and for the two following years he lived, as he expresses it, "upon fifty pounds."—This living on fifty pounds has reference to the twenty months immediately sub- sequent to his arrival in America in the end of 1773, and not to two years subsequent to the beginning of 1775 as stated by Mr. Sands.—The following is the letter he alludes to, and which I have already mentioned.-
"BOSTON, 4th May, 1777.
" DEAR SIR,
"After an unprofitable suspense of twenty months (having subsisted on fifty pounds only (250 dols) during that time), when my hopes of relief were entirely cut off, and there remained no possibility of my receiving where with al to subsist upon from my effects in your island, or in England, I at last had recourse to strangers for that aid and comfort which was denied me by those friends whom I had in trusted with my all. The good offices which are rendered to persons in their extreme need, ought to make deep impression on grateful minds; in my case I feel the truth of that sentiment, and am bound by gratitude, as well as honour, to follow the fortunes of my late benefactors.
"I have lately seen Mr. Sicaton (late manager on the estates of Archd. Stuart Esqr.) who informed me that Mr. Ferguson (Jones's agent) had quitted Orange Valley, on being charged with the unjust application of the property of his employers. I have been, and am extremely concerned at this account; I wish to disbelieve it, although it seems too much of a piece with the unfair advantage which, to all appearance, he took of me, when he left me in exile for twenty months, a prey to melancholy and want, and withheld my property without writing a word in excuse for his conduct. Thus circumstanced, I have taken the liberty of sending you a letter of attorney by Captain Cleaveland, who undertakes to deliver it himself, as he goes for Tobago via Martinico.—
"You have enclosed a copy of a list of debts acknowledged, which I received from Mr. Ferguson when I saw you last at Orange Valley.
"You have also a list of debts contracted with me, together with Ferguson's receipt. And there remained a considerable property unsold, besides some best Medeira wine which had been shipped for London. By the state of accounts which I sent to England on my arrival on this continent, there was a balance due to me from the ship Betsy of 909 pounds 15 shilling and 3 pence Sterling; and in my account with Robert Young Esqr. 29th January, 1773, there appeared a balance in my favour of £281 „ I s„ 8 d sterling. These sums exceed my drafts and just debts together; so that, if I am fairly dealt with, I ought to receive a considerable remittance from that quarter. You will please to observe, that there were nine pieces of coarse camlets shipped at Cork, over and above the quantity expressed in the bill of lading. It seems the shippers, finding their mistake, applied for the goods; and, as I have been informed from Granada, Mr. Ferguson laid hold of this opportunity to propagate a report that all the goods which I put into his hands were the property of that house in Cork. If this base suggestion hath gained belief, it accounts for all the neglect I have experienced.
"But however my connexions are changed, my principles as an honest man of candour and integrity are the same; therefore, should there not be a sufficiency of my property in England to answer my just debts, I declare that it is my first wish to make up such deficiency from my property in Tobago; and were even that also to fall short, I am ready and willing to make full and ample remittances from hence upon hearing from you the true state of my affairs. As I hope my dear mother is still alive I must inform you that I wish my property in Tobago, or in England, after paying my just debts, to be applied for her support. You own feelings, my dear Sir, make it unnecessary for me to use arguments to prevail with you on this tender point. Any remittance which you may be enabled to make through the hands of my good friend Captain John Plaince of Cork will be faithfully put into her hands; she hath several orphan grand children to provide for. I have made no apology forgiving you this trouble:
My situation will, I trust, obtain your free pardon.
"I am always, with perfect esteem, dear Sir, your very obliged obed and most humble servant, "J. PAUL JONES.
"STUART MAURY, ESQUIRE, Tobago."
I do not say, nor I do not think that apt Mackenzie had any wish to misrepresent a man to whom his country owed so much, I believe his errors to be the offspring of defective information, but better information was within his reach had he taken the trouble to seek after it.—While perusing his work I made some hasty remark and will trouble you with a repetition of some of them.
In the commencement he says, speaking of Mr. Craik of Arbigland who he calls "a bonnet laird best known to fame by the fact of our hero being the son of his gardener".
That Capt Mackenzie should be ignorant of the character of Mr. Craik of Arbigland and other eminent men of Great Britain is not wonderful, but he ought not to put down his own conjectures for facts. William Craik of Arbigland was a man still more distinguished by his scientific and literary acquirements than by his splendid fortune and position in society, he was in correspondence with all the eminent men of his day, and was "known to fame" before Paul Jones knew existence—It seems to be a fact but little known, in this country, that Dr. James Craik the Physician, legatee, compatriot, and friend of General Washington was an illegitimate son of Mr. Craik of Arbigland, he offended his father by adopting the cause of the colonies, and they never after had any direct communication, but the Doctor kept up, till his death, a correspondence with his half sister, Miss Helen Craik, a lady who inherited the splendid talents of his father, who was a warm friend to myself from my childhood, I may say from my infancy, 'till her death.
I shall not go over what Capt Mackenzie has said regarding the descent on Whitehoven.—Paul Jones had no mother, sister, or relation of any denomination, at the time, in either Whitehoven or its neighborhood, or even in England. If he can be justified in taking up arms at all on behalf of the revolted colonies he may also be justified for his descent on Whitehoven, if he cannot be the former I ask what apology is to be offered for the signers of the Declaration of Independence, who were Englishmen, Scotchmen, Irishmen and Welchmen by birth?
Note page 68 Vol. 2d—This sword (the sword presented by LouisXVI to Paul Jones) was sent by Jones's heirs to his valued friend Robt. Morris"—"Mr. Morris gave this sword to the navy of the United States. It was to be retained and worn by the senior officer, and transmitted on his death to his successor".
As a great deal of misrepresentation has been spread abroad regarding the disposal of this sword, I think it right to state the simple facts.—
At the time Paul Jones sent the late Mr. William Taylor, my brother, the latin inscription for a translation, he said it was the inscription on the blade of a sword that might one day be his, this nephew is the person alluded to in his Journal of the Campaign of the Liman, when after noticing his having been accused of killing his nephew in the American war, he says" I never had a nephew, or any other relation, under my command. Happily these facts are known in America. I have one dear nephew, who is still too young for service, but who now pursues his studies. Since I came to Rupia I have intended him for the imperial marine. Instead of imbruing my hands in his blood, he will be cherished as my Son."
Had Paul Jones been able to dictate the terms of his own settlement, there is no room for doubt that the sword would have been bequeathed to Mr. Taylor, who was the only son of his eldest and favorite sister and himself one for whom his uncle had always expressed particular regard, and who had never offended him.—Had the mind of Paul Jones been in its wonted vigour it is not at all probable he would have left an article of such value (for independent of the honor conferred, it cost the King of France 500 Louis d'or) and which could not be divided, as the common property of ten co-heirs seven of whom were females.— It seems that it was his intention and wish to divide his fortune equally between his two sisters.—The original will shows this to have been the case, in the first page of which the words" one-half" having been drawn through with a pen, but he was persuaded by those around him to divide his property into as many equal portions as there were individuals in the two families, as being more republican,of this fact Colonel Beaupoil and Black- den, two of the witnesses and advisers, have given my Mother a certificate.
He was found dead only half an hour after his settlement had been signed, and his signature is scarcely legible.
The other effects in the possession of Paul Jones at the time of his death were sold in Paris but the sword was carried to Scot- land, where, as might have been expected, it became a bone of contention.—The eldest niece of Paul Jones who was married to a Mr. Williamson, wrote to my mother that her husband was going to set off that evening for America, and as he purposed carrying along with him the sword given by the King of France to Paul Jones, if the children (meaning my brother and myself) wished to see it they might come to her house. How the simpleton could imagine that her husband would be allowed to carry off a valuable property of which she owned only a tenth part, I know not, but such was the fact. My mother had Mr. Williamson publicly arrested as he was entering the coach to depart, thereby ending his excursion to America.—The sword was taken to my father's house—after various, and I may add ridiculous, projects for its disposal, that of giving it to Mr. Morris was decided on— my brother and myself were too young to be consulted, our property was given away without our concurrence, and I believe, without that of some of the other heirs who were minors.—Had it been given to the -United States or to the Navy, or even to some other public body I would have felt less regret and less ashamed of the folly of those connected with me.—Mr. Morris in his letter acknowledging the receipt of the sword tells the donors, that, in consequence of his being a civilian and not entitled to wear it himself, he had given it to an naval officer.—My brother on his arrival in America was informed that Mr. Morris, whose affairs were then in a state of great embarrassment, had not given the sword to the Navy, the nation, or to anybody, but had sold it to an officer who had been one of my Uncle's greatest enemies.—
A naval officer wrote me on the authority of a Philadelphia paper, that Captain Dale had appeared on the occasion of the launch of the Sloop of War Dale, decorated with the gold hilted sword given by the King of France to Paul Jones, and which the latter had given to Commodore Dale, his father.—How Capt. Dale came to be deckt like the Daw, with borrowed feathers, is for him to say. I cannot believe he would disgrace the name of an officer and a gentleman by asserting a falsehood, but when such an erroneous statement appeared publicly he ought to have contradicted it.—The sword which I presume he purchased can reflect no honor on him, although his mother told me that the whole merit resulting from the capture of the Serapis belonged to her husband, he being the first man who boarded her I did not think fit to argue the matter, I merely remarked that Commodore Dale in the statement drawn tip by himself, or under his authority arrogates to himself no such merit.
Had my nephew survived the sword would have purchased for him, if money could have bought it—and the gentleman, who by the death of my brother and my nephew, has become the male representative of Paul Jones is extremely anxious to have it restored to the family and will give Capt. Dale much more than he paid for it, for that purpose.
Speaking of the Sloop of War Dale calls to my recollection a circumstance connected with the name of my uncle.—It seems that all the subordinates have got vessels of war, of some kind or other, named after them, while the founder of their navy, the man whose name has been entered in their public records as having "made the Bag of America respectable among the flags of other nations", has been even worse than overlooked and neglected.—In July 1834 when the Honorable Campbell P. White returned to New York from Washington, where he had been chairman of the Committee on Naval affairs in the House of Repts.—he told me that to gratify me, he had been instrumental in procuring an appropriation for building a first class frigate to be called the Paul Jones.—I assured him I was highly gratified, and at various times afterwards made enquiries after the said frigate
both here and in Washington without being able to obtain any tidings of her.—In the beginning of 1840 I observed a paragraph in a New York paper saying, that, the keel of a first class frigate, to be called the Paul Jones, which should have been laid at this time at the Wall about, has been postponed, on account of the scarcity of seamen. The editor adds "Can an appropriation voted for one purpose be applied to another? "We say No" but there was a circumstance connected with the affair the editor seems not to have been aware of.—The following is the bill authorizing the building of the Ship Paul Jones. "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled.
"That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is hereby, authorized to direct the procurement, in the usual mode, of a live oak frame for a frigate to be called the Paul Jones, and a live oak frame for a sloop of war to be called the Levant; and the sum of 50,000 dollars is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for that purpose.
'Approved, June 30th, 1834".
On the last day of this same session another bill was passed—a bill authorizing the President to alter the destination of any naval appropriation made that session, which bill was doubtless introduced for the special purpose of applying the appropriation made for the ship, Paul Jones, to some other purpose, What that has been I have never been able to ascertain.—
General Washington, in his letter of the 3d June, 1733, to General Putnam after lamenting that General P. had to complain of the ungrateful returns of his country, says" Ingratitude has been experienced in all ages, and Republics in particular have ever been famed for the exercise of that unnatural and sordid vice." and verily the United States seem in no wised is posed to prove themselves an exception to the general rule.—
But to return to Captain Mackenzie's book. Page 226, 2d vol. "It is quite evident that the evil opinion of others did not have the effect of sinking our hero in his own. He was an enthusiast in his own favor",
There can exist no just cause why the evil opinion of others should sink a man in his own, so long as he is conscious that it is not merited.—To know our own worth, is not to be vain of it, and some people's censure is no slight praise.
246. "Paul Jones was not particular as to the banner under which he served. The cause was to him of inferior importance to the opportunity of winning glory."
"When he had once brought himself to fight against his own country in defence of freedom and universal philanthropy he could easily have persuaded himself, if necessary, that the cause of the Empress against the Turks was a pious and Christian one. And so with regard to Sweden against Russia."
When Paul Jones drew his sword on behalf of Great Britain's revolted colonies, they had no navy, and no name among the nations, could neither pay nor protect him. At a time when Franklin had been denounced in the British Parliament as a
"hoary headed traitor" and Washington would have been hung and quartered, had he been caught,—Paul Jones had a much brighter prospect of winning the Gallows, than of " winning glory."—
Throughout the whole book Mr. Mackenzie speaks as if the North American colonies had not constituted a portion of the British Empire, and consequently, that their sons were even at that period independent.
We cannot choose a country for ourselves, or select that spot of earth on which we are to draw our first breath, but in most instances a control over our personal acts and deeds is put into our own hands.—
General Washington was not only born a British subject, had carried arms in the service of the King of England, but had, moreover, personally and voluntarily pledged his allegiance to the crown, in as strong and solemn an oath as could be put to man.
Nevertheless, Mr. Mackenzie would be perfectly horrified should any one say that General Washington had "brought himself to fight against his own country."
To his enlightened countrymen, the memory of Paul Jones now needs little vindication for the important act so highly reprobated by Capt. M. After the peace he enjoyed the esteem and private friendship of some of Britain's most exalted sons, of which number were the Duke of Dorset, Admiral Digby and the Earl of Wemyss.—The Duke of Dorset, when British Ambassador in France, received Paul Jones as a visitor in his house.—Admiral Digby, who commanded William IV when a midshipman on the American station during the revolutionary war, was eager to obtain, for himself and for his family, the acquaintance of Paul Jones, and employed a man of fashion in Paris to bring it about.— I have in my possession some original letters of the Earl of Wemys, expressed in very warm terms, in one of which, now lying before me, he says "It will give me great pleasure upon all occasions to show you my great regard and esteem, and that I have the honor to be with a very sincere attachment, Dear Commodore," &c.
By letters of Mr. Henry Vernon, grandson of the British Admiral Lord Vernon, it appears that Mr. V. was one of Paul Jones's most intimate friends.—And these men were all Englishmen.—La Fayette always commences his letters by" Dear Sir" or" My Dear friend" and concludes by subscribing himself " Most affectionately yours, Lafayette."
293. "a want of sympathy between him and his officers and crew, and the total absence of every evidence on their part of affectionate attachment to his person."
What affection was to be expected from a crew composed of the refuse of every nation? Or what sympathy could exist between a commander who was not only defending the cause he had adopted by his personal exertions, but, moreover, upholding it by the use of his private purse, and officers who could never be induced to fight until the vision of a heap of gold was placed before their eyes? he says" I have excited the jealousy of many officers in our young navy because I have pursued honour, while they sought after profit."
Capt. Mackenzie allows that he was not cruel, that he very seldom made use of the lash,—A commander who has not recourse to corporal punishment, who exacts no more from his men than it is their bounden duty to the country they serve to perform,—if he does not possess their affection, it will not be drawing a very long inference to say, that, the fault belongs to themselves.—Capt.
Mackenzie has since found out, experimentally, that kind treatment will not always attach sailors to the person of their commander.—That Paul Jones was not able to command the affection of his men was not wonderful, but that he was able to command the action of such a heterogeneous mass, was-
277. (speaking of P. J. when dictating his will) "He is no longer Admiral or Chevalier"—
He allowed himself to be called Chevalier, but there is no proof that he was particularly fond of the title; to have rejected the honor would have been but a poor compliment to the amiable Prince who conferred it. The visiting cards to the last were inscribed simply" Paul Jones" and in this he, perhaps, betrayed more pride than if he had called himself Admiral or Chevalier, there were many Admirals and Chevaliers, but only one Paul
Jones.—
Mr. Sparks has, to myself, expressed great regret for some of Capt. Mackenzie's statements, and has disclaimed all connection with the book.
I have written an enormous letter, commenced with the view of correcting some misstatements in your sketch, and continued under the impression, that anything authentic regarding a man whose character and doings you were presenting to the public, would be acceptable to you, if in this I have been mistaken I can only beg your pardon, and entreat your indulgence for any blunder I may have committed, and for the writing, I have recently had a severe indisposition and my hand has not recovered its wonted firmness.
I am Sir, Respectfully, Your Most Obed Servant
JANETTE TAYLOR,
Niece, and nearest relation of John Paul Jones, being the only surviving child of Mrs. Janette Taylor, his eldest sister.
To JAMES FENIMORE COOPER ESQR.
The following is a copy of the original will of Paul Jones, that published being only a translation of the French version of the Notary Public.
"In the name of God, Amen. I John Paul Jones Citizen of the United States of America, now resident in the City of Paris, being in a very low and weak state of health but of sound mind and understanding, do make this my last will and Testament in manner following, viz:
I do give and bequeath my whole Estate real and personal un to my two sisters Janette the wife of William Taylor of Dumfries, and Mary wife of Mr. Lowden in the parish of Kirkbean both of Scotland in the Island of Great Britain and unto their Children all to share equally, the whole being to be divided into as many shares as there are persons, and the mothers respectively to take care of the shares of such of her children as are not of age, and to employ the Interest and Profit thereof in their nurture and education, and in case any one should die before attaining the age of twenty-one years, the share of such one to be divided among the remainder, and in like manner if more than one should die.
I do make the Honorable Robert Morris Esqr. of Philadelphia my sole Executor. In witness whereof I have subscribed my name and affixed my seal to this which I hereby publish and declare as my last will and Testament.
(signed) JOHN PAUL JONES.
Signed sealed published and declared by the above named Testator who has subscribed the same in our presence and we have subscribed as witnesses in the presence of the said Testator and in the presence of each other, the words One half of my said, being run thro' with a pen on the first page and the word of Philadelphia interlined on the second page previous to the execution.
JAM SWAN
signed S. BLACKDEN.
BEAUPOIL
Being ignorant of your address, I enclose the little packet to the Editors of Graham's Magazine, and use the freedom of saying that their forwarding it speedily will oblige you—if in this I take an unwarrantable liberty, I very respectfully beg your pardon.