At odds for years—especially over the divided island of Cyprus, where U.N. soldiers have maintained a peacekeeping mission since 1964—Greece and Turkey are key to stability in the Aegean and beyond.
It was the early summer of 1984, but it might have been a scene straight out of the 13th century B.C. A low, single-masted galley, scudding along the Aegean Sea, was making its way toward the Dardanelles and from there into the Black Sea. Captained by scholar/adventurer Tim Severin and crewed at various stages by Irish, Greek, Turkish, and Soviet sailors, this modem-day Argo was re-creating the famous quest for the Golden Fleece. The Aegean, Black Sea, and adjacent waters of Greece and Turkey have seen some of the most famous sea battles in world history.
The battle of Salamis ensured that Greek—not Persian—culture would shape the future of Europe. At Actium, the forces of Antony and Cleopatra were crushed and Pax Romana was ushered in. And it was at Lepanto that the last, great thrust of Moslem forces was turned back from Europe, the survival of Christian culture in Western Europe ensured. In this century alone, the debacle at Gallipoli and the victory of the British fleet at Cape Matapan had a decisive impact on the outcomes of World War I and World War II, respectively. These are just a few of the epic battles waged in the waters of the Argonauts whose effects still shape our affairs.
Today, these seas are no less strategic; perhaps they are even more so. With the recent discovery of significant oil deposits in the Caspian Sea region, the struggle for control of the sea routes to market is crucial. The nature of Iran's status in world politics points to a Black Sea route to the Mediterranean passage that could be bottlenecked at the Bosporus. A brief look at the historical and political climate sheds some light on this vital, yet troubled, region.
The tension between the Greek and Turkish nations needs little elaboration. For more than half a millennium, the Ottoman Empire ruled the Balkans, with ramifications being felt to the present day—Kosovo being the most recent example. The Russians have been key players as well. It was in Odessa in 1814 that the first signs of Greek independence were manifested. And it was the Russians who provided a naval squadron to the allied force that defeated the Turkish/ Egyptian fleet at Navarino, paving the way for Greek statehood. Linked by a similar alphabet and common religion and as an ally in two world wars, the Greeks have contributed greatly to Russia. Russia also has been an enemy of Turkey since the early days of the Ottoman Empire. If you think that this history has no relevance today, remember that the Serbians used the 1389 battle of Kosovo as a rallying cry in the recent Balkans conflict. Memories are long here, and in the current state of Russian affairs, a foreign war would go a long way in distracting a weary public and restoring national pride.
Are we on the brink of a war involving Greece, Turkey and Russia? No; but under today's conditions, if something were to go awry, such a war could indeed erupt. There are several key issues that could bring such a confrontation about—and some possible solutions.
The island of Cyprus has been a point of contention since the days of the Medes and Persians and has been occupied at one time by almost all of the major Mediterranean empires. A quarter of a century ago, amid internal turmoil in Greece and Cyprus, Turkey invaded Cyprus, in part to protect its minority on the island. In the years since, these two NATO partners have been posturing over this strategic piece of land in the eastern Mediterranean. The partition of Cyprus into Greek and Turkish zones is regrettable. Its proximity to the Middle East makes any further instability very dangerous, and only last year, the Russians threatened to send missiles to the Greek Cypriots. An Aegean arms race should receive heightened attention in the United Nations. Withdrawal of Turkish forces and full demilitarization should be sought at the highest diplomatic levels.
Turkey is a key link to stability in the Middle East because of its unique situation as an Islamic country that interacts with Israel on military affairs. And our use of their base at Incirlik is crucial to keeping tabs on Iraq, an ongoing mission of the United Nations. The exclusion of Turkey from the European Union, fueled by Greek animosity, is unacceptable in light of Turkey's alliance with the West since the end of World War II. Membership in the union could be offered in connection with a relaxation of Turkey's view on the Kurdish situation and the establishment of Kurdistan.
In the Balkans, the recent conflict in Kosovo underscored the importance of Greece to the rest of Europe. Though not supported by its public, the Greek government allowed the allies to use its seas and roads for military transport of men and supplies. They have good reason to be cautious in supporting military action of any kind—five major wars as well as a bitter civil war have been fought in this century alone by the Hellenes—but they also should bear their fair share of the burden for policing the Balkans.
This brings us to perhaps the most controversial issue—the NATO alliance. After half a century, its mission completed, the alliance in its present form should be discontinued. It only serves to fuel the fires of Russian extremists, and the thought of another Kosovo-like conflict is difficult to accept. While not taking an isolationist stance, we nonetheless must encourage our European brethren to stand on their own.
The military forces of these two Aegean nations have been very active in recent history. Greece made significant contributions to Desert Storm, providing airfields for U.S. naval aircraft as well as naval support to the Maritime Interdiction Force. Although smaller than the Turkish Navy, the Greek Navy possesses the same skill its predecessor exhibited in the days of Homer. The presence of modern amphibious, surface, and submarine assets all point to a highly effective force not afraid to be used.
The importance of the Greek merchant marine cannot be overstated. During the Gulf War, Greek sailors performed with skill and professionalism. They played a key part in the transport of fuel and equipment to the Persian Gulf. Our own lack of a large and capable merchant fleet makes the U.S.-Greek friendship even more vital.
Greece's ties to Great Britain are another link that binds us together. The uniforms and customs of the Greek Navy, as our own, were taken from the Royal Navy. The two countries were partners in defeating the Kaiser in World War I and Nazi Germany in World War II, and England's Prince Philip is a member of the Greek royal family as well as a British naval officer. The United States, too, was an ally in both world wars and helped preserve Greek democracy with our support in the civil war of 1946-1950. We must build on these bonds.
The Turkish military has a proud past as well. In the post-World War II world, they have been firmly on the side of the West. They suffered the highest proportional casualty rate of any U.N. force in the Korean War. Providing use of airfields and cooperation with Israel are just two of the ways in which Turkey has helped promote security and reason in the Middle East. Its naval forces are modem and capable-fast, quiet diesel submarines, a substantial number of fast attack craft, and a mine warfare fleet are just some of the tools Turkey brings to the table. Its sailors are well trained and disciplined and are knowledgeable in operations with foreign navies.
These two Aegean powers have not always been model democracies. Both have seen internal conflicts, military dictatorships, and the suppression of personal freedoms, but there are many things we have in common that should be strengthened. The partnership in defeating communism, their aid in Korea, and the support shown in the Middle East are accomplishments to build on. As the U.S. fleet gets smaller, we should continue to provide both countries with surplus warships and support. They are capable allies and our ongoing assistance could prompt them to work out their differences in a peaceful fashion. And the role they could play in Middle Eastern affairs, to present a united front against terrorist elements in the region, could be critical.
A quick glance at a map shows how truly strategic this region is. Greece is bordered to the north and west by the Balkans and is separated by a small strait from our Italian allies. Turkey is even more crucial in geographic importance—sharing a border with Iran, Iraq, and Syria, as well as a common sea with Russia. If this area is neglected, if the Turks and Greeks are not reconciled, much harm could come. Oil from the Caspian Sea, the Cyprus question, and Balkan instability could have a more significant domino effect than Vietnam ever could have had. Like the Argonauts of old, a crisis would touch all the nations bordering the Black and Mediterranean Seas.
The U.S. Navy can aid stability in this important region of the world by increasing port visits, the number of exchange personnel, and combined operations and by getting to know our common heritage, traditions, and history.
Chief Baxter is the leading chief in Naval Embarked Advisory Team 208 in Atlanta, Georgia. During his 18-year naval career, he has served in numerous stations and ships, including the Robinson (DDG-12) and the Jack Williams (FFG-24). His reserve duty stations include Naval Control of Shipping and the Lamoure County (LST-1194).